Y Cyfarfod Llawn
Plenary
08/12/2021Cynnwys
Contents
Cyfarfu'r Senedd yn y Siambr a thrwy gynhadledd fideo am 13:30 gyda'r Dirprwy Lywydd (David Rees) yn y Gadair.
The Senedd met in the Chamber and by video-conference at 13:30 with the Dirprwy Lywydd (David Rees) in the Chair.
Croeso, bawb, i'r Cyfarfod Llawn. Cyn i ni ddechrau, hoffwn nodi ychydig o bwyntiau. Cynhelir y cyfarfod hwn ar ffurf hybrid, gyda rhai Aelodau yn Siambr y Senedd ac eraill yn ymuno drwy gyswllt fideo. Bydd yr holl Aelodau sy'n cymryd rhan yn nhrafodion y Senedd, ble bynnag y bônt, yn cael eu trin yn gyfartal. Mae Cyfarfod Llawn a gynhelir drwy gynhadledd fideo, yn unol â Rheolau Sefydlog Senedd Cymru, yn gyfystyr â thrafodion y Senedd at ddibenion Deddf Llywodraeth Cymru 2006. Bydd rhai o ddarpariaethau Rheol Sefydlog 34 yn gymwys ar gyfer y Cyfarfod Llawn heddiw. Nodir y rhain ar yr agenda.
Welcome, everyone, to the Plenary session. Before we begin, I want to set out a few points. This meeting will be held in a hybrid format, with some Members in the Senedd Chamber and others joining by video-conference. All Members participating in proceedings of the Senedd, wherever they may be, will be treated equally. A Plenary meeting held using video-conference, in accordance with the Standing Orders of the Welsh Parliament, constitutes Senedd proceedings for the purposes of the Government of Wales Act 2006. Some of the provisions of Standing Order 34 will apply for today's Plenary meeting. These are noted on the agenda.
Yr eitem gyntaf y prynhawn yma yw cwestiynau i'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd, ac mae'r cwestiwn gyntaf gan Samuel Kurtz.
The first item this afternoon is questions to the Minister for Climate Change, and the first question is from Samuel Kurtz.
1. Pa fesurau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i wella ansawdd dŵr mewndirol yng Nghymru? OQ57333
1. What measures is the Welsh Government taking to improve inland water quality in Wales? OQ57333
Investment, legislative drivers and a robust regulatory framework has led to 42 per cent of our inland waters achieving good ecological status. We are committed to improving water quality but we cannot do this alone. We need to take an integrated catchment approach, focusing on multisector co-operation and nature-based solutions.
Mae buddsoddiad, sbardunau deddfwriaethol a fframwaith rheoleiddio cadarn wedi arwain at 42 y cant o'n dyfroedd mewndirol yn cyflawni statws ecolegol da. Rydym wedi ymrwymo i wella ansawdd dŵr ond ni allwn wneud hyn ar ein pen ein hunain. Mae angen inni ddefnyddio dull dalgylch integredig, gan ganolbwyntio ar gydweithredu amlsectoraidd ac atebion ar sail natur.
Diolch yn fawr, Weinidog, and good afternoon. I'm sure you'll join me in welcoming the recent improvements that were adopted in the UK Environment Bill to improve inland water quality in England, in particular the legal duty that is placed on water companies to progressively reduce the impact of permitted and non-permitted discharges from combined sewage overflows, known more commonly as CSOs. Had I been fortunate enough to have been drawn in the Member's legislative proposal ballot, I was intending to bring forward an inland waterways Bill—a draft piece of legislation that strives for cleaner rivers, seas and lakes here in Wales. With that in mind, what action is the Welsh Government taking to place a duty on water companies to take all reasonable steps to ensure that sewage is not being discharged into our streams and rivers and to also increase the number of Welsh inland bathing waters classified as 'good' or 'excellent'?
Diolch yn fawr, Weinidog, a phrynhawn da. Rwy'n siŵr y gwnewch chi ymuno â mi i groesawu'r gwelliannau diweddar a fabwysiadwyd ym Mil Amgylchedd y DU i wella ansawdd dŵr mewndirol yn Lloegr, yn enwedig y ddyletswydd gyfreithiol a osodir ar gwmnïau dŵr i leihau'n gynyddol effaith gollyngiadau a ganiateir ac nas caniateir o orlifoedd carthffosiaeth cyfunol, a elwir hefyd yn CSOs. Pe bawn i wedi bod yn ddigon ffodus i gael fy newis ym mhleidlais cynnig deddfwriaethol yr Aelodau, roeddwn yn bwriadu cyflwyno Bil dyfrffyrdd mewndirol—deddfwriaeth ddrafft sy'n ymdrechu i gael afonydd, moroedd a llynnoedd glanach yma yng Nghymru. Gyda hynny mewn golwg, pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i osod dyletswydd ar gwmnïau dŵr i gymryd pob cam rhesymol i sicrhau nad yw carthffosiaeth yn cael ei gollwng i'n nentydd a'n hafonydd ac i gynyddu nifer y dyfroedd ymdrochi mewndirol yng Nghymru sy'n cyflawni statws 'da' neu 'ragorol'?
Well, I think there are a couple of misconceptions there. The first is confusing England for Wales, which is a very common problem on the benches opposite. The UK Government has legislated to set targets for water companies in England to reduce sewage discharges and water quality. The assumption and the widespread perception on the opposite benches that that's the main cause of poor water quality in Wales is just not borne out by the evidence.
We've done a series of pieces of work, including the phosphates compliance assessments, which I notice the Member opposed and, indeed, accused Plaid Cymru of betraying Welsh farmers by dropping their opposition to them. So, his sudden interest in inland water quality is quite an interesting one. I think he would be better off having a seriously good look at what we are doing to improve the entire catchment area water quality to make sure that we understand the causes of the pollution and that we are able to stop them at source rather than making the kind of generalised remarks that are very unhelpful.
Wel, credaf fod un neu ddau o gamdybiaethau yn y fan honno. Y gyntaf yw drysu Lloegr a Chymru, sy'n broblem gyffredin iawn ar y meinciau gyferbyn. Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi deddfu i osod targedau i gwmnïau dŵr yn Lloegr leihau gollyngiadau carthffosiaeth ac ansawdd dŵr. Nid yw'r dystiolaeth yn cynnal y rhagdybiaeth a'r canfyddiad cyffredin ar y meinciau gyferbyn mai dyna yw prif achos ansawdd dŵr gwael yng Nghymru.
Rydym wedi gwneud cyfres o ddarnau o waith, gan gynnwys yr asesiadau o gydymffurfiaeth â thargedau ffosffadau, y sylwaf fod yr Aelod wedi'i wrthwynebu, ac yn wir, fe gyhuddodd Blaid Cymru o fradychu ffermwyr Cymru drwy roi'r gorau i'w gwrthwynebiad iddynt. Felly, mae ei ddiddordeb sydyn mewn ansawdd dŵr mewndirol yn eithaf diddorol. Credaf y byddai'n well iddo pe bai'n edrych o ddifrif ar yr hyn a wnawn i wella ansawdd dŵr y dalgylch cyfan i sicrhau ein bod yn deall achosion y llygredd a'n bod yn gallu eu hatal yn y ffynhonnell yn hytrach na gwneud sylwadau cyffredinol nad ydynt o unrhyw gymorth.
One of the major problems regarding inland water quality is discharge into rivers, which then goes into lakes. A serious concern raised with me by my constituents is Welsh water discharge into the River Tawe at the Trebanos treatment works in the Neath constituency, which affects water in my constituency, because the water from Trebanos comes down until it hits the sea in your constituency, Minister. What discussions has the Minister had with Welsh water regarding discharge into rivers?
Un o'r problemau mawr mewn perthynas ag ansawdd dŵr mewndirol yw gollyngiadau i afonydd, sydd wedyn yn mynd i mewn i lynnoedd. Pryder difrifol a godwyd gyda mi gan fy etholwyr yw gollyngiadau Dŵr Cymru i mewn i afon Tawe yng ngwaith trin dŵr gwastraff Trebannws yn etholaeth Castell-nedd, sy'n effeithio ar ddŵr yn fy etholaeth innau, gan fod y dŵr o Drebannws yn llifo i lawr ac i mewn i'r môr yn eich etholaeth chi, Weinidog. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'u cael gyda Dŵr Cymru ynghylch gollyngiadau i afonydd?
Yes, thank you, Mike Hedges. As Mike Hedges will know, we've got a very good overflow scheme, which is a natural solution in his constituency, I think it is, at the top, which benefits my constituency. And that's a very good example of catchment area approaches, because obviously the river flows through a large number of different areas of Wales. It's very important therefore to make sure that we have sustainable nature-based solutions to divert, as he says, as much surface water as possible away from the sewerage systems in the first place to avoid the overflow that he speaks of.
We've taken a number of steps to tackle discharges from overflows. This includes making sustainable drainage systems, or SuDS, mandatory on almost all new building developments. The purpose of this is to relieve pressure on the network by redirecting and slowing down the speed at which such surface water enters the sewage system and it will help ensure that our storm overflows are used only as a very last resort.
As we speak, the water companies are preparing drainage and waste water management plans, which will be published for public consultation at the beginning of next year. The plans will provide a mechanism for water companies, local authorities and landowners to work together to develop a resilient and affordable waste water network to identify evidence-based priorities for investment.
I have had a number of meetings with Dŵr Cymru Welsh Water. I understand that they have investigated high-spilling combined overflows in the River Tawe as part of their storm overflow assessment framework investigations. Natural Resources Wales is working with the water companies to ensure investment is targeted appropriately. They also ensure that using nature-based solutions, which will reduce discharges from overflows and deliver wider environmental and social benefits, are taken into account when planning the network.
Ie, diolch, Mike Hedges. Fel y gŵyr Mike Hedges, mae gennym gynllun gorlifiant da iawn, sy'n ateb naturiol yn ei etholaeth ef, rwy'n credu, ar y pen uchaf, sydd o fudd i fy etholaeth innau. Ac mae honno'n enghraifft dda iawn o ddulliau dalgylch, gan fod yr afon, yn amlwg, yn llifo drwy nifer fawr o wahanol ardaloedd yng Nghymru. Mae'n bwysig iawn sicrhau felly fod gennym atebion cynaliadwy ar sail natur i ddargyfeirio, fel y dywed, cymaint o ddŵr wyneb â phosibl o'r systemau carthffosiaeth yn y lle cyntaf er mwyn osgoi'r gorlifo y mae'n sôn amdano.
Rydym wedi rhoi nifer o gamau i fynd i'r afael â gollyngiadau o ganlyniad i orlifiant. Mae hyn yn cynnwys gwneud systemau draenio cynaliadwy, neu SuDS, yn orfodol ar bron i bob datblygiad adeiladu newydd. Diben hyn yw lleddfu pwysau ar y rhwydwaith drwy ddargyfeirio ac arafu pa mor gyflym y mae dŵr wyneb o'r fath yn mynd i mewn i'r system garthffosiaeth a bydd yn helpu i sicrhau bod ein systemau gorlifiant stormydd yn cael eu defnyddio fel dewis olaf yn unig.
Wrth inni siarad, mae'r cwmnïau dŵr yn paratoi cynlluniau draenio a rheoli dŵr gwastraff, a fydd yn cael eu cyhoeddi ar gyfer ymgynghoriad cyhoeddus yn gynnar y flwyddyn nesaf. Bydd y cynlluniau'n darparu mecanwaith i gwmnïau dŵr, awdurdodau lleol a pherchnogion tir weithio gyda'i gilydd i ddatblygu rhwydwaith dŵr gwastraff gwydn a fforddiadwy i nodi blaenoriaethau ar sail tystiolaeth gyfer buddsoddi.
Rwyf wedi cael nifer o gyfarfodydd gyda Dŵr Cymru. Deallaf eu bod wedi ymchwilio i orlifiant cyfunol sy'n gollwng yn sylweddol i Afon Tawe fel rhan o'u hymchwiliadau i'r fframwaith asesu gorlifiant stormydd. Mae Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru yn gweithio gyda'r cwmnïau dŵr i sicrhau bod buddsoddiad yn cael ei dargedu'n briodol. Maent hefyd yn sicrhau bod atebion ar sail natur, a fydd yn lleihau gollyngiadau o ganlyniad i orlifiant ac yn sicrhau buddion amgylcheddol a chymdeithasol ehangach, yn cael eu hystyried wrth gynllunio'r rhwydwaith.
2. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am ardaloedd a aseswyd ymlaen llaw ar gyfer tyrbinau gwynt yng Nghymru? OQ57313
2. Will the Minister provide an update on pre-assessed areas for wind turbines in Wales? OQ57313
'Future Wales' identifies 10 pre-assessed areas for wind energy developments of national significance. There are currently 10 developments of national significance in progress within or partly within the pre-assessed areas. Eight are at the pre-application stage, one is at the notification stage, and one is at the report stage.
Mae 'Cymru'r Dyfodol' yn nodi 10 ardal sydd wedi'u rhag-asesu ar gyfer datblygiadau ynni gwynt o arwyddocâd cenedlaethol. Ar hyn o bryd, mae 10 datblygiad o arwyddocâd cenedlaethol ar y gweill o fewn neu'n rhannol o fewn yr ardaloedd a rag-aseswyd. Mae wyth ar y cam cyn ymgeisio, mae un ar y cam hysbysu, ac mae un ar y cam adrodd.
Thank you, Minister. A RenewableUK Cymru analysis report has recently highlighted that, when spatial limitations are applied, such as proximity to housing, Ministry of Defence training areas, main river corridors, and even proximity to other windfarm developments, which would be applied during any planning application process, then the actual usable land that's available for windfarm developments within these pre-assessed areas drastically decreases to only 5 per cent, reducing the capacity to generate electricity from wind to only 20 per cent of what is predicted. This is, in effect, a major shortcoming of your renewable generation strategy, and, given that the Welsh Government's target is to generate 70 per cent renewable energy by 2030, it will no doubt seriously hinder the ability of that target to be met. With this in mind, can the Minister confirm whether or not she knows of these limitations, and whether or not the pre-assessed areas will need to be re-evaluated as a result? Thank you.
Diolch, Weinidog. Yn ddiweddar, mae adroddiad dadansoddi gan RenewableUK Cymru wedi nodi, pan fo cyfyngiadau gofodol yn cael eu cymhwyso, megis agosrwydd at dai, ardaloedd hyfforddi’r Weinyddiaeth Amddiffyn, prif goridorau afonydd, a hyd yn oed agosrwydd at ddatblygiadau ffermydd gwynt eraill, a fyddai’n cael eu cymhwyso yn ystod unrhyw broses cais cynllunio, mae'r tir y gellir ei ddefnyddio sydd ar gael ar gyfer datblygiadau ffermydd gwynt yn yr ardaloedd hyn a rag-aseswyd yn gostwng yn sylweddol i 5 y cant yn unig, gan leihau'r capasiti i gynhyrchu trydan o wynt i 20 y cant yn unig o'r hyn a ragwelir. Mae hyn, i bob pwrpas, yn ddiffyg mawr yn eich strategaeth gynhyrchu ynni adnewyddadwy, ac o gofio mai targed Llywodraeth Cymru yw cynhyrchu 70 y cant o ynni adnewyddadwy erbyn 2030, nid oes amheuaeth y bydd yn llesteirio'r gallu i gyrraedd y targed hwnnw. Gyda hyn mewn golwg, a all y Gweinidog gadarnhau a yw'n gwybod am y cyfyngiadau hyn ai peidio, ac a fydd angen ailwerthuso'r ardaloedd a rag-aseswyd o ganlyniad? Diolch.
Well, I set out in my initial response to you that we have 10 developments of national significance in progress, which is very good news, considering the length of time that 'Future Wales' has been in place. So, I appreciate the point you're making, but it's not borne out by the number of applications we currently have inside the system. I'd just like to also point out that the pre-assessed areas are not necessarily the only place you can build a windfarm or any other renewable in Wales; there are just slightly different planning assumptions made in those areas. So, there's nothing at all to stop anyone bringing forward a solution elsewhere in Wales, but they will of course have to go through the process.
Wel, nodais yn fy ymateb cychwynnol i chi fod gennym 10 datblygiad o arwyddocâd cenedlaethol ar y gweill, sy'n newyddion da iawn, o ystyried pa mor hir y mae 'Cymru'r Dyfodol' wedi bod ar waith. Felly, rwy'n deall y pwynt a wnewch, ond nid yw'n cael ei adlewyrchu yn nifer y ceisiadau sydd gennym yn y system ar hyn o bryd. Hoffwn nodi hefyd nad yr ardaloedd a rag-aseswyd yw'r unig le o reidrwydd y gallwch adeiladu fferm wynt, neu unrhyw fath arall o ynni adnewyddadwy yng Nghymru; mae rhagdybiaethau cynllunio ychydig yn wahanol yn yr ardaloedd hynny, dyna'i gyd. Felly, nid oes unrhyw beth i atal unrhyw un rhag cyflwyno ateb mewn man arall yng Nghymru, ond wrth gwrs, bydd yn rhaid iddynt fynd drwy'r broses.
Cwestiynau nawr gan lefarwyr y pleidiau. Llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr yn gyntaf, Janet Finch-Saunders.
Questions now from the party spokespeople. The Conservative spokesperson first, Janet Finch-Saunders.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Good afternoon, Minister. Now, in a recent virtual round-table I held with Propertymark, it was predicted that there's going to be a huge increase in people looking for rental properties. And I would like to refer Members and members of the public to my own register of interests. This is causing immense pressure for front-line staff in the sales and letting sector, because there are very few properties to rent or buy. Holmans recommend that up to 12,000 homes a year need to be built in Wales by 2031, yet the figures for dwellings completed in 2018-19 was 30.6 per cent less than at the start of devolution. Now, this is a downward decline. Yet, in your letter to the leaders and chief executives, to local authorities, on 17 November, you stated,
'It appears that we are already building the number of market homes we need'.
So, how can this be the case, when only 5,138 new homes were started in 2019? And with this in mind, Minister, do you accept that the appropriate way to respond to the property crisis in Wales would be through empowering existing businesses to build new market homes, rather than wasting time and resources on creating your own national construction company?
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Prynhawn da, Weinidog. Nawr, mewn cyfarfod bord gron rhithwir diweddar a gynhaliais gyda Propertymark, rhagwelwyd cynnydd enfawr yn nifer y bobl a fydd yn chwilio am eiddo rhent. A hoffwn gyfeirio'r Aelodau ac aelodau'r cyhoedd at fy nghofrestr buddiannau fy hun. Mae hyn yn achosi pwysau aruthrol ar staff rheng flaen yn y sector gwerthu a gosod, gan mai ychydig iawn o eiddo sydd ar gael i'w rentu neu brynu. Mae Holmans yn argymell bod angen adeiladu hyd at 12,000 o gartrefi y flwyddyn yng Nghymru erbyn 2031, ond roedd y ffigurau ar gyfer anheddau a gwblhawyd yn 2018-19 30.6 y cant yn is nag ar ddechrau datganoli. Nawr, mae hyn yn ddirywiad. Fodd bynnag, yn eich llythyr at yr arweinwyr a’r prif weithredwyr, at awdurdodau lleol, ar 17 Tachwedd, fe ddywedoch chi,
'Ymddengys ein bod eisoes yn adeiladu'r nifer o gartrefi ar gyfer y farchnad sydd eu hangen arnom'.
Felly, sut y gall hyn fod yn wir, er mai 5,138 yn unig o gartrefi newydd a gychwynnwyd yn 2019? A chyda hyn mewn golwg, Weinidog, a ydych yn derbyn mai'r ffordd briodol o ymateb i'r argyfwng eiddo yng Nghymru fyddai drwy rymuso busnesau presennol i adeiladu cartrefi newydd ar gyfer y farchnad, yn hytrach na gwastraffu amser ac adnoddau ar greu eich cwmni adeiladu cenedlaethol eich hun?
Well, the juxtaposition of the two things at the end is quite startling, so I'll deal with that first. The idea that a national construction company would somehow get in the way of building new homes is quite extraordinary. We have yet, as part of the co-operation agreement, to explore with our Plaid Cymru partners exactly how we're going to use the construction company. But we have had a large number of conversations with our registered social landlords and our councils about the shortage of skilled labour, the difficulty of getting good apprentices in place, and the paucity of very good advice about bringing forward developments in good time. So, we will have a very productive conversation with Plaid Cymru about how to fill in gaps where there has been market failure, and other issues where we can bring forward housing in an appropriate way.
The evidence is really interesting, actually, from the Labour Government after the second world war, elected by the returning troops, that an enormous increase in social house building actually stimulated the private market and didn't depress it in any way. The graphs are very interesting, and we are absolutely certain that we will be doing the same thing with our ambitious 20,000 social homes programme.
Wel, mae cyfosodiad y ddau beth hynny ar y diwedd yn eithaf syfrdanol, felly rwyf am ymdrin â hynny yn gyntaf. Mae'r syniad y byddai cwmni adeiladu cenedlaethol rywsut yn atal y gwaith o adeiladu cartrefi newydd yn eithaf rhyfeddol. Nid ydym wedi archwilio eto, fel rhan o'r cytundeb cydweithio gyda'n partneriaid ym Mhlaid Cymru, sut yn union y byddwn yn defnyddio'r cwmni adeiladu. Ond rydym wedi cael nifer fawr o sgyrsiau gyda'n landlordiaid cymdeithasol cofrestredig a'n cynghorau ynglŷn â phrinder llafur medrus, anhawster i gael prentisiaid da, a phrinder cyngor da iawn ynghylch cyflwyno datblygiadau mewn da bryd. Felly, byddwn yn cael sgwrs gynhyrchiol iawn gyda Phlaid Cymru ynglŷn â sut i lenwi bylchau lle bu methiant yn y farchnad, a materion eraill lle gallwn wneud cynnydd ym maes tai mewn ffordd briodol.
Mae'r dystiolaeth yn ddiddorol iawn, a dweud y gwir, gan y Llywodraeth Lafur ar ôl yr ail ryfel byd, a etholwyd gan y milwyr a ddaeth yn eu holau, fod y cynnydd aruthrol mewn adeiladu tai cymdeithasol wedi ysgogi'r farchnad breifat, yn hytrach nag amharu arni mewn unrhyw ffordd. Mae'r graffiau'n ddiddorol iawn, ac rydym yn hollol sicr y byddwn yn gwneud yr un peth gyda'n rhaglen uchelgeisiol ar gyfer 20,000 o gartrefi cymdeithasol.
Thank you. Minister, on the one hand, you see yourself capable of going into competition with some of our finest builders using taxpayers' money, but, on the other hand, you are actually holding back on the number of homes that we are able to build due to your own or NRW's phosphate guidance. Attendees at the phosphate stakeholders group that I chair made clear that NRW are essentially blocking as many as 10,000 new homes across Wales, including 1,700 of those affordable homes. The cabinet member for planning in Pembrokeshire County Council has reported that the number of applications refused due to NRW guidance will rise sharply in the next few months. Last month, you told this Senedd, and I quote,
'I've got absolutely no problem with NRW's'—
[Interruption.] I'm talking to the Minister, not the Deputy.
—'with NRW's guidance on the subject.'
So, will you now retract that statement, and block, or unblock the block, unlock the block—[Laughter.]—of thousands of new homes by authorising exceptions to this guidance, and empower planning authorities to accept phosphate stripping technology in waste water treatment assets as reasonable solutions?
Diolch. Weinidog, ar y naill law, rydych yn credu y gallwch gystadlu gyda rhai o'n hadeiladwyr gorau gan ddefnyddio arian trethdalwyr, ond ar y llaw arall, rydych yn gwrthod dweud faint o gartrefi y mae modd i ni eu hadeiladu o ganlyniad i'ch canllawiau eich hun, neu CNC, ar ffosffadau. Nododd mynychwyr y grŵp rhanddeiliaid ar ffosffadau rwy'n ei gadeirio fod CNC, i bob pwrpas, yn rhwystro cymaint â 10,000 o gartrefi newydd ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys 1,700 o'r cartrefi fforddiadwy hynny. Mae'r aelod o'r cabinet ar gyfer cynllunio yng Nghyngor Sir Penfro wedi nodi y bydd nifer y ceisiadau a wrthodir oherwydd canllawiau CNC yn codi'n sylweddol dros yr ychydig fisoedd nesaf. Y mis diwethaf, fe ddywedoch chi wrth y Senedd hon, ac rwy'n dyfynnu,
'Does gen i ddim problem o gwbl gyda chanllawiau CNC—'
[Torri ar draws.] Rwy'n siarad â'r Gweinidog, nid y Dirprwy.
—'gyda chanllawiau CNC ar y pwnc.'
Felly, a wnewch chi dynnu’r datganiad hwnnw yn ôl, a rhwystro, neu ddadflocio’r rhwystr, datgloi’r rhwystr—[Chwerthin.]—rhag codi miloedd o gartrefi newydd, drwy awdurdodi eithriadau i’r canllaw hwn, a galluogi awdurdodau cynllunio i dderbyn technoleg tynnu ffosffad mewn asedau trin dŵr gwastraff fel atebion rhesymol?
Well, Janet, I just don't know where to start. First of all, you started with an assessment of the national construction company, which clearly indicated you weren't listening to the answer I had just given you. Quite clearly, I did not say anything about setting up in competition with any of our SME builders, who we have an extremely good relationship with, and who I have a consultative forum with, which I attended extremely recently to discuss it with them. So, let me just put that one to bed. There is absolutely no suggestion of any sort that any public company will be set up as a competitor in the construction market for our SMEs. So, I think you should have listened to that, and be very assured that that's not the case. What I did say very vehemently was that there are a number of market failures, gaps in skills, and things that have been brought to our attention by both council and RSL house builders and by the SME building forum, where it is profitable to have a conversation about a national construction company filling in the gaps. It's a conversation we have yet to have with Plaid Cymru, following the co-operation agreement, and I'll be sure, Deputy Presiding Officer, to bring it forward to the Senedd when we are able to bring the Senedd up to speed on that.
On the other point, Janet Finch-Saunders has often said that she is in favour of the climate emergency and the solutions that come forward to it, and yet she blocks at every turn every single solution put forward. I will just leave the Welsh public to reach their own conclusions about her sincerity on this point.
Wel, Janet, nid wyf yn gwybod ble i ddechrau. Yn gyntaf, fe ddechreuoch chi gydag asesiad o'r cwmni adeiladu cenedlaethol, sy'n dangos yn glir nad oeddech yn gwrando ar yr ateb roeddwn newydd ei roi i chi. Yn sicr, ni ddywedais unrhyw beth am sefydlu cwmni i gystadlu ag unrhyw un o'n hadeiladwyr bach a chanolig y mae gennym berthynas dda iawn â hwy, ac y mae gennyf fforwm ymgynghorol gyda hwy, fforwm a fynychais yn ddiweddar iawn i drafod y peth gyda hwy. Felly, dyna ateb hynny. Nid oes unrhyw awgrym o unrhyw fath y bydd unrhyw gwmni cyhoeddus yn cael ei sefydlu i gystadlu â'n busnesau bach a chanolig yn y farchnad adeiladu. Felly, credaf y dylech fod wedi gwrando ar hynny, a chael rhywfaint o sicrwydd nad yw hynny'n wir. Yr hyn a ddywedais yn gadarn iawn oedd bod nifer o fethiannau yn y farchnad, bylchau sgiliau, a phethau sydd wedi'u dwyn i'n sylw gan adeiladwyr tai cyngor a thai landlordiaid cymdeithasol cofrestredig a chan y fforwm cwmnïau adeiladu bach a chanolig, lle mae'n fuddiol cael sgwrs am gwmni adeiladu cenedlaethol i lenwi'r bylchau. Mae'n sgwrs nad ydym wedi'i chael eto gyda Phlaid Cymru, yn dilyn y cytundeb cydweithio, a byddaf yn siŵr, Ddirprwy Lywydd, o gyflwyno'r mater i'r Senedd pan fyddwn yn gallu rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Senedd.
Ar y pwynt arall, mae Janet Finch-Saunders wedi dweud yn aml ei bod o blaid datgan argyfwng hinsawdd a’r atebion a gyflwynir i fynd i'r afael ag ef, ond mae’n atal pob ateb a gyflwynir ar bob cyfle. Rwyf am adael i'r cyhoedd yng Nghymru ddod i'w casgliadau eu hunain am ei diffuantrwydd ar y pwynt hwn.
Minister, it is abundantly clear from your responses that, alongside failing to facilitate a much needed house building boom in Wales, you are actively supporting guidance that is holding the sector back. The urgent need to see more new homes delivered is clear when considering the financial black hole that is the temporary home crisis facing our local authorities. I've written to 22 local authorities—FOIs. And the figures—I've yet more to come out on this—are a scandal, and they're startling. For example, Caerphilly County Borough Council have seen their spend on temporary accommodation increase from £174,000 in 2018-19 to just over £1.2 million in 2020-21, and that is not an isolated incident. Gwynedd's spend on temporary accommodation has similarly increased by 265 per cent from 2018-19 to 2020-21, hitting almost £1.7 million. Minister, given that your statement on homelessness last week said you wish to strengthen links between local authorities and the private sector, will you commit to undertaking a deep-dive with local authorities to review how to more effectively provide long-term homes for our much needed residents? Diolch.
Weinidog, mae'n amlwg iawn o'ch ymatebion eich bod, yn ogystal â methu hwyluso cynnydd mawr ei angen yn y nifer o dai a adeiladir yng Nghymru, yn cefnogi canllawiau sy'n llesteirio'r sector. Mae'r angen brys i ddarparu mwy o gartrefi newydd yn glir wrth ystyried twll du ariannol yr argyfwng cartrefi dros dro sy'n wynebu ein hawdurdodau lleol. Rwyf wedi ysgrifennu at 22 awdurdod lleol—ceisiadau rhyddid gwybodaeth. Ac mae'r ffigurau—ac mae gennyf fwy i ddod ar hyn—yn sgandal, ac maent yn frawychus. Er enghraifft, mae gwariant Cyngor Bwrdeistref Sirol Caerffili ar lety dros dro wedi cynyddu o £174,000 yn 2018-19 i ychydig dros £1.2 miliwn yn 2020-21, ac nid dyna'r unig enghraifft. Yn yr un modd, mae gwariant Gwynedd ar lety dros dro wedi cynyddu 265 y cant rhwng 2018-19 a 2020-21, gan gyrraedd bron i £1.7 miliwn. Weinidog, o gofio bod eich datganiad ar ddigartrefedd yr wythnos diwethaf wedi dweud eich bod am gryfhau cysylltiadau rhwng awdurdodau lleol a’r sector preifat, a wnewch chi ymrwymo i fynd at wraidd y mater gydag awdurdodau lleol i adolygu sut i ddarparu cartrefi hirdymor yn fwy effeithiol i’n preswylwyr sydd cymaint o'u hangen? Diolch.
So, again, Janet, I almost admire your ability to put two facts together and make three completely different ones with no relation to the original two. So, we have an ambitious social home building programme of 20,000 low-carbon social homes in the next Senedd term. This is now possible because, after 40 years of preventing councils from building houses, the Tory Government eventually saw sense and took off the caps from the housing revenue accounts. So, I applaud you for having seen sense after only 40 years of ploughing the same furrow.
The next bit of sense you need to see is that the social homes programme and the zero-carbon homes programme is the thing that stimulates the housing market, and that we need to build the right houses of the right standard in the right place, and not just put up any old nonsense all across the countryside, as is proposed across the border. I absolutely applaud all of the agencies working here, including our SME builders, who have been working very hard with us to bring forward that programme. My colleague the Deputy Minister has launched a pipeline for construction across Wales, which has allowed them to fill in the cash flow problems that they have, and we have a very good relationship with them.
On the homelessness point, we provide £1.8 million a month to councils in Wales to combat homelessness brought on by the COVID pandemic. I would that her Government across the border would do anything of the sort and solve the appalling scandal of rough-sleeping that you get under a Conservative Government.
Felly, unwaith eto, Janet, rwyf bron yn edmygu eich gallu i roi dwy ffaith at ei gilydd a gwneud tair ffaith hollol wahanol, heb unrhyw berthynas â'r ddwy ffaith wreiddiol. Felly, mae gennym raglen adeiladu cartrefi cymdeithasol uchelgeisiol ar gyfer 20,000 o gartrefi cymdeithasol carbon isel yn nhymor nesaf y Senedd. Mae hyn yn bosibl bellach oherwydd, ar ôl 40 mlynedd o atal cynghorau rhag adeiladu tai, daeth y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd at ei choed yn y pen draw a chael gwared ar y capiau ar gyfrifon refeniw tai. Felly, rwy’n eich canmol am ddod at eich coed ar ôl cwta 40 mlynedd yn yr un rhigol.
Y peth nesaf y mae'n rhaid i chi ei weld yw mai'r rhaglen cartrefi cymdeithasol a'r rhaglen cartrefi di-garbon yw'r peth sy'n ysgogi'r farchnad dai, a bod angen inni adeiladu'r tai cywir o'r safon gywir yn y lle cywir, yn hytrach na chodi unrhyw hen nonsens ledled cefn gwlad, fel sy'n cael ei gynnig dros y ffin. Rwy’n canmol yr holl asiantaethau sy’n gweithio yma, gan gynnwys ein hadeiladwyr bach a chanolig, sydd wedi bod yn gweithio’n galed iawn gyda ni i gyflwyno’r rhaglen honno. Mae fy nghyd-Aelod, y Dirprwy Weinidog, wedi lansio piblinell ar gyfer adeiladu ledled Cymru, sydd wedi caniatáu iddynt fynd i'r afael â'r problemau llif arian sydd ganddynt, ac mae gennym berthynas dda iawn â hwy.
O ran digartrefedd, rydym yn darparu £1.8 miliwn y mis i gynghorau yng Nghymru allu mynd i'r afael â digartrefedd a achoswyd gan y pandemig COVID. Hoffwn weld ei Llywodraeth dros y ffin yn gwneud rhywbeth o'r fath a datrys y sgandal gysgu allan echrydus a gewch o dan Lywodraeth Geidwadol.
Llefarydd Plaid Cymru, Delyth Jewell.
Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Delyth Jewell.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Last week, the head of Transport for Wales said that travelling on their trains was fundamentally safe. Welsh Government guidance states that the following measures need to be followed to ensure COVID safety: keeping distance from other people, avoiding crowded spaces, good ventilation when in close proximity to others, and wearing face coverings. So, are these measures being followed on trains? I asked commuters for their experiences over social media, and these are some of the phrases from the responses I received: 'Crammed carriages, nobody wearing masks'; 'People crammed like sardines'; 'Impossible to ensure COVID safety'; 'Like a cattle cart and little mask wearing'; '90 per cent not wearing masks on the Rhymney line'; and 'Windows shut with no ventilation'. One person said they thought they'd caught COVID on an overcrowded TfW train between Chester and Bangor a few weeks ago. Another said she had a panic attack on the train during the last rugby game day because so many people were stood and crammed on the train. I was also sent pictures, Minister, of crammed carriages with little or no mask wearing. So, Minister, do you agree with the head of Transport for Wales that travelling on trains in Wales is fundamentally safe?
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Yr wythnos diwethaf, dywedodd pennaeth Trafnidiaeth Cymru fod teithio ar eu trenau yn sylfaenol ddiogel. Mae canllawiau Llywodraeth Cymru yn nodi bod angen cadw at y mesurau canlynol i sicrhau diogelwch COVID: cadw pellter oddi wrth bobl eraill, osgoi lleoedd gorlawn, awyru da pan fyddwch yn agos at eraill, a gwisgo gorchuddion wyneb. Felly, a yw'r mesurau hyn yn cael eu dilyn ar drenau? Gofynnais i gymudwyr am eu profiadau dros y cyfryngau cymdeithasol, a dyma rai o'r ymatebion a gefais: 'Cerbydau gorlawn, neb yn gwisgo masgiau'; 'Pobl wedi eu gwasgu fel sardîns'; 'Amhosibl sicrhau diogelwch COVID'; 'Fel trol wartheg a fawr neb yn gwisgo masgiau'; '90 y cant ddim yn gwisgo masgiau ar linell Rhymni'; a 'Ffenestri ar gau heb unrhyw awyru'. Dywedodd un unigolyn eu bod yn credu eu bod wedi dal COVID ar drên Trafnidiaeth Cymru gorlawn rhwng Caer a Bangor ychydig wythnosau yn ôl. Dywedodd un arall iddi gael pwl o banig ar y trên ar ddiwrnod y gêm rygbi ddiwethaf am fod cymaint o bobl yn sefyll ac wedi'u gwasgu i mewn i'r trên. Anfonwyd lluniau ataf hefyd, Weinidog, o gerbydau gorlawn a fawr neb yn gwisgo masgiau. Felly, Weinidog, a ydych yn cytuno â phennaeth Trafnidiaeth Cymru fod teithio ar drenau yng Nghymru yn sylfaenol ddiogel?
Thank you. I think the full quote, to give him fairness, was to acknowledge that there were considerable challenges of overcrowding, and some passengers were refusing to wear masks despite the very clear guidelines, but fundamentally, the trains are safe, given the cleaning regimes put in place, and given all the other things that Transport for Wales are doing to follow the guidelines. They're making extraordinary efforts, but there is no doubt that there are challenges, and there are a number of reasons for that.
You quoted the issue of the rugby matches that were held by the Welsh Rugby Union late in the evening when they knew full well that there would be limited train services following the game, which would create, clearly, a pressure on the system. There are also other problems hitting the rail industry at the moment, where trains are being cancelled and carriages being damaged because of the storms and because of the weather. In fact, on the train I caught up to Glasgow, one was taken out of service because it hit a pheasant on the line. Now, that is not TfW's fault. There's also a challenge around staff absences because of self-isolation, so there's no doubt that the public transport system is under great pressure at the moment.
The issue of mask wearing is ultimately one of personal responsibility. There are people claiming to be exempt from mask wearing when, clearly, that is not the case. But it is almost impossible to prove that. We have, working with British Transport Police, measures in place to enforce mask wearing, and a number of people have been removed from services when challenged and not able to provide a valid excuse. I think there are a confluence of conditions all converging to make things very challenging, but public transport remains a safe mode of transport. But there's no doubt that, sometimes in the day, services are crowded.
Diolch. Credaf fod y dyfyniad llawn, a bod yn deg, yn cydnabod bod heriau sylweddol gyda gorlenwi, a bod rhai teithwyr yn gwrthod gwisgo masgiau er gwaethaf y canllawiau clir iawn, ond fod y trenau'n sylfaenol ddiogel, o ystyried y cyfundrefnau glanhau sydd ar waith, ac o ystyried yr holl bethau eraill y mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn eu gwneud i ddilyn y canllawiau. Maent yn gwneud ymdrechion eithriadol, ond nid oes amheuaeth fod heriau i'w cael, ac mae nifer o resymau dros hynny.
Fe sonioch chi am y gemau rygbi a gynhaliwyd gan Undeb Rygbi Cymru yn hwyr yn y nos pan oeddent yn gwybod yn iawn mai cyfyngedig fyddai'r gwasanaethau trên yn dilyn y gêm, a fyddai’n creu pwysau ar y system, yn amlwg. Mae problemau eraill hefyd yn taro'r diwydiant rheilffyrdd ar hyn o bryd, lle mae trenau’n cael eu canslo a cherbydau’n cael eu difrodi oherwydd y stormydd ac oherwydd y tywydd. Mewn gwirionedd, pan oeddwn ar y trên i Glasgow, tynnwyd un allan o wasanaeth gan iddo daro ffesant ar y rheilffordd. Nawr, nid bai Trafnidiaeth Cymru yw hynny. Mae her hefyd mewn perthynas ag absenoldebau staff oherwydd hunanynysu, felly nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth fod y system drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus dan bwysau sylweddol ar hyn o bryd.
Yn y pen draw, mater o gyfrifoldeb personol yw gwisgo masgiau. Mae rhai pobl yn honni eu bod wedi'u heithrio rhag gwisgo masgiau pan nad yw hynny'n wir, yn amlwg. Ond mae bron yn amhosibl profi hynny. Gan weithio gyda'r Heddlu Trafnidiaeth Prydeinig, mae gennym fesurau ar waith i orfodi mesurau gwisgo masgiau, ac mae nifer o bobl wedi cael eu tynnu oddi ar drenau ar ôl iddynt gael eu herio a methu darparu esgus dilys. Credaf fod nifer o amodau'n dod ynghyd i wneud pethau'n heriol iawn, ond mae trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn parhau i fod yn ddull teithio diogel. Ond nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth fod gwasanaethau'n orlawn weithiau yn ystod y dydd.
Minister, I fully agree that we need to be cognisant of the various challenges that the transport sector is facing. Regardless of whose fault these risks are, I struggle to see how it can be said that trains are fundamentally safe, but, maybe, at some times of the day, they're not. I saw last night that someone was quoting George Orwell on Twitter, but it was in relation to No. 10's insistence that the now infamous COVID party didn't happen. Orwell said:
'The party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears. It was their final, most essential command.'
I know we need to move on, Minister, but if the health Minister is in the Chamber, I'd urge her to look at this as well, because I really think there is a mountain of evidence that taking a train in Wales can mean taking a significant COVID risk.
But to move on, Minister, clearly the root cause of this terrible state of our train services is the continual underfunding of Welsh rail. The Wales Governance Centre has calculated that we've been underfunded to the tune of around £500 million over the past 10 years. But it does also seem that the Welsh Government has underdelivered on its promises, or perhaps previous Welsh Governments. When the franchise was awarded to KeolisAmey in 2018, it said that the railway would be unrecognisable in five years, thanks to the vision of the Welsh Government. So, Minister, could you give us an update on how the railway will look in two years' time, now that it's in public ownership? Are we really going to see transformative improvements? And could you give us your view on how much agency the Government truly has over rail and how much is simply out of its hands because it doesn't control the funding?
Weinidog, cytunaf yn llwyr fod angen inni fod yn ymwybodol o'r heriau amrywiol y mae'r sector trafnidiaeth yn eu hwynebu. Ni waeth pwy sydd ar fai am y risgiau hyn, rwy'n ei chael hi'n anodd gweld sut y gellir dweud bod trenau'n sylfaenol ddiogel, ond efallai nad ydynt yn ddiogel ar rai adegau o'r dydd. Gwelais neithiwr fod rhywun yn dyfynnu George Orwell ar Twitter, ond mewn perthynas â thaerineb Rhif 10 na ddigwyddodd y parti COVID drwgenwog hwnnw. Dywedodd Orwell:
'Dywedodd y blaid wrthych am wrthod tystiolaeth eich llygaid a'ch clustiau. Hwn oedd eu gorchymyn olaf, mwyaf hanfodol.'
Gwn fod angen inni symud ymlaen, Weinidog, ond os yw'r Gweinidog iechyd yn y Siambr, hoffwn ei hannog i edrych ar hyn hefyd, gan y credaf fod mynydd o dystiolaeth y gall mynd ar drên yng Nghymru arwain at risg sylweddol o ddal COVID.
Ond i symud ymlaen, Weinidog, mae'n amlwg mai'r hyn sydd wrth wraidd cyflwr ofnadwy ein gwasanaethau trên yw'r tanwariant parhaus ar reilffyrdd Cymru. Mae Canolfan Llywodraethiant Cymru wedi cyfrifo bod y tanwariant oddeutu £500 miliwn dros y 10 mlynedd diwethaf. Ond ymddengys hefyd fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi tangyflawni ar ei haddewidion, neu efallai ar addewidion Llywodraethau blaenorol Cymru. Pan ddyfarnwyd y fasnachfraint i KeolisAmey yn 2018, dywedasant na fyddech yn adnabod y rheilffordd ymhen pum mlynedd, diolch i weledigaeth Llywodraeth Cymru. Felly, Weinidog, a allwch roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i ni sut y bydd y rheilffordd yn edrych ymhen dwy flynedd, gan ei bod bellach mewn perchnogaeth gyhoeddus? A ydym o ddifrif yn mynd i weld gwelliannau trawsnewidiol? Ac a allwch roi eich barn ar faint o reolaeth sydd gan y Llywodraeth dros reilffyrdd mewn gwirionedd a faint sydd allan o'i dwylo gan nad yw'n rheoli'r cyllid?
There certainly are significant changes taking place for the better. Last week, we unveiled a new fleet of trains to replace the Pacers, and once you have the chance to go on them yourself, you'll see that it is a transformative passenger experience. We're also developing the south Wales metro programme, which is a huge civil engineering project—the largest infrastructure project that south Wales will have seen for many decades. So, there is no doubt that there is significant change at the agency of the Welsh Government. But also, we must acknowledge that COVID has disrupted plans in terms of collapsing the franchise—and certainly, the Welsh franchise wasn't the only franchise to fall apart under the strain of the disappearing farebox and the increasing cost pressures—and that has knocked back the delivery schedule that we had for increasing the timetable and for bringing new services forward. So, that is an inevitable fact for which we are deeply sorry, but that is out of our hands.
In terms of the underinvestment, the Member makes an absolutely bang-on point. The UK Government has consistently underinvested, and in the next programme of funding we are some £5 billion short of where we ought to be. As the First Minister touched upon in First Minister's questions again yesterday, the refusal of the UK Government to class high speed 2 as an England-only project, despite the fact that not a single mile of track is in Wales, is clearly having a massive effect on our ability to invest in the rail infrastructure. And I would say to Conservative Members in the Chamber that I remember full well the alliance that was forged in this Chamber on electrification some 10 years ago, when there was a genuine cross-party effort to bang the drum for Wales. I took part in the delegation before becoming a Senedd Member with Members of the Conservative Party to make that case to UK Ministers. It was effective, and we are strongest when we are united. I'd like to see a similar alliance to make the case, on fairness grounds, that Wales needs to be treated differently when it comes to the categorisation of high-speed rail. Otherwise, we're not going to be able to fulfil our joint ambitions to achieve net zero by 2050.
Yn sicr, mae newidiadau sylweddol yn digwydd er gwell. Yr wythnos diwethaf, gwnaethom ddatgelu fflyd newydd o drenau i gymryd lle'r Pacers, a phan gewch chi gyfle i fynd arnynt eich hun, fe welwch ei fod yn brofiad trawsnewidiol i deithwyr. Rydym hefyd yn datblygu rhaglen metro de Cymru, sy'n brosiect peirianneg sifil enfawr—y prosiect seilwaith mwyaf y bydd de Cymru wedi'i weld ers degawdau lawer. Felly, nid oes amheuaeth fod newid sylweddol yn digwydd dan law Llywodraeth Cymru. Ond mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod hefyd fod COVID wedi tarfu ar gynlluniau o ran cwymp y fasnachfraint—ac yn sicr, nid masnachfraint Cymru oedd yr unig fasnachfraint i gwympo o ganlyniad i bwysau llai o arian a chostau cynyddol—ac mae hynny wedi cael effaith ar y llinell amser a oedd gennym ar gyfer ychwanegu at yr amserlen a chyflwyno gwasanaethau newydd. Felly, mae honno'n ffaith anochel y mae'n ddrwg iawn gennym amdani, ond mae hynny allan o'n dwylo.
O ran tanfuddsoddi, mae'r Aelod yn gwneud pwynt gwych. Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi tanfuddsoddi’n gyson, ac yn y rhaglen gyllido nesaf, rydym yn cael oddeutu £5 biliwn yn llai na'r hyn y dylem ei gael. Fel y soniodd y Prif Weinidog yn y cwestiynau i’r Prif Weinidog eto ddoe, mae'r ffaith bod Llywodraeth y DU yn gwrthod dosbarthu HS2 fel prosiect ar gyfer Lloegr yn unig, er nad oes yr un filltir o drac yng Nghymru, yn amlwg yn cael effaith enfawr ar ein gallu i fuddsoddi yn y seilwaith rheilffyrdd. A byddwn yn dweud wrth yr Aelodau Ceidwadol yn y Siambr fy mod yn cofio'r gynghrair a ffurfiwyd yn y Siambr hon ar drydaneiddio oddeutu 10 mlynedd yn ôl, pan gafwyd ymdrech drawsbleidiol wirioneddol i ddadlau'r achos dros Gymru. Cymerais ran yn y ddirprwyaeth cyn dod yn Aelod o'r Senedd gydag Aelodau o'r Blaid Geidwadol i gyflwyno'r achos hwnnw i Weinidogion y DU. Roedd yn effeithiol, ac rydym ar ein cryfaf pan ydym yn unedig. Hoffwn weld cynghrair debyg i ddadlau, ar sail tegwch, fod angen trin Cymru'n wahanol wrth gategoreiddio rheilffyrdd cyflym. Fel arall, ni fydd modd inni gyflawni'r uchelgeisiau a rannwn i gyflawni sero net erbyn 2050.
Minister, taking up that exact point, Wales could lose out on £5 billion due to being excluded from Barnett consequentials for HS2 spending. This, as you'll obviously know, represents around 5 per cent of the total expended expenditure of the project. It could, of course, be much higher if the cost spirals, which is likely. In the words of the Western Mail's Will Hayward,
'The decision to count HS2, a once in a century investment, as England and Wales spend has condemned Wales to another century of a second class rail network.'
Even though the decision to exclude Wales from this funding, as you've been setting out, Minister, was made by a Conservative UK Government, past Labour Welsh Governments have also contributed to this mess. There was a decision in 2005 to refuse the devolution of rail, described as the worst decision in the history of devolution. And there was the inability, in the past, to understand Plaid Cymru's argument on HS2 a decade later, with Carwyn Jones insisting that Wales was receiving its HS2 consequential, even though setting the HS2 comparability factor for Wales at 0 per cent would see our comparability factor for Department for Transport spending plummet in the future, which is what we're seeing now. I'm sure that the current Labour Welsh Government is keen to—
Weinidog, ar yr union bwynt hwnnw, gallai Cymru fod £5 biliwn ar ei cholled heb swm canlyniadol Barnett yn sgil y gwariant ar HS2. Fel y gwyddoch yn amlwg, mae hynny oddeutu 5 y cant o gyfanswm gwariant y prosiect. Gallai fod yn llawer uwch, wrth gwrs, pe bai'r costau'n cynyddu, sy'n debygol. Yng ngeiriau Will Hayward o'r Western Mail,
'Mae'r penderfyniad i gyfrif HS2, buddsoddiad unwaith mewn canrif, fel gwariant Cymru a Lloegr wedi condemnio Cymru i ganrif arall o rwydwaith rheilffyrdd ail ddosbarth.'
Er bod y penderfyniad i eithrio Cymru o'r cyllid hwn, fel y nodwyd gennych, Weinidog, wedi'i wneud gan Lywodraeth Geidwadol y DU, mae Llywodraethau Llafur y gorffennol yng Nghymru hefyd wedi cyfrannu at y llanastr hwn. Cafwyd penderfyniad yn 2005 i wrthod datganoli rheilffyrdd, a ddisgrifiwyd fel y penderfyniad gwaethaf yn hanes datganoli. A'r anallu, yn y gorffennol, i ddeall dadl Plaid Cymru ar HS2 ddegawd yn ddiweddarach, gyda Carwyn Jones yn mynnu bod Cymru’n cael ei swm canlyniadol yn sgil HS2, er y byddai gosod ffactor cymharedd HS2 i Gymru ar 0 y cant yn golygu y byddai ein ffactor cymharedd ar gyfer gwariant yr Adran Drafnidiaeth yn plymio yn y dyfodol, sef yr hyn a welwn yn awr. Rwy'n siŵr fod Llywodraeth Lafur bresennol Cymru yn awyddus i—
You need to ask your question now.
Mae angen i chi ofyn eich cwestiwn nawr.
Could you confirm, Minister, that the Welsh Government has received confirmation from Keir Starmer that a future Labour UK Government would provide Wales with the full Barnett share of HS2 expenditure, backdated to the first pound spent?
A allwch gadarnhau, Weinidog, fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cael cadarnhad gan Keir Starmer y byddai Llywodraeth Lafur y DU yn y dyfodol yn darparu'r swm canlyniadol Barnett llawn i Gymru yn sgil gwariant HS2, wedi'i ôl-ddyddio i'r bunt gyntaf a wariwyd?
I've certainly, personally, consistently made the argument for the Barnett formula to reflect the spending in England and in Wales. In fact, I led a coalition of organisations to have the Holtham commission set up, using this as one of the examples. And when I was director of the Institute of Welsh Affairs, I consistently made the case, so I'll take no lectures from the Member on that. But she is absolutely right that Westminster Governments of different parties have not recognised that Wales deserves more investment, and that's why I repeat my call to the Conservatives for all in this Chamber to come together to see if we can agree a cross-party call to the UK Government to think again on the way Wales is treated when it comes to rail investment.
Yn sicr, yn bersonol, rwyf wedi dadlau y dylai fformiwla Barnett adlewyrchu'r gwariant yn Lloegr ac yng Nghymru. Mewn gwirionedd, arweiniais gynghrair o sefydliadau i sefydlu comisiwn Holtham, gan ddefnyddio hyn fel un o'r enghreifftiau. A phan oeddwn yn gyfarwyddwr y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig, bûm yn dadlau'r achos yn gyson, felly nid wyf am wrando ar wersi gan yr Aelod ar hynny. Ond mae’n llygad ei lle nad yw Llywodraethau gwahanol bleidiau yn San Steffan wedi cydnabod bod Cymru’n haeddu mwy o fuddsoddiad, a dyna pam fy mod yn ailadrodd fy ngalwad ar y Ceidwadwyr i bawb yn y Siambr hon ddod ynghyd i weld a allwn gytuno ar alwad drawsbleidiol ar Lywodraeth y DU i feddwl eto am y ffordd y mae Cymru'n cael ei thrin mewn perthynas â buddsoddi mewn rheilffyrdd.
3. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi cymunedau i fynd i'r afael â chanlyniadau erydiad a achosir gan lifogydd? OQ57318
3. How does the Welsh Government support communities to tackle the consequences of erosion caused by flooding? OQ57318
The Welsh Government funds local authorities to reduce the risk posed to communities by coastal erosion. However, addressing the consequences of river erosion is the responsibility of the riparian landowners whose property adjoins or contains the watercourse. This is a principle that has been long established in common law.
Mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n ariannu awdurdodau lleol i leihau'r perygl y mae erydu arfordirol yn ei beri i gymunedau. Fodd bynnag, cyfrifoldeb perchnogion glannau afonydd y mae eu heiddo'n ffinio â neu'n cynnwys y cwrs dŵr yw mynd i'r afael â chanlyniadau erydiad afonydd. Mae hon yn egwyddor sydd wedi'i hen sefydlu mewn cyfraith gyffredin.
I wrote to you, Minister, on 7 October asking for a meeting to discuss a problem faced by residents in Caerphilly who face potential damage to their homes due to the problem of river erosion. Notwithstanding your answer, I'd just like to go through the scenario with you and ask for a response. One group of residents at Celyn Avenue in Caerphilly have experienced an increase in incidents of erosion and subsequent flooding in their gardens, which back on to the banks of the Nant yr Aber river. Natural Resources Wales have advised the residents that they can't access any funding or support for flooding because it's their gardens, as opposed to their homes, that are affected, so these properties are not accorded a high priority according to the flood risk management model. However, residents are concerned that their homes will be flooded eventually, because Nant yr Aber is rising and its banks are wearing away, not just on their property but below their property, which isn't part of their property, due to climate change and increased rainfall. Natural Resources Wales say they cannot legally spend public money on mitigating and preventing river erosion, only on flooding, and they don't have statutory powers to do so and can only work within the remit set for them by the Welsh Government. A key issue here is that the cost of repairing and putting this right for those properties in Celyn Avenue goes beyond the means—way beyond the means—of those residents who live there; they simply cannot afford it. They're elderly residents, they haven't got the money—
Ysgrifennais atoch ar 7 Hydref, Weinidog, yn gofyn am gyfarfod i drafod problem preswylwyr yng Nghaerffili sy'n wynebu difrod posibl i'w cartrefi oherwydd erydiad afonydd. Er gwaethaf eich ateb, hoffwn drafod y senario gyda chi a gofyn am ymateb. Mae un grŵp o breswylwyr ar Celyn Avenue yng Nghaerffili wedi dioddef cynnydd mewn digwyddiadau erydu a llifogydd dilynol yn eu gerddi, sy'n cefnu ar lannau Nant yr Aber. Mae Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru wedi dweud wrth y preswylwyr na allant gael unrhyw gyllid na chymorth llifogydd am mai eu gerddi, yn hytrach na'u cartrefi, sy'n cael eu heffeithio, felly ni roddir blaenoriaeth uchel i'r eiddo hyn yn ôl y model rheoli perygl llifogydd. Fodd bynnag, mae preswylwyr yn poeni y bydd llifogydd yn effeithio ar eu cartrefi yn y pen draw, gan fod Nant yr Aber yn codi a'i glannau'n erydu, nid yn unig ar eu heiddo ond o dan eu heiddo, nad yw'n rhan o'u heiddo, oherwydd y newid hinsawdd a chynnydd mewn glawiad. Dywed Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru na allant wario arian cyhoeddus yn gyfreithiol ar liniaru ac atal erydiad afonydd, dim ond ar lifogydd, ac nad oes ganddynt bwerau statudol i wneud hynny ac mai dim ond o fewn y cylch gwaith a bennwyd ar eu cyfer gan Lywodraeth Cymru y gallant weithio. Mater allweddol yma yw bod cost atgyweirio ac adfer yr eiddo hynny ar Celyn Avenue yn uwch—yn llawer uwch—na'r hyn y gall y preswylwyr sy'n byw yno ei fforddio. Maent yn breswylwyr oedrannus, nid oes ganddynt arian—
You need to ask the question.
Mae angen i chi ofyn y cwestiwn.
—to pay for it. So, I'd really welcome a meeting with you, Minister, to discuss this issue, particularly that of long-term erosion and consequences for properties. It's an issue we didn't have some time ago.
—i dalu amdano. Felly, byddwn yn croesawu cyfarfod â chi, Weinidog, i drafod y mater hwn, yn enwedig mewn perthynas ag erydiad hirdymor a chanlyniadau hynny i eiddo. Mae'n broblem nad oedd gennym beth amser yn ôl.
Well, Hefin David, I'm really sorry to hear of the impact that river erosion is having on your constituents. I understand that Natural Resources Wales has met with you and the affected residents, and you've just outlined the advice. Unfortunately, you are absolutely right; the riparian landowner is responsible. The riparian landowner is somebody whose property contains the watercourse or whose property is adjacent to or above the watercourse. That's been an established common law principle in England and Wales for over 200 years, so this isn't new law by any means. There is a guide published by Natural Resources Wales, titled 'A guide to your rights and responsibilities of riverside ownership in Wales'. We do invest money in alleviation of flood risk from rivers, but flood risk to properties—you're right—and not to gardens. So, you're quite right. I'm quite happy to meet with you to go through it, but I fear that you're correct in your assumption. Your constituents will have to take advice on whether their insurances or their lenders can help them. Otherwise, I really am afraid that we're at a bit of a loss as to how to help them, but I'm more than happy to meet with you and explore whether there is something that could be done.
Wel, Hefin David, mae'n ddrwg iawn gennyf glywed am yr effaith y mae erydiad afonydd yn ei chael ar eich etholwyr. Rwy'n deall bod Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru wedi cyfarfod â chi a'r preswylwyr yr effeithiwyd arnynt, ac rydych newydd amlinellu'r cyngor. Yn anffodus, rydych yn llygad eich lle; perchennog glannau'r afon sy'n gyfrifol. Perchennog glannau'r afon yw'r unigolyn y mae eu heiddo'n cynnwys y cwrs dŵr, neu y mae eu heiddo'n ffinio â'r cwrs dŵr neu uwchlaw'r cwrs dŵr. Mae honno wedi bod yn egwyddor sefydledig mewn cyfraith gyffredin yng Nghymru a Lloegr ers dros 200 mlynedd, felly nid yw hon yn gyfraith newydd mewn unrhyw ffordd. Mae canllaw wedi'i gyhoeddi gan Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru, o'r enw 'Canllaw i’ch hawliau a’ch cyfrifoldebau fel perchennog glannau afon yng Nghymru'. Rydym yn buddsoddi arian i liniaru perygl llifogydd o afonydd, ond perygl llifogydd i eiddo yw hynny—rydych yn iawn—ac nid i erddi. Felly, rydych yn llygad eich lle. Rwy'n fwy na pharod i gyfarfod â chi i drafod y mater, ond mae arnaf ofn fod eich rhagdybiaeth yn gywir. Bydd yn rhaid i'ch etholwyr ofyn am gyngor i weld a all eu hyswiriant neu eu benthycwyr eu cynorthwyo. Fel arall, mae arnaf ofn nad ydym yn siŵr sut i'w helpu, ond rwy'n fwy na pharod i gyfarfod â chi ac i archwilio a oes rhywbeth y gellid ei wneud.
I'd like to start by declaring an interest, as I'm a Denbighshire councillor until May 2022. I'm afraid I'm going to keep banging on about this and sound a bit like a broken record, because, you know, I've mentioned this question a couple of times in the past. The communities of Trefnant and Tremeirchion are still dealing with the consequences of the terrible flooding that resulted from storm Christoph at the start of the year. The vital link between these two communities in my constituency was eroded and washed away. It will be years before the historic Llanerch bridge is replaced, and only if Denbighshire County Council can secure the millions of pounds needed to fund the rebuilding efforts. So, Minister, will you commit your Government to providing the funding and work with the council in replacing this vital community link and essential active travel route as soon as possible?
Hoffwn ddechrau drwy ddatgan buddiant, gan fy mod yn gynghorydd yn sir Ddinbych tan fis Mai 2022. Mae arnaf ofn y byddaf yn parhau i rygnu ymlaen am hyn ac yn swnio fel record wedi torri gan fy mod wedi crybwyll y cwestiwn hwn unwaith neu ddwy yn barod. Mae cymunedau Trefnant a Thremeirchion yn dal i ymdrin â chanlyniadau'r llifogydd ofnadwy yn sgil storm Christoph ar ddechrau'r flwyddyn. Cafodd y cysylltiad hanfodol rhwng y ddwy gymuned yn fy etholaeth ei erydu a'i olchi ymaith. Ni fydd pont hanesyddol Llannerch yn cael ei hailgodi am flynyddoedd, a dim ond os gall Cyngor Sir Dinbych sicrhau'r miliynau o bunnoedd sydd ei angen i ariannu'r gwaith ailadeiladu. Felly, Weinidog, a wnewch chi ymrwymo eich Llywodraeth i ddarparu'r cyllid a gweithio gyda'r cyngor i ail-greu'r cyswllt cymunedol allweddol a'r llwybr teithio llesol hanfodol hwn cyn gynted â phosibl?
I'm not entirely certain what that's got to do with erosion in riparian watercourses, but if the Member wants to write to me again and ask for a meeting, I'm happy to do so.
Nid wyf yn hollol sicr sut y mae hynny'n gysylltiedig ag erydiad cyrsiau dŵr ar lannau afonydd, ond os hoffai'r Aelod ysgrifennu ataf eto a gofyn am gyfarfod, rwy'n fwy na pharod i wneud hynny.
Mae nifer o gymunedau ar lannau Llŷn wedi gweld tirlithriadau sylweddol dros y ddwy flynedd diwethaf. Y mwyaf amlwg oedd y tirlithriad mawr yn Nefyn yn ôl ym mis Ebrill, ond mae eraill wedi bod yno ac ar draws yr arfordir ers hynny. Yn wir, mae'r British Geological Survey wedi clustnodi Nefyn fel parth perygl tirlithriad. Mae'r tirlithriadau yma yn bygwth bywydau ac eiddo, ac yn achos poen meddwl sylweddol i drigolion cymunedau glan morol. Pa sicrwydd felly fedrwch chi ei roi i drigolion Nefyn a'r glannau yno sydd o dan fygythiad o dirlithriadau fod y Llywodraeth a'r cyrff perthnasol yn ymgymryd â gwaith angenrheidiol i ddiogelu eiddo a bywyd yn y mannau o dan fygythiad fel Nefyn a chymunedau eraill Llŷn? Diolch.
A number of communities on the shores of Llŷn have seen significant landslides over the past weeks and months. The most obvious was a landslide in Nefyn back in April, but there have been other cases across the region. Indeed, the British Geological Survey has allocated Nefyn as a landslide danger zone. These landslides are a threat to property and life, and cause real anxiety to residents of seaside communities. So, what assurances can you give the residents of Nefyn and the surrounding areas that are at threat of landslide that the Government and relevant bodies are undertaking the necessary work to safeguard life and property in the areas that are under threat such as Nefyn and other communities in Llŷn? Thank you.
Diolch am y cwestiwn.
Thank you for the question.
This is a really complicated area of law. So, sometimes, the river course is owned by someone, so sometimes the whole river course is owned by it. It's a fact of common law, though, that the edges of the river are owned by the properties adjacent to and containing the watercourse, unless there is an ability to show that the whole of the watercourse is owned by someone. So, it rather depends on how those ownerships pan out and what the infrastructure looks like above them. So, we have flood protection risks for properties and for infrastructure, but not unfortunately for gardens and for others types of land. So, I'm afraid it's a more complex question than that. I'd be happy to explore with the Member exactly what we're looking at.
Unfortunately, this is a consequence of the climate change emergency that we're all looking at. We're all experiencing greater amounts of rainfall, higher winds, really big problems with storms. So, again, my sympathies go out to the people who are suffering this. Our current system of flood protection extends, as I say, to flooding on properties and infrastructure of the sort, but not to the kind of erosion that Hefin David's constituencies are experiencing. I'd be very happy to explore further with you what can be done in certain circumstances, but I'm afraid it's very dependent on ownership patterns and other issues around the area.FootnoteLink
Mae hwn yn faes cyfreithiol cymhleth iawn. Felly, weithiau, mae cwrs afon yn eiddo i rywun, weithiau mae cwrs yr afon gyfan yn eiddo iddo. Mae'n un o ffeithiau cyfraith gyffredin, serch hynny, fod glannau afon yn eiddo i'r adeiladau sydd wrth ymyl ac yn cynnwys y cwrs dŵr ei hun, oni bai ei bod yn bosibl dangos bod y cwrs dŵr cyfan yn eiddo i rywun. Felly, mae'n dibynnu ar y sefyllfa o ran perchnogaeth a sut beth yw'r seilwaith uwch eu pennau. Mae gennym risgiau amddiffyn rhag llifogydd ar gyfer eiddo ac ar gyfer seilwaith, ond nid ar gyfer gerddi a mathau eraill o dir, yn anffodus. Felly, mae arnaf ofn ei fod yn gwestiwn mwy cymhleth na hynny. Byddwn yn hapus i archwilio gyda'r Aelod beth yn union rydym yn edrych arno.
Yn anffodus, mae hwn yn ganlyniad i'r argyfwng newid hinsawdd rydym i gyd yn edrych arno. Rydym i gyd yn profi mwy o lawiad, gwyntoedd cryfach, problemau mawr iawn gyda stormydd. Felly, unwaith eto, rwy'n cydymdeimlo â'r bobl sy'n dioddef hyn. Mae ein system bresennol o amddiffyn rhag llifogydd, fel y dywedaf, yn cynnwys llifogydd i eiddo a seilwaith o'r fath, ond nid i'r math o erydiad y mae etholaethau Hefin David yn ei brofi. Byddwn yn hapus iawn i archwilio ymhellach gyda chi beth y gellir ei wneud mewn rhai amgylchiadau, ond mae arnaf ofn ei fod yn ddibynnol iawn ar batrymau perchnogaeth a materion eraill yn yr ardal.FootnoteLink
4. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi trawsnewidiad canol trefi yng Nghanol De Cymru? OQ57335
4. How is the Welsh Government supporting town centre transformation in South Wales Central? OQ57335
Diolch am y cwestiwn.
Thank you for the question.
Our Transforming Towns programme is supporting the long-term sustainability of our town and city centres by increasing footfall and making them attractive places to be. Town and city centres across the South Wales Central region have benefited from £13.8 million worth of Transforming Towns funding since January 2020.
Mae ein rhaglen Trawsnewid Trefi yn cefnogi cynaliadwyedd hirdymor canol ein trefi a'n dinasoedd drwy gynyddu nifer yr ymwelwyr a'u gwneud yn lleoedd deniadol i fod ynddynt. Mae canol trefi a dinasoedd ar draws rhanbarth Canol De Cymru wedi elwa o £13.8 miliwn o gyllid Trawsnewid Trefi ers mis Ionawr 2020.
Thank you, Deputy Minister. Last Saturday, I met with two of Wales's youth climate ambassadors, Leo and Alfred, who live in the Pontypridd area. Amongst the issues we discussed were town centres and how some current and planned developments seem to be missing opportunities to make our town centres greener and play a greater role in being part of our response to the climate and nature emergency, as well as improving air quality. They cited some innovative international examples such as vertical gardens, which go beyond tree planting and flower pots, and asked why Wales isn't doing more in this regard. They cited not only the benefits but also how communities can shape and take ownership of such projects to inspire residents and activism. I'm aware that you launched the ministerial town centre action group and sub-groups, which of course is welcomed to address the challenges faced by our town centres, but how will you ensure that responding to the climate and nature emergency is central to this group's work and that local authorities are supported and actively encouraged to be innovative and green in their own town centre developments?
Diolch, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Ddydd Sadwrn diwethaf, cyfarfûm â dau o lysgenhadon hinsawdd ieuenctid Cymru, Leo ac Alfred, sy'n byw yn ardal Pontypridd. Ymhlith y materion a drafodwyd gennym oedd canol trefi a sut y mae'n ymddangos bod rhai datblygiadau cyfredol ac arfaethedig yn colli cyfleoedd i wneud canol ein trefi'n wyrddach a chwarae mwy o ran yn ein hymateb i'r argyfwng hinsawdd a natur, yn ogystal â gwella ansawdd aer. Roeddent yn cyfeirio at rai enghreifftiau rhyngwladol arloesol megis gerddi fertigol, sy'n mynd y tu hwnt i blannu coed a photiau blodau, ac yn gofyn pam nad yw Cymru'n gwneud mwy yn hyn o beth. Roeddent yn cyfeirio nid yn unig at y manteision ond hefyd at sut y gall cymunedau lunio a chymryd perchnogaeth ar brosiectau o'r fath i ysbrydoli trigolion a gweithgarwch. Rwy'n ymwybodol eich bod wedi lansio grŵp gweithredu gweinidogol ar ganol trefi ac is-grwpiau, rhywbeth sydd i'w groesawu wrth gwrs i fynd i'r afael â'r heriau sy'n wynebu canol trefi, ond sut y byddwch yn sicrhau bod ymateb i'r argyfwng hinsawdd a natur yn ganolog i waith y grŵp hwn a bod awdurdodau lleol yn cael eu cefnogi a'u hannog yn weithredol i fod yn arloesol ac yn wyrdd yn eu datblygiadau canol trefi?
I certainly agree with the challenge—and I thought the Member dealt brilliantly well with the heckling that she was getting from behind her and deserves points for that. [Laughter.]
I certainly think there are examples in regeneration projects of biophilic houses, there's certainly one in Swansea that looks very promising, and I certainly think that the youth climate ambassadors she's met with have a very strong argument, and I'd be keen to discuss with them and with her what more can be done. We have set up a ministerial town centre taskforce that I've asked to take forward the report by Professor Karel Williams and by Audit Wales into regenerating town centres, and I'd be very happy to ask them to look in particular at the points she makes and how they can build that into their work and recommendations.
Rwy'n sicr yn cytuno â'r her—ac roeddwn yn meddwl bod yr Aelod wedi ymdrin yn wych â'r heclo y tu ôl iddi ac mae'n haeddu pwyntiau am hynny. [Chwerthin.]
Yn sicr, credaf fod enghreifftiau mewn prosiectau adfywio o dai bioffilig, yn sicr mae yna un yn Abertawe sy'n edrych yn addawol iawn, ac rwy'n sicr yn credu bod gan y llysgenhadon hinsawdd ifanc y mae wedi cyfarfod â hwy ddadl gref iawn, a byddwn yn awyddus i drafod gyda hwy a chyda hi beth arall y gellir ei wneud. Rydym wedi sefydlu tasglu gweinidogol ar gyfer canol trefi ac rwyf wedi gofyn i hwnnw fwrw ymlaen â'r adroddiad gan yr Athro Karel Williams a chan Archwilio Cymru i adfywio canol trefi, a byddwn yn hapus iawn i ofyn iddynt edrych yn benodol ar y pwyntiau y mae'n eu gwneud a sut y gallant blethu'r rheini i mewn i'w gwaith a'u hargymhellion.
Deputy Minister, what assistance are you giving to partners to try and get energy charging points in town centres? Because if you go to out-of-town shopping centres, many of the private companies that occupy those shopping centres are installing charging points for electric vehicles. We know that Wales sadly lags behind in the installation of these charging points to other parts of the United Kingdom. It will require a joined-up approach; so, Government working with either local authorities or other business partners to see that town centres have these charging points so that they are attractive to people who have electric cars, as we know they're going to be increasingly used in the future. What actions are you taking to engage with partners to make sure there are more charging points in town centres across South Wales Central?
Ddirprwy Weinidog, pa gymorth rydych yn ei roi i bartneriaid i geisio cael mannau gwefru ynni yng nghanol trefi? Oherwydd os ewch i ganolfannau siopa y tu allan i'r dref, mae llawer o'r cwmnïau preifat sy'n meddiannu'r canolfannau siopa hynny yn gosod mannau gwefru ar gyfer cerbydau trydan. Gwyddom fod Cymru ar ei hôl hi, yn anffodus, mewn perthynas â gosod y mannau gwefru hyn o gymharu â rhannau eraill o'r Deyrnas Unedig. Bydd angen dull cydgysylltiedig; felly, bydd angen i'r Llywodraeth weithio gydag awdurdodau lleol neu bartneriaid busnes eraill i sicrhau bod gan ganol trefi y mannau gwefru hyn fel eu bod yn ddeniadol i bobl sydd â cheir trydan, gan y gwyddom y bydd mwyfwy o ddefnydd arnynt yn y dyfodol. Pa gamau rydych yn eu cymryd i ymgysylltu â phartneriaid i sicrhau bod mwy o fannau gwefru yng nghanol trefi ledled Canol De Cymru?
Well, I think we already are doing that. We’ve recently launched our action plan on electric charging, and we currently have a programme, this financial year, of investing in town centre charging points. And far from lagging behind England, as you suggest, in terms of the proportion of the electric cars we have in Wales, we have a roughly similar proportion of chargers available for the cars there are. Though, clearly, as the number of electric cars increases, as we all wish to see, then we need to keep pace with that and increase the investment. I agree with the point he makes, but I do think we are making reasonable progress.
Wel, credaf ein bod eisoes yn gwneud hynny. Rydym wedi lansio ein cynllun gweithredu ar gyfer gwefru cerbydau trydan yn ddiweddar, ac ar hyn o bryd mae gennym raglen, y flwyddyn ariannol hon, o fuddsoddiad mewn mannau gwefru yng nghanol trefi. Ac ymhell o fod ar ei hôl hi o gymharu â Lloegr, fel yr awgrymwch, o ran cyfran y ceir trydan sydd gennym yng Nghymru, mae gennym gyfran debyg o fannau gwefru ar gael ar gyfer y ceir sydd gennym. Er hynny, yn amlwg, wrth i nifer y ceir trydan gynyddu, fel rydym i gyd yn dymuno ei weld, mae angen inni gadw i fyny â hynny a chynyddu'r buddsoddiad. Rwy'n cytuno â'r pwynt y mae'n ei wneud, ond rwy'n credu ein bod yn gwneud cynnydd rhesymol.
5. Pa asesiad y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'i wneud o ansawdd gwasanaethau rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru? OQ57338
5. What assessment has the Minister made of the quality of rail services in Wales? OQ57338
Diolch. Transport for Wales monitor on a monthly basis the customer satisfaction with their services along with all other train operators. TfW are currently mid table and are continually striving to improve services for passengers during what has been a challenging time with COVID and adverse weather events.
Diolch. Mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn monitro boddhad cwsmeriaid â'u gwasanaethau yn fisol fel yr holl weithredwyr trenau eraill. Ar hyn o bryd mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru ar ganol y tabl ac yn ymdrechu'n barhaus i wella gwasanaethau i deithwyr yn ystod cyfnod heriol gyda COVID a thywydd garw.
Diolch ichi am eich ateb. Dwi’n ddefnyddiwr pybyr iawn o wasanaethau trên. Yn fy 10 mlynedd i fan hyn yn y Senedd, dwi wedi gyrru i lawr efallai rhyw ddwywaith y flwyddyn. Dwi’n defnyddio’r trên bron yn ddieithriad os medra i, a dwi wedi defnyddio’r trên dair gwaith yn y tair wythnos diwethaf. Tair wythnos yn ôl, mi oeddwn i ddwy awr yn hwyr yn cyrraedd yn ôl i’r gogledd. Pythefnos yn ôl, mi ges i fy nal i fyny yn nhrafferthion a shambles, os caf i ddweud, gwasanaethau trên penwythnos rygbi—roeddwn i dros awr yn hwyr yn cyrraedd adre. Ac yr wythnos diwethaf hefyd, mi oeddwn i awr yn hwyr yn cyrraedd Caerdydd. Nawr, dwi’n rhywun sydd eisiau defnyddio trenau, ond mae’n rhaid i mi ddweud, dwi yn colli ffydd yn y gwasanaeth ac yng ngallu Trafnidiaeth Cymru i redeg y gwasanaeth. Felly, rydych chi’n addo gwelliant ers blynyddoedd, fel rŷn ni wedi clywed yn barod y prynhawn yma, ond pa mor amyneddgar ydych chi’n disgwyl i bobl fod, oherwydd erbyn ichi gael y gwasanaeth lan i lle rŷn ni i gyd eisiau ei weld, mi fydd y rhan fwyaf o bobl wedi rhoi lan?
Thank you for that response. I'm a very regular user of train services. In my 10 years here in the Senedd, I've driven down some twice a year. I use the train almost without exception, but I have used the train three times in the last three weeks. Three weeks ago, I was two hours late getting back to north Wales. A fortnight ago, I was caught up in the difficulty and shambles of train services on a rugby weekend—I was over an hour late getting home. And last week, I was an hour late in getting to Cardiff. Now, I am one who wants to use trains, but I have to say that I am losing faith in the service and in the ability of Transport for Wales to run the service. So, you've promised improvements over years, as we've heard this afternoon, but how patient do you expect passengers to be, because by the time you get the service up and running to where we want it, most people will have already given up?
I'm sorry to hear what Llyr Gruffydd said about his own experience travelling on the train, and how it is shaking his confidence. Clearly, if that starts to happen, then we do have significant problems. I think we do need to be understanding about the range of pressures facing the train system in Wales, and across the UK at the moment. I don’t think Transport for Wales is particularly different in some of the things it has to cope with. There has been damage to a number of trains, which has reduced the rolling stock available, and the fact that Avanti West Coast are not reinstating services across north Wales has also had an impact and created some overcrowding. I think TfW are acutely conscious of it and are working hard on it. We can’t, as Llyr Gruffydd fairly mentioned in his question, run away from the long-term impact of underinvestment that we have had, and that is now showing itself. But there's no doubt that there are, in some services, particularly acute pressures at the moment, and TfW are working hard to resolve them.
Mae'n ddrwg gennyf glywed yr hyn a ddywedodd Llyr Gruffydd am ei brofiad yn teithio ar y trên, a sut y mae'n ysgwyd ei hyder. Yn amlwg, os yw hynny'n dechrau digwydd, mae gennym broblemau sylweddol. Credaf fod angen inni ddeall yr ystod o wahanol bwysau sy'n wynebu'r system drenau yng Nghymru, ac ar draws y DU ar hyn o bryd. Nid wyf yn credu bod Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn arbennig o wahanol gyda rhai o'r pethau y mae'n rhaid iddynt ymdopi â hwy. Mae difrod wedi cael ei wneud i nifer o drenau, sydd wedi lleihau nifer y cerbydau sydd ar gael, ac mae'r ffaith nad yw Avanti West Coast yn adfer gwasanaethau ar draws gogledd Cymru hefyd wedi cael effaith ac wedi creu rhywfaint o orlenwi. Rwy'n credu bod Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn ymwybodol iawn o hynny ac yn gweithio'n galed arno. Fel y soniodd Llyr Gruffydd yn deg yn ei gwestiwn, ni allwn osgoi effaith hirdymor y tanfuddsoddiad a gawsom, ac mae hynny'n amlygu ei hun yn awr. Ond nid oes amheuaeth fod pwysau arbennig o drwm ar rai gwasanaethau ar hyn o bryd ac mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru'n gweithio'n galed i'w datrys.
Minister, will you join me in welcoming the news of the reintroduction of direct rail services from Crosskeys to Newport, from this Sunday, 12 December, in time for Christmas? This is no mean achievement, and will be the first direct passenger rail service from the communities of Islwyn to Newport in almost 60 years. I’ve campaigned since my election to reconnect rail services in Islwyn to Newport—the proud city of Gwent—and I’m delighted that the Welsh Labour Government is delivering on that promise it made to the people of Islwyn. Minister, what actions will Welsh Labour take to deliver on our promise of the new passenger rail service from Ebbw Vale to Newport, to ensure that citizens of Newbridge can directly be reconnected to Newport, our roads decongested, our valleys further greened, and our air cleaned?
Weinidog, a wnewch chi ymuno â mi a chroesawu'r newyddion am ailgyflwyno gwasanaethau rheilffordd uniongyrchol o Crosskeys i Gasnewydd, o ddydd Sul, 12 Rhagfyr, mewn pryd ar gyfer y Nadolig? Nid camp fach mo hon a dyma fydd y gwasanaeth rheilffordd uniongyrchol cyntaf i deithwyr o gymunedau Islwyn i Gasnewydd mewn bron i 60 mlynedd. Ers fy ethol, rwyf wedi ymgyrchu dros ailgysylltu gwasanaethau rheilffyrdd yn Islwyn i Gasnewydd—dinas falch Gwent—ac rwyf wrth fy modd fod Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru yn cyflawni'r addewid hwnnw a wnaeth i bobl Islwyn. Weinidog, pa gamau y bydd Llafur Cymru yn eu cymryd i gyflawni ein haddewid o sicrhau gwasanaeth trenau newydd i deithwyr o Lynebwy i Gasnewydd, er mwyn sicrhau y gellir ailgysylltu dinasyddion Trecelyn yn uniongyrchol â Chasnewydd, lleihau'r tagfeydd ar ein ffyrdd, gwyrddu ein cymoedd ymhellach, a glanhau ein hawyr?
Well, not only will I join you in welcoming the Crosskeys service, but, in fact, I am getting up at 6 o'clock on Monday morning in order to catch the Crosskeys railway service and to see it come into Newport, so I don’t think my commitment can be questioned by anyone in the Chamber. It is a perfect example of what we’ve been able to do, even though rail infrastructure is not devolved to Wales—to step in where the UK Government has failed to make sure that the people of our communities are given the service they deserve.
We were able to make a significant amount of money available this year to put investment forward into the extension towards Ebbw Vale. It does require action from the UK Government and Network Rail, and we are talking to them about speeding that up. I was very pleased to read in the report by Sir Peter Hendy in the 'Union Connectivity Review' the other week his recommendation: the UK Government do more to improve rail services into Wales and within Wales. He also significantly embraced the recommendations of the Burns review, to deal with congestion around Newport, and part of that involves investing in the Ebbw Vale rail link, and comprehensively rejected the suggestion of the Prime Minister that the UK Government should build an M4 over and above the heads of devolution, completely ignoring the democratic will of the people, and explicitly said that the public transport solution set out by the Welsh Government, through the South East Wales Transport Commission, was the right way ahead. So, I think the Welsh Conservatives should show a little humility in recognising that their own Government's report has rejected a call they've been loudly making in this Chamber, and I hope, together, we can move on and focus on public transport investment and looking at the UK Government playing its part in that.
Wel, nid yn unig y byddaf yn ymuno â chi i groesawu gwasanaeth Crosskeys, ond mewn gwirionedd, rwy'n codi am 6 o'r gloch fore Llun er mwyn dal gwasanaeth rheilffordd Crosskeys a'i weld yn dod i mewn i Gasnewydd, felly nid wyf yn credu y gall unrhyw un yn y Siambr gwestiynu fy ymrwymiad. Mae'n enghraifft berffaith o'r hyn rydym wedi gallu ei wneud, er nad yw seilwaith rheilffyrdd wedi'i ddatganoli i Gymru—i gamu i'r adwy lle mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi methu sicrhau bod pobl ein cymunedau yn cael y gwasanaeth y maent yn ei haeddu.
Rydym wedi gallu sicrhau bod swm sylweddol o arian ar gael eleni i fuddsoddi yn yr estyniad tuag at Lynebwy. Mae angen camau gweithredu gan Lywodraeth y DU a Network Rail, ac rydym yn siarad â hwy ynglŷn â chyflymu'r gwaith hwnnw. Roeddwn yn falch iawn o ddarllen argymhelliad Syr Peter Hendy yn ei adroddiad yn yr 'Adolygiad o Gysylltedd yr Undeb' yr wythnos o'r blaen: mae Llywodraeth y DU yn gwneud mwy i wella gwasanaethau rheilffyrdd i mewn i Gymru ac yng Nghymru. Roedd hefyd yn llwyr groesawu argymhellion adolygiad Burns, i ymdrin â thagfeydd o amgylch Casnewydd, ac mae rhan o hynny'n golygu buddsoddi yng nghyswllt rheilffordd Glynebwy, a gwrthododd awgrym y Prif Weinidog y dylai Llywodraeth y DU adeiladu M4 a diystyru datganoli, gan anwybyddu ewyllys ddemocrataidd y bobl yn llwyr, a dywedodd yn benodol mai'r ateb i drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus a nodwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, drwy Gomisiwn Trafnidiaeth De-ddwyrain Cymru, oedd y ffordd gywir ymlaen. Felly, credaf y dylai'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ddangos ychydig o wyleidd-dra wrth gydnabod bod adroddiad eu Llywodraeth eu hunain wedi gwrthod galwad y maent wedi bod yn ei gwneud yn y Siambr hon, ac rwy'n gobeithio, gyda'n gilydd, y gallwn symud ymlaen a chanolbwyntio ar fuddsoddi mewn trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus a disgwyl i Lywodraeth y DU chwarae ei rhan yn hynny.
At the weekend, I was contacted by a constituent who said, 'I took the train from Cardiff about 3.23 and arrived in Chester after midnight on a train that should've arrived at 6.23 p.m. Passengers and I think Transport for Wales were aware of the problem before we left Cardiff Central. This was 17 November.'
Last Monday, like Llyr, on the twenty-ninth, I pre-booked my ticket from Wrexham General down here, but I knew there were problems. I rang Transport for Wales, they confirmed my train had been cancelled but the next one was running as scheduled. When I arrived, myself and other passengers saw, on the overhead signage, right up until the time of arrival, that the train was on time. But, bang on the minute when the train was due, tannoy said, 'train cancelled'. We had to wait until another hour and a half for the next train in freezing cold weather, with the waiting room locked, because now Transport for Wales locks Wrexham waiting room from 6 p.m. The issue here is—I clearly understand that problems occur with track, and that has to be dealt with, but there was a failure of passenger care, a failure of passenger information, which could have prevented people having to stay on the platform for so long in such inclement circumstances. So, how can you propose to address that information issue, so that passengers are protected from similar situations occurring?
Dros y penwythnos, cysylltodd etholwr â mi a ddywedodd, 'Euthum ar y trên o Gaerdydd tua 3.23 a chyrhaeddais Gaer ar ôl hanner nos ar drên a ddylai fod wedi cyrraedd am 6.23 p.m. Mae teithwyr eraill a minnau'n credu bod Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn ymwybodol o'r broblem cyn inni adael gorsaf Caerdydd Canolog. Digwyddodd hyn ar 17 Tachwedd.'
Ddydd Llun diwethaf, fel Llyr, ar y nawfed ar hugain, archebais fy nhocyn o Wrecsam i lawr yma, ond gwyddwn fod yna broblemau. Ffoniais Trafnidiaeth Cymru, ac fe wnaethant gadarnhau bod fy nhrên wedi'i ganslo ond dywedasant fod yr un nesaf ar amser. Pan gyrhaeddais, roedd yr arwyddion uwchben, hyd at yr amser cyrraedd, yn dangos i mi a'r teithwyr eraill fod y trên ar amser. Ond yr eiliad roedd y trên i fod i gyrraedd, dywedodd yr uchelseinydd fod 'y trên wedi'i ganslo'. Bu'n rhaid inni aros awr a hanner arall am y trên nesaf mewn tywydd rhewllyd, gyda'r ystafell aros dan glo am fod Trafnidiaeth Cymru bellach yn cloi ystafell aros Wrecsam am 6 p.m. Y broblem yma yw—rwy'n deall yn amlwg fod problemau'n digwydd gyda'r trac, ac mae'n rhaid ymdrin â hwy, ond cafwyd methiant o ran gofal teithwyr, methiant o ran darparu gwybodaeth i deithwyr, a allai fod wedi atal pobl rhag gorfod aros ar y platfform cyhyd mewn amgylchiadau mor arw. Felly, sut rydych yn cynnig mynd i'r afael â'r broblem wybodaeth honno, fel bod teithwyr yn cael eu diogelu rhag sefyllfaoedd tebyg?
Well, I really am sorry to hear about that experience that the Member and his fellow passengers had, and that clearly isn't good enough. There are acute operational challenges being faced by Transport for Wales at the moment, and I think they need to reflect on his experience, and I will ask them to look into the circumstances in particular and take the point on board that he made, and the understanding he showed that when difficulties do occur, the communication is more important than at any other time. So, I think there are lessons to be learned from that, and I will speak to them and write to him about it.
Wel, mae'n ddrwg iawn gennyf glywed am y profiad a gafodd yr Aelod a'i gyd-deithwyr, ac mae'n amlwg nad yw hynny'n ddigon da. Mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn wynebu heriau gweithredol difrifol ar hyn o bryd, a chredaf fod angen iddynt ystyried ei brofiad, a gofynnaf iddynt ymchwilio i'r amgylchiadau penodol hyn ac ystyried y pwynt a wnaeth, a'r ddealltwriaeth y mae wedi'i dangos pan fo anawsterau'n digwydd, fod cyfathrebu'n bwysicach nag ar unrhyw adeg arall. Felly, credaf fod gwersi i'w dysgu o hynny, a byddaf yn siarad â hwy ac yn ysgrifennu ato yn ei gylch.
6. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am flaenoriaethau Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer adfywio canol trefi? OQ57321
6. Will the Minister provide an update on the Welsh Government's priorities for town centre regeneration? OQ57321
Thank you. Our Transforming Towns programme continues to deliver our priorities for town centres, which include repurposing empty buildings, improving the diversity of services, increasing flexible living and work spaces, and creating more community green space. The programme has provided £136 million across Wales specifically for town centre regeneration.
Diolch. Mae ein rhaglen Trawsnewid Trefi yn parhau i gyflawni ein blaenoriaethau ar gyfer canol trefi, sy'n cynnwys addasu adeiladau gwag at ddibenion gwahanol, gwella amrywiaeth gwasanaethau, cynyddu mannau gwaith a byw hyblyg, a chreu mwy o fannau gwyrdd cymunedol. Mae'r rhaglen wedi darparu £136 miliwn ledled Cymru yn benodol ar gyfer adfywio canol trefi.
Deputy Minister, you may be aware that I recently joined the Minister for Climate Change for the official opening of the new Cynon Linc in Aberdare. Managed by Age Connects Morgannwg, and funded through the Welsh Government's integrated care fund, this has turned a tired community building into a modern, fit-for-purpose facility at the heart of the community, and in a prominent town-centre location. So, how else is the Welsh Government working with the public sector, specifically, and other stakeholders, to deliver schemes to regenerate our town centres?
Ddirprwy Weinidog, efallai eich bod yn ymwybodol fy mod wedi ymuno â'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd yn ddiweddar ar gyfer agoriad swyddogol y Cynon Linc newydd yn Aberdâr. Wedi'i reoli gan Age Connects Morgannwg, a'i ariannu drwy gronfa gofal integredig Llywodraeth Cymru, mae hwn wedi troi adeilad cymunedol blinedig yn gyfleuster modern, addas i'r diben yng nghanol y gymuned, ac mewn lleoliad amlwg yng nghanol y dref. Felly, ym mha ffordd arall y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gyda'r sector cyhoeddus, yn benodol, a rhanddeiliaid eraill, i gyflwyno cynlluniau i adfywio canol ein trefi?
Thank you. Yes, and I know the Minister enjoyed a visit to the Cynon Linc and was very impressed by the project and the work they'd done there to bring services together. And I think that does give us an example of the way we need to rethink town centres—not simply as shopping spaces, because the nature of retail has changed beyond recognition in the last 30 years, with out-of-town developments, with the growth of supermarkets and with the shift online. We need to think of town centres afresh as spaces where people meet and where services are provided.
We do have a 'town centre first' policy now for the provision of public services, and we encourage all service providers to look first as to whether or not a town-centre location can be provided, and I think that is the way forward. As I mentioned earlier, we've published reports in July this year, from Professor Karel Williams, into the future of town centres, and in September, Audit Wales published their own report that echoed many of the recommendations, and we have specifically asked the ministerial town centre taskforce to look at both of those. And involving the public sector and service providers to see town centres as a place where they do their business is one of the things that I'm asking them to look at.
Diolch. Ie, a gwn fod y Gweinidog wedi mwynhau ymweld â'r Cynon Linc a chafodd y prosiect a'r gwaith roeddent wedi'i wneud yno i ddod â gwasanaethau at ei gilydd argraff fawr arni. A chredaf fod hynny'n enghraifft o'r ffordd y mae angen inni ailystyried canol trefi—nid fel mannau siopa yn unig, oherwydd mae natur manwerthu wedi newid y tu hwnt i adnabyddiaeth yn ystod y 30 mlynedd diwethaf, gyda datblygiadau y tu allan i'r dref, gyda thwf archfarchnadoedd a chyda'r newid i siopa ar-lein. Mae angen inni feddwl am ganol trefi o'r newydd fel mannau lle mae pobl yn cyfarfod a lle darperir gwasanaethau.
Mae gennym bolisi 'canol trefi yn gyntaf' yn awr ar gyfer darparu gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, ac rydym yn annog pob darparwr gwasanaeth i edrych yn gyntaf a ellir darparu lleoliad yng nghanol y dref ai peidio, a chredaf mai dyna'r ffordd ymlaen. Fel y soniais yn gynharach, rydym wedi cyhoeddi adroddiadau ym mis Gorffennaf eleni, gan yr Athro Karel Williams, i ddyfodol canol trefi, ac ym mis Medi, cyhoeddodd Archwilio Cymru eu hadroddiad eu hunain a oedd yn adleisio llawer o'r argymhellion, ac rydym wedi gofyn yn benodol i'r tasglu gweinidogol ar ganol trefi edrych ar y ddau adroddiad. Ac un o'r pethau rwy'n gofyn iddynt edrych arnynt yw annog y sector cyhoeddus a darparwyr gwasanaethau i feddwl am ganol trefi fel mannau lle maent yn cyflawni eu gwaith.
7. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gydag awdurdodau lleol i wella mannau gwyrdd? OQ57320
7. How is the Welsh Government working with local authorities to enhance green spaces? OQ57320
We are actively working with all local authorities across Wales to improve green spaces through a number of initiatives, such as our Transforming Towns placemaking grant, supporting the Valleys regional park, funding local nature partnerships and our 'Building Better Places', which further encourages the creation of accessible green spaces.
Rydym wrthi'n gweithio gyda phob awdurdod lleol ledled Cymru i wella mannau gwyrdd drwy nifer o fentrau, megis ein grant creu lleoedd Trawsnewid Trefi, cefnogi parc rhanbarthol y Cymoedd, ariannu partneriaethau natur lleol a'n 'Adeiladu Lleoedd Gwell', sy'n anogaeth bellach i greu mannau gwyrdd hygyrch.
I want to thank the Ministers for their commitment to enhancing green spaces across Wales. In Bridgend and Porthcawl, constituents from all ages and backgrounds express the need for more green spaces within their communities and to protect and enhance existing spaces. I recently received ideas from students at West Park Primary School, Porthcawl Primary School and Nottage Primary School for their dream park. A combination of nature and well-being were the overwhelming themes for so many of the pupils, with ideas including wild flowers for biodiversity, therapy gardens and tree planting. So, I also really welcome the £580,000 Welsh Government grant secured by Bridgend County Borough Council for the Cwm Taf nature network project, which will see so many spaces undergo improvement. And in light of the students' ideas, could I ask the Minister to ensure that both mental and physical well-being will be part of the ongoing strategies to enhance our green spaces?
Hoffwn ddiolch i'r Gweinidogion am eu hymrwymiad i wella mannau gwyrdd ledled Cymru. Ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr a Phorthcawl, mae etholwyr o bob oed a chefndir yn mynegi'r angen am fwy o fannau gwyrdd yn eu cymunedau ac i ddiogelu a gwella'r mannau presennol. Yn ddiweddar, cefais syniadau gan ddisgyblion yn Ysgol Gynradd West Park, Ysgol Gynradd Porthcawl ac Ysgol Gynradd Nottage ynglŷn â'u parc delfrydol. Cyfuniad o natur a llesiant oedd y themâu pwysicaf i gynifer o'r disgyblion, gyda syniadau'n cynnwys blodau gwyllt ar gyfer bioamrywiaeth, gerddi therapi a phlannu coed. Felly, rwyf hefyd yn croesawu'r grant o £580,000 gan Lywodraeth Cymru a gafodd Cyngor Bwrdeistref Sirol Pen-y-bont ar Ogwr ar gyfer prosiect rhwydwaith natur Cwm Taf, a fydd yn gweld cynifer o leoedd yn cael eu gwella. Ac yng ngoleuni syniadau'r myfyrwyr, a gaf fi ofyn i'r Gweinidog sicrhau y bydd llesiant meddyliol a chorfforol yn rhan o'r strategaethau parhaus i wella ein mannau gwyrdd?
Yes, indeed. The principles of sustainable management of natural resources puts multiple benefits, particularly mental and physical well-being, at the heart of any strategic plan to create or improve Wales's green spaces. In fact, as I think you know, Sarah, the Cwm Taf network project you mentioned is developing new practices for managing green spaces in the Cwm Taf health board region, in line with the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015, using the public services board's well-being plan—so, a really integrated plan that nicely matches the dream park that I hope will be a reality as a result. The plan identifies a connected network of 20 green spaces to be managed as a nature-based solution for improving the health and well-being of local residents. Highlights of the project include increasing access for parents with early years children, increasing access for older people, increasing access for partially sighted people and providing spaces for mindfulness.
We're also delivering similar health and well-being objectives through the enabling natural resources and well-being scheme under way or about to start across Wales, and I'm really just delighted to hear about the enthusiasm and resource of the pupils there. One of the real pleasures of these jobs—there are many downsides, but one of the real pleasures—is meeting young people, listening to their hopes and dreams and actually knowing that you've got the ability to put some of those, at least, into practice. So, I very much welcome it, and I'm delighted that we'll be able to turn that dream park into a reality really soon.
Yn sicr. Mae egwyddorion rheoli adnoddau naturiol yn gynaliadwy yn rhoi nifer o fanteision, yn enwedig llesiant meddyliol a chorfforol, wrth wraidd unrhyw gynllun strategol i greu neu wella mannau gwyrdd yng Nghymru. Yn wir, fel y gwyddoch, Sarah, mae prosiect rhwydwaith Cwm Taf y sonioch chi amdano yn datblygu arferion newydd ar gyfer rheoli mannau gwyrdd yn rhanbarth bwrdd iechyd Cwm Taf, yn unol â Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015, gan ddefnyddio cynllun llesiant y bwrdd gwasanaethau cyhoeddus—felly, cynllun integredig iawn sy'n cyfateb yn dda i'r parc delfrydol a gaiff ei wireddu o ganlyniad, gobeithio. Mae'r cynllun yn nodi rhwydwaith cysylltiedig o 20 o fannau gwyrdd i'w rheoli fel ateb ar sail natur ar gyfer gwella iechyd a llesiant trigolion lleol. Mae uchafbwyntiau'r prosiect yn cynnwys cynyddu mynediad i rieni â phlant blynyddoedd cynnar, cynyddu mynediad i bobl hŷn, cynyddu mynediad i bobl sy'n rhannol ddall a darparu mannau ar gyfer ymwybyddiaeth ofalgar.
Rydym hefyd yn cyflawni amcanion iechyd a llesiant tebyg drwy'r cynllun galluogi adnoddau naturiol a lles sydd ar y gweill neu ar fin dechrau ledled Cymru, ac rwy'n falch iawn o glywed am frwdfrydedd a dyfeisgarwch y disgyblion yno. Un o bleserau gwirioneddol y swyddi hyn—mae llawer o anfanteision, ond un o'r pleserau gwirioneddol—yw cyfarfod â phobl ifanc, gwrando ar eu gobeithion a'u breuddwydion a gwybod bod gennych allu i roi rhai o'r rheini, o leiaf, ar waith. Felly, rwy'n ei groesawu'n fawr, ac rwy'n falch iawn y byddwn yn gallu gwireddu'r parc delfrydol hwnnw'n fuan iawn.
8. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'u cael gyda Gweinidog yr Economi ynghylch cefnogi busnesau i ddod yn amgylcheddol gynaliadwy? OQ57310
8. What discussions has the Minister had with the Minister for Economy about supporting businesses to become environmentally sustainable? OQ57310
Thank you. I have regular discussions with the economy Minister on how Business Wales can reflect the need to tackle the climate and nature emergencies. This morning, I met with him to discuss the results of the deep dive, which we published earlier this afternoon, into how we can deploy more renewable energy and the economic opportunities that flow from that, both for the supply chain, but also in capturing more wealth in Wales so that prosperity from our natural resources can be kept here in our communities.
Diolch. Rwy'n cael trafodaethau rheolaidd gyda Gweinidog yr economi ar sut y gall Busnes Cymru adlewyrchu'r angen i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfyngau hinsawdd a natur. Y bore yma, cyfarfûm ag ef i drafod canlyniadau'r astudiaeth fanwl, a gyhoeddwyd gennym yn gynharach y prynhawn yma, o sut y gallwn sicrhau mwy o ynni adnewyddadwy a'r cyfleoedd economaidd sy'n deillio o hynny, ar gyfer y gadwyn gyflenwi, ond hefyd i grynhoi mwy o gyfoeth yng Nghymru fel y gellir cadw ffyniant o'n hadnoddau naturiol yma yn ein cymunedau.
Thank you, Deputy Minister. The Association of Chartered Certified Accountants recently surveyed small and medium enterprises in Wales on their plans to make themselves more environmentally sustainable. Small business owners said that the No. 1 issue holding businesses back from making their operations more sustainable was the lack of time and resources to implement environmental strategies. Company bosses also highlighted their own lack of expertise on where to start with sustainability plans, whilst reporting challenges in obtaining the right financial backing from traditional outlets. Deputy Minister, in light of these findings, will you undertake to discuss, with the Minister for Economy, ways to give SMEs in Wales the practical guidance and funding that they need to address this important issue? Thank you.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Yn ddiweddar, cynhaliodd Cymdeithas y Cyfrifwyr Ardystiedig Siartredig arolwg o fentrau bach a chanolig yng Nghymru ar eu cynlluniau i wneud eu hunain yn fwy cynaliadwy yn amgylcheddol. Dywedodd perchnogion busnesau bach mai'r prif beth sy'n rhwystro busnesau rhag gwneud eu gweithrediadau'n fwy cynaliadwy oedd diffyg amser ac adnoddau i weithredu strategaethau amgylcheddol. Tynnodd penaethiaid cwmnïau sylw hefyd at eu diffyg arbenigedd eu hunain ar ble i ddechrau gyda chynlluniau cynaliadwyedd, tra'n adrodd am heriau wrth gael y gefnogaeth ariannol gywir o ffynonellau traddodiadol. Ddirprwy Weinidog, yng ngoleuni'r canfyddiadau hyn, a wnewch chi ymrwymo i drafod, gyda Gweinidog yr Economi, ffyrdd o ddarparu'r arweiniad ymarferol a'r cyllid y mae busnesau bach a chanolig yng Nghymru eu hangen i fynd i'r afael â'r mater pwysig hwn? Diolch.
Well, I certainly recognise the challenges that small and medium-sized enterprises face to look beyond the short-term pressures of running a busy business in challenging times, and, of course, they've had particularly acute challenging times over the last two years. Of course, dealing with environmental sustainability is not even only the right thing to do, it is of short-term self-interest for businesses as well in terms of reducing costs from their energy output, as well as being in tune with their customers and the growing concern there is around climate change. Over the coming months, Business Wales will strengthen their outreach work with the micro and the SME community to help realise the benefits of operating differently, and they will focus on the key actions of the green growth pledge to ensure that they are aware of regulatory changes, good practice in product and service design and are connected with the support that is available to drive forward their green ambitions.
Wel, rwy'n sicr yn cydnabod yr heriau y mae busnesau bach a chanolig eu maint yn eu hwynebu wrth edrych y tu hwnt i bwysau tymor byr rhedeg busnes prysur mewn cyfnod heriol, ac wrth gwrs, maent wedi cael cyfnod arbennig o heriol dros y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf. Wrth gwrs, nid yn unig ei bod hi'n briodol ymdrin â chynaliadwyedd amgylcheddol, mae'n gwneud lles yn y tymor byr i'r busnesau eu hunain hefyd o ran lleihau costau eu hallbwn ynni, yn ogystal â bod mewn cytgord â'u cwsmeriaid a'r pryder cynyddol mewn perthynas â newid hinsawdd. Dros y misoedd nesaf, bydd Busnes Cymru yn cryfhau eu gwaith allgymorth gyda'r gymuned micro a BBaCh i helpu i wireddu manteision gweithredu'n wahanol, a byddant yn canolbwyntio ar gamau allweddol yr addewid twf gwyrdd i sicrhau eu bod yn ymwybodol o newidiadau rheoleiddiol, arferion da o ran dylunio cynnyrch a gwasanaethau ac wedi'u cysylltu â'r cymorth sydd ar gael i fwrw ymlaen â'u huchelgeisiau gwyrdd.
Ac yn olaf, cwestiwn 9, Sioned Williams.
Finally, question 9, Sioned Williams.
9. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i sicrhau bod adeiladwyr yn cwblhau ystadau tai i safon foddhaol? OQ57327
9. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to ensure that builders complete housing estates to a satisfactory standard? OQ57327
Builders are responsible for ensuring that new homes comply with the building regulations. The Building Safety Bill will set out clear responsibilities for compliance and provide a means of redress where things go wrong.
Mae adeiladwyr yn gyfrifol am sicrhau bod cartrefi newydd yn cydymffurfio â'r rheoliadau adeiladu. Bydd y Bil Diogelwch Adeiladau yn nodi cyfrifoldebau clir dros gydymffurfio ac yn darparu ffordd o wneud iawn pan fo pethau'n mynd o chwith.
Diolch, Weinidog. Mae wedi dod i'r amlwg i mi nad oes mesurau digonol mewn lle i fynd i'r afael â'r broblem enfawr sy'n bodoli wrth i rai adeiladwyr fethu â chwblhau ystadau tai i safon foddhaol. Mae nifer o achosion ble mae rhywun yn prynu tŷ dan yr argraff gamarweiniol y bydd isadeiledd fel lonydd, palmentydd, goleuadau stryd ac yn y blaen yn cael eu cwblhau unwaith y bydd yr holl dai yn yr ystad yn cael eu gwerthu cyn cael eu gadael ar ôl i fyw mewn amodau byw peryglus am flynyddoedd os nad am byth. Mae awdurdodau lleol yn dweud nad oes ganddyn nhw'r grymoedd i weithredu ar hyn, tra bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn honni mai mater i'r awdurdodau cynllunio lleol ydyw, ac mae'r anghyfiawnder hwn hyd yn oed yn waeth mewn achosion ble mae rheolaeth dros adeiladu wedi ei allanoli i gwmnïau preifat. Yn yr achosion hyn, nid yw'r awdurdodau cynllunio lleol yn gwneud unrhyw waith ymchwilio na gorfodi pan fo gwaith diffygiol clir. Felly, a wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru gynnal ymchwiliad i mewn i hyn er mwyn sicrhau nad oes unrhyw un yn gorfod byw mewn amodau anniogel? Diolch.
Thank you, Minister. It's become apparent to me that there aren't adequate measures in place to tackle the huge problem that exists as some builders fail to complete housing estates to a satisfactory standard. In a number of cases, where someone buys a house under the mistaken impression that infrastructure such as pavements, streetlights and roads will be completed once all the houses in the estate have been built, they are being left to live in dangerous living conditions for years, if not forever. Local authorities say that they don't have the power to take action in this area, whilst the Welsh Government claims that it's a matter for local planning authorities, and this injustice is even worse in cases where management for building is outsourced to private companies. In these cases, the local planning authorities don't do any research or enforcement work when clearly deficient work is done. So, will the Welsh Government hold an inquiry into this issue in order to ensure that nobody has to live in unsafe conditions? Thank you.
Thank you, That's a mix of a couple of things. My colleague Hefin David has been talking about the issue of connecting estates and the estate management charges that sometimes are left with home owners as a result for quite some time. This continues to be a real problem, because it's something that's negotiated between the developer and the local authority, through either a highways agreement, a section—I forget; 328, I think it is, but don't quote me—one of the sections of the Highways Act 1980 that connects the highway together, or indeed a section 106 planning agreement, which puts obligations on the developers. Local authorities then often adopt those roads and take them over as part of their statutory network, but they don't have to do that, and it's a matter of negotiation between the local authority and the developer as to what, if any, connection is made to that estate.
We've already held a number of task and finish groups into both the issue about unadopted roads and uncompleted estates, and we've had a look at some of the outcomes of those. They are incredibly complex. Unadopted roads come in all shapes and sizes across Wales. Many house owners live on an unadopted road. I should declare an interest, Deputy Presiding Officer, and say I live on one myself and am very happy to do so. I don't want the road to be adopted by anybody and it's not causing a problem. Other householders live on unadopted roads and estates where they have to pay a management fee for that and there are very draconic terms and conditions when they buy those houses for what happens if you don't pay the fees. As I say, Hefin David has brought this to my attention on a number of occasions.
We are working very hard as part of our Building Safety Bill to put a series of very specific obligations on both constructors, developers and management companies for who will have responsibility for what going forward. That doesn't solve the problem of right now. We've been working very hard with local authorities to ensure that they do negotiate the 106 agreements so that the responsibility transfers and that the developer puts the right sort of what's called a commuted sum into the pot to pay for the ongoing maintenance of that, but there's no doubt that it's a problem, and it's an ongoing one. We are working very hard, and I'm very happy to discuss with any Member the problems with this. As I say, I've discussed them many times with Hefin David. We are working very hard with the UK Government at the moment on the leasehold reform Bill, but these houses fall between, so they are freehold houses, but they have almost leasehold-like provisions on the estate management. So, we hope that that will be part of the reform that we bring forward; if it isn't, then we will legislate here in Wales to do it.
Diolch, dyna gymysgedd o un neu ddau o bethau. Mae fy nghyd-Aelod, Hefin David, wedi bod yn sôn ers cryn dipyn o amser am gysylltu ystadau a'r taliadau rheoli ystadau sydd weithiau'n cael eu gadael gyda pherchnogion cartrefi yn sgil hynny. Mae hon yn parhau i fod yn broblem wirioneddol, oherwydd mae'n rhywbeth a negodwyd rhwng y datblygwr a'r awdurdod lleol, naill ai drwy gytundeb priffyrdd, adran—rwy'n anghofio; 328, rwy'n credu, ond peidiwch â'm dyfynnu—un o adrannau Deddf Priffyrdd 1980 sy'n cysylltu'r briffordd, neu'n wir, cytundeb cynllunio adran 106, sy'n rhoi rhwymedigaethau ar y datblygwyr. Yna, mae awdurdodau lleol yn aml yn mabwysiadu'r ffyrdd hynny ac yn cymryd rheolaeth drostynt fel rhan o'u rhwydwaith statudol, ond nid oes rhaid iddynt wneud hynny, ac mae'n fater o negodi rhwng yr awdurdod lleol a'r datblygwr ynghylch pa gysylltiad, os o gwbl, a wneir i'r ystâd honno.
Rydym eisoes wedi cynnal nifer o grwpiau gorchwyl a gorffen ar ffyrdd heb eu mabwysiadu ac ystadau heb eu cwblhau, ac rydym wedi cael golwg ar rai o ganlyniadau'r rheini. Maent yn hynod gymhleth. Mae ffyrdd heb eu mabwysiadu o bob siâp a maint ledled Cymru. Mae llawer o berchnogion tai yn byw ar ffordd heb ei mabwysiadu. Dylwn ddatgan buddiant, Ddirprwy Lywydd, a dweud fy mod yn byw ar un fy hun ac yn hapus iawn i wneud hynny. Nid wyf eisiau i'r ffordd gael ei mabwysiadu gan neb ac nid yw'n achosi problem. Mae deiliaid tai eraill yn byw ar ffyrdd ac ystadau heb eu mabwysiadu lle mae'n rhaid iddynt dalu ffi reoli am hynny ac mae yna delerau ac amodau didostur iawn pan fyddant yn prynu'r tai hynny ar gyfer yr hyn sy'n digwydd os nad ydych yn talu'r ffioedd. Fel y dywedais, mae Hefin David wedi tynnu fy sylw at hyn droeon.
Rydym yn gweithio'n galed iawn fel rhan o'n Bil Diogelwch Adeiladau i roi cyfres o rwymedigaethau penodol iawn ar adeiladwyr, datblygwyr a chwmnïau rheoli ar gyfer pwy fydd yn gyfrifol am beth wrth fwrw ymlaen. Nid yw hynny'n datrys y broblem ar hyn o bryd. Rydym wedi bod yn gweithio'n galed iawn gydag awdurdodau lleol i sicrhau eu bod yn negodi'r 106 o gytundebau fel bod y cyfrifoldeb yn trosglwyddo a bod y datblygwr yn rhoi'r math cywir o'r hyn a elwir yn swm gohiriedig i'r gronfa i dalu am waith cynnal a chadw parhaus, ond nid oes amheuaeth ei bod yn broblem, ac mae'n un barhaus. Rydym yn gweithio'n galed iawn, ac rwy'n hapus iawn i drafod y problemau gyda hyn gydag unrhyw Aelod. Fel y dywedais, rwyf wedi eu trafod droeon gyda Hefin David. Rydym yn gweithio'n galed iawn gyda Llywodraeth y DU ar hyn o bryd ar y Bil diwygio cyfraith lesddaliad, ond mae'r tai hyn yn y canol rhyngddynt, felly maent yn dai rhydd-ddaliad, ond mae ganddynt ddarpariaethau tebyg i dai lesddaliad bron o ran rheolaeth yr ystâd. Felly, rydym yn gobeithio y bydd hynny'n rhan o'r diwygiadau a gyflwynwn; os nad ydyw, byddwn yn deddfu yma yng Nghymru i wneud hynny.
Diolch i'r Gweinidog ac i'r Dirprwy Weinidog.
Thank you, Minister and Deputy Minister.
Yr eitem nesaf yw cwestiynau i Weinidog y Gymraeg ac Addysg, ac yn gyntaf, Sam Rowlands.
The next item is the questions to the Minister for Education and Welsh Language, and the first question is from Sam Rowlands.
1. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i leihau'r amser ysgol a gaiff ei golli yn ystod pandemig COVID-19 yng Ngogledd Cymru? OQ57329
1. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to minimise lost school time during the COVID-19 pandemic in North Wales? OQ57329
I have introduced the local infection control framework and supporting toolkit to support schools to introduce additional measures based on local community transmission; for example, in Gwynedd, we have recently increased the offer of testing for a limited period of time in response to local need. We're in constant dialogue with directors of education across Wales around a range of issues, including, at the moment, end-of-term arrangements. Because of our commitment to maintaining children's ability to learn in school, all local authorities across Wales are prioritising keeping their schools open until the end of term and planning on that basis.
Rwyf wedi cyflwyno'r fframwaith rheoli heintiau lleol a'r pecyn cymorth ategol i gynorthwyo ysgolion i gyflwyno mesurau ychwanegol yn seiliedig ar drosglwyddiad cymunedol lleol; er enghraifft, yng Ngwynedd, rydym wedi cynyddu'r cynnig o brofi yn ddiweddar am gyfnod cyfyngedig mewn ymateb i angen lleol. Rydym yn trafod yn gyson â chyfarwyddwyr addysg ledled Cymru ynglŷn ag amrywiaeth o faterion, gan gynnwys, ar hyn o bryd, trefniadau diwedd tymor. Oherwydd ein hymrwymiad i gynnal gallu plant i ddysgu yn yr ysgol, mae pob awdurdod lleol ledled Cymru yn blaenoriaethu cadw eu hysgolion ar agor tan ddiwedd y tymor a chynllunio ar y sail honno.
Thank you, Minister. It's pleasing to hear the engagement you're having with schools and with those directors of education in local authorities as well because, of course, pupils in Wales have, sadly, had less face-to-face time in schools than counterparts across the United Kingdom during the pandemic. And I'm sure you'd acknowledge that online learning—whilst it has its place, there is nothing quite like pupils coming together and the benefits that come from face-to-face learning, allowing teachers to provide proper observation and support. And, of course, this face-to-face interaction allows schools to support many of our, especially, younger learners with important developments, one of those being speech. And I noted your statement in the Chamber last month on children's oracy and reading, and your comments that, of course, speaking, listening and reading skills are fundamental to every aspect of our lives, and it's really welcome to hear those things being said. But I would like to just push a little further on this—and perhaps I do need to declare an interest, with having three children in primary school. But, Minister, what assessment have you made of the effects to children's speech that lost school time has caused? What conversations are you having with the Minister for Health and Social Services to improve the situation and make sure that access is available to those who may need that additional support?
Diolch ichi, Weinidog. Mae'n braf clywed yr ymgysylltiad rydych yn ei gael gydag ysgolion a chyda'r cyfarwyddwyr addysg mewn awdurdodau lleol hefyd oherwydd, wrth gwrs, mae disgyblion yng Nghymru, yn anffodus, wedi cael llai o amser wyneb yn wyneb mewn ysgolion na chymheiriaid ar draws y Deyrnas Unedig yn ystod y pandemig. Ac rwy'n siŵr y byddech yn cydnabod bod dysgu ar-lein—er bod ganddo ei le, nid oes dim byd tebyg i ddisgyblion yn dod at ei gilydd a'r manteision sy'n deillio o ddysgu wyneb yn wyneb, gan ganiatáu i athrawon ddarparu arsylwi a chymorth priodol. Ac wrth gwrs, mae'r rhyngweithio wyneb yn wyneb hwn yn caniatáu i ysgolion gefnogi llawer o'n dysgwyr iau, yn enwedig, gyda datblygiadau pwysig, ac mae lleferydd yn un o'r rheini. A nodais eich datganiad yn y Siambr fis diwethaf ar lafaredd a darllen plant, a'ch sylwadau fod sgiliau siarad, gwrando a darllen, wrth gwrs, yn hanfodol i bob agwedd ar ein bywydau, ac roeddwn yn croesawu clywed y pethau hynny'n cael eu dweud. Ond hoffwn fynd gam ymhellach ar hyn—ac efallai fod angen imi ddatgan buddiant, gyda thri phlentyn yn yr ysgol gynradd. Ond Weinidog, pa asesiad a wnaethoch o effeithiau colli amser yn yr ysgol ar leferydd plant? Pa sgyrsiau a gawsoch gyda'r Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol i wella'r sefyllfa a sicrhau bod mynediad ar gael at rai a allai fod angen y cymorth ychwanegol hwnnw?
Well, I thank the Member for that supplementary question. He is, of course, right to say that children learn best when they're in a classroom setting with their peers and with their teachers learning face to face. Of course, there have been times when that hasn't been possible and, of course, in certain part of Wales that remains challenging on a week-to-week basis at the moment. But it's everybody's intention across the entire education system in Wales to maximise the opportunities for children to be safely learning in classrooms with their peers, as I say. I think it is true to say that we have made significant progress in the difficult circumstances over the last 18 months to develop the remote learning and blended learning offer very substantially from where we were able to be at the start of the pandemic, naturally, but I think it probably goes without saying that that is not as satisfactory as being in school.
He mentioned the statement that I made a number of weeks ago. I am in regular discussions with the health Minister in relation to that matter. It was based on our understanding that there had been challenges for younger pupils in particular around oracy and the early developmental stages, which motivated that statement being made. And you will see, over the course of the coming weeks, further developments in that area, which, hopefully, you'll be able to welcome.
Wel, diolch i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn atodol hwnnw. Wrth gwrs, mae'n gywir i ddweud bod plant yn dysgu orau pan fyddant mewn ystafell ddosbarth gyda'u cyfoedion a chyda'u hathrawon yn dysgu wyneb yn wyneb. Wrth gwrs, cafwyd adegau pan na fu hynny'n bosibl ac wrth gwrs, mewn rhai rhannau o Gymru mae hynny'n parhau i fod yn heriol o wythnos i wythnos ar hyn o bryd. Ond mae'n fwriad gan bawb ar draws y system addysg gyfan yng Nghymru i sicrhau cymaint o gyfleoedd â phosibl i blant fod yn dysgu'n ddiogel mewn ystafelloedd dosbarth gyda'u cyfoedion, fel y dywedaf. Credaf ei bod yn wir dweud ein bod wedi gwneud cynnydd sylweddol yn yr amgylchiadau anodd dros y 18 mis diwethaf ar ddatblygu'r cynnig dysgu o bell a dysgu cyfunol yn sylweddol iawn o gymharu â'n sefyllfa ar ddechrau'r pandemig, yn naturiol, ond prin fod angen dweud mae'n debyg nad yw hynny mor foddhaol â bod yn yr ysgol.
Soniodd am y datganiad a wneuthum nifer o wythnosau'n ôl. Rwyf mewn trafodaethau rheolaidd gyda'r Gweinidog iechyd mewn perthynas â'r mater hwnnw. Roedd yn seiliedig ar ein dealltwriaeth fod heriau wedi bod i ddisgyblion iau yn enwedig o ran llafaredd a'r camau datblygiadol cynnar, a dyna a ysgogodd y datganiad hwnnw. Ac fe welwch ddatblygiadau pellach yn y maes hwnnw dros yr wythnosau nesaf, a gobeithio y gallwch eu croesawu.
Mi ddylai popeth, wrth gwrs, gael ei wneud i atal colli mwy o ysgol, ond, efo nifer yr achosion mor uchel, mae yna broblemau ymarferol mewn ysgolion o sicrhau bod yna ddigon o staff ar gael i gadw dosbarthiadau ar agor ac, wrth gwrs, mae yna bryder go iawn a dealladwy iawn am drosglwyddiad o fewn ysgolion gan staff a rhieni sy'n cysylltu efo fi, yn cynnwys pryderon am effaith posib hynny ar allu teuluoedd i ddod at ei gilydd yn ddiogel dros y Nadolig. Felly, o gofio bod risg yr amrywiolyn omicron newydd yn dal i gael ei asesu, beth ydy neges y Gweinidog i'r rheini sy'n bryderus iawn ac y byddai'n ffafrio symud i ddysgu arlein, efallai dim ond am ychydig ddyddiau'n ychwanegol, yn y cyfnod yn arwain at y Nadolig?
Everything, of course, should be done to prevent the loss of more school time, but, with the number of cases so high, there are practical problems in schools in ensuring that there are adequate numbers of staff available to keep classrooms open, and there is real concern, and very understandable concern, about transmission within schools. Staff and parents have been in touch with me expressing concerns about the effect of that on the ability of families to come together safely over Christmas. So, bearing in mind that the risk of the omicron variant is still being assessed, what is the Minister's message to those people who are very concerned and would favour moving to online learning, perhaps just for a few days, in the period in the run-up to Christmas?
Wel, mae'r Aelod yn iawn i ddweud, wrth gwrs, fod amgylchiadau omicron yn golygu ein bod ni'n gorfod cadw golwg gofalus iawn ar ddatblygiadau. Mae'r Cabinet wedi cwrdd heddiw a bydd yn cwrdd eto yfory. Mae'r peth o dan drosolwg dyddiol ar hyn o bryd oherwydd bod y darlun yn newid ac mae mwy o ddata'n cael eu cyflwyno a'r dystiolaeth yn dod yn amlycach fesul diwrnod. Felly, mae wir yn bwysig yn y cyfnod hwn nawr ein bod ni'n gwneud popeth y gallwn ni i sicrhau ein bod ni'n glynu wrth y rheoliadau sydd wedi bod mor bwysig i'n cadw ni'n ddiogel. Gwnes i ddatganiad ar ddechrau'r mis i sicrhau bod gennym ni approach cenedlaethol ar gyfer gwisgo mygydau mewn dosbarthiadau, ynghyd â mewn ardaloedd eraill yn ein hysgolion ni, oherwydd dydyn ni ddim eto yn gwybod yn union beth yw impact omicron, felly, dŷn ni eisiau sicrhau ein bod ni'n ofalus, yn sicr dros dro.
O ran y galwadau oddi wrth rai i edrych ar ddiwrnodau olaf y tymor, mae rhai awdurdodau'n gorffen, wrth gwrs, ddiwedd wythnos nesaf, ac mae rhyw naw neu 10 yn gorffen yn agosach at y Nadolig. Rydyn ni wedi bod yn trafod hyn gyda swyddogion yn fewnol, wrth gwrs, a chydag awdurdodau lleol ledled Cymru, yn cynnwys y rheini sy'n mynd yn hwyrach tuag at y Nadolig. Fel rwy'n ei ddweud, mae awydd gan bawb ar hyn o bryd i sicrhau bod ein plant ni'n gallu bod yn eu hystafelloedd dosbarth. Fe gawn ni weld beth ddaw yn sgil omicron, fel rwy'n ei ddweud. Dyw'r sefyllfa ddim cweit mor straightforward efallai â jest dweud gan fod plant ddim yn yr ystafell ddosbarth bod hynny'n rhywbeth sydd yn diogelu o ran trosglwyddiad. Mae impact yn gallu dod ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus eraill ac yn ehangach na hynny. Mae, wrth gwrs, impact ar ddysgu a hefyd dyw e efallai ddim yn cymryd mewn i ystyriaeth bod cyfle i blant gymysgu y tu allan i'r ystafell ddosbarth beth bynnag. Felly, mae plant wedi colli cymaint o ddysgu dros y flwyddyn i 18 mis diwethaf, rŷn ni am sicrhau eu bod nhw'n cael pob cyfle posibl yn cynnwys yn ystod y diwrnodau hynny. Dyna'r sefyllfa ar hyn o bryd, ond fel rwy'n ei ddweud, rŷn ni'n cadw'r pethau yma o dan drosolwg cyson.
The Member is right to say, of course, that the omicron situation means that we have to keep a very close watching brief on developments, and the Cabinet has met today and it will meet again tomorrow. We're looking at this daily, because the picture is changing and more data is being presented and evidence is emerging every day. So, it is very important during this period that we do everything that we can to ensure that we stick to the regulations that have been so important in terms of keeping us safe. I made a statement at the start of the month to ensure that we have a national approach in terms of wearing face masks in classrooms, as well as in other parts of the school premises, because we don't know the exact impact of omicron, so we want to ensure that we are taking great care in this period.
In terms of calls by some to look at the last few days of the term, some authorities do finish at the end of next week, and about nine or 10 finish closer to Christmas. And we've been discussing this with officials internally and authorities across Wales, including those that close later, closer to Christmas. And as I say, everyone is very eager to ensure that children can be in their classrooms. We'll see what comes in the wake of omicron, as I say. The situation isn't quite as straightforward as just saying that if children are not in the classroom, then that safeguards against transmission. There can be an impact on other public services and more broadly than that. And, of course, there is an impact on learning and it possibly doesn't take into consideration the fact that there is an opportunity for children to mix outside the classroom in any case. So, children have lost so much learning over the last year to 18 months, we want to ensure that they have every possible opportunity, including in those days. That's the situation at present, but, as I said, we're keeping this under a watching brief.
2. Beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i helpu ysgolion i gynyddu cyfraddau presenoldeb ymhlith y disgyblion mwyaf difreintiedig yn dilyn cyhoeddi adroddiad diweddaraf Estyn? OQ57323
2. What is the Welsh Government doing to help schools drive up attendance rates amongst the most disadvantaged pupils following the publication of the latest Estyn report? OQ57323
It is important that we have a comprehensive understanding of what is happening on the ground across all cohorts of learners. A review of attendance patterns is under way and I expect interim findings shortly, with the report in February of next year, and the findings of that review will help us inform the development of targeted policy interventions.
Mae'n bwysig fod gennym ddealltwriaeth gynhwysfawr o'r hyn sy'n digwydd ar lawr gwlad ar draws pob carfan o ddysgwyr. Mae adolygiad o batrymau presenoldeb ar y gweill ac rwy'n disgwyl canfyddiadau interim yn fuan, gyda'r adroddiad ym mis Chwefror y flwyddyn nesaf, a bydd canfyddiadau'r adolygiad hwnnw yn ein helpu i lywio datblygiad yr ymyriadau polisi wedi'u targedu.
Thank you, Minister. I found one of the most significant statements in Estyn’s annual report was that nearly all school leaders have prioritised the well-being of their staff and pupils over their own. And I fully understand that headteachers and staff with safeguarding responsibilities are carrying a very heavy burden about the well-being of pupils, particularly those who have yet to return to school following the lockdown. And in some respects, schools feel they’re like the fourth emergency service, because while they have vulnerable children in front of them or at the front of their minds, most of the other support services that schools can normally draw on are actually still operating online and from home. So, they really are challenging situations that teachers are having to deal with. I think this is particularly true of those students who have yet to return to school. These are not children who are self-isolating, quite rightly; these are children who simply have not turned up in school and despite the best endeavours of schools, they are still absent. And we know—
Diolch, Weinidog. Un o'r datganiadau mwyaf arwyddocaol yn adroddiad blynyddol Estyn oedd bod bron bob arweinydd ysgol wedi rhoi blaenoriaeth i les eu staff a'u disgyblion yn hytrach na'u lles eu hunain. A deallaf yn iawn fod penaethiaid a staff sydd â chyfrifoldebau diogelu yn ysgwyddo baich trwm iawn mewn perthynas â lles disgyblion, yn enwedig y rhai nad ydynt eto wedi dychwelyd i'r ysgol yn dilyn y cyfyngiadau symud. Ac mewn rhai ffyrdd, mae ysgolion yn teimlo mai hwy yw'r pedwerydd gwasanaeth brys, oherwydd er bod ganddynt blant agored i niwed o'u blaenau neu ar flaen eu meddyliau, mae'r rhan fwyaf o'r gwasanaethau cymorth eraill y gall ysgolion droi atynt fel arfer yn dal i weithredu ar-lein ac o adref. Felly, mae athrawon yn gorfod ymdrin â sefyllfaoedd heriol iawn. Credaf fod hyn yn arbennig o wir am fyfyrwyr nad ydynt wedi dychwelyd i'r ysgol eto. Nid plant sy'n hunanynysu'n briodol yw'r rhain; plant yw'r rhain nad ydynt wedi dod i'r ysgol ac er gwaethaf ymdrechion gorau ysgolion, maent yn dal i fod yn absennol. A gwyddom—
Can you ask a question now, please?
A wnewch chi ofyn cwestiwn yn awr, os gwelwch yn dda?
—from the police that there's been a huge rise in domestic violence, a huge rise in the number of children being pulled into county lines or other forms of exploitation, which were exacerbated by lockdown. So, do you agree with me that, whilst numerically small, every unexplained absence from school, particularly if they've not been in school since lockdown, constitutes a major cause for concern for every pupil's well-being, and getting them back into school has to be a priority for all the agencies involved?
—gan yr heddlu fod cynnydd enfawr wedi bod mewn achosion o drais yn y cartref, cynnydd enfawr yn nifer y plant sy'n cael eu tynnu i mewn i linellau cyffuriau neu fathau eraill o gamfanteisio, a waethygwyd gan y cyfyngiadau symud. Felly, a ydych yn cytuno â mi, er eu bod yn fach o ran eu nifer, fod pob absenoldeb heb esboniad o'r ysgol, yn enwedig os nad ydynt wedi bod yn yr ysgol ers y cyfyngiadau symud, yn peri pryder mawr ynglŷn â lles pob disgybl, a bod yn rhaid i'r holl asiantaethau dan sylw roi blaenoriaeth i'w cael yn ôl i'r ysgol?
Well, I couldn't agree more with the Member on the first point that she made, which is that teaching and school staff have put the well-being of their learners very often ahead of their own. And I think I just want to put on the record again today my gratitude to the entire education workforce for the incredible efforts they’ve made over the last 18 months, but with, I think, particular recognition of how challenging the last term has been in our schools.
And the other point that she made that I want to underscore is that these are individuals and not just, as you acknowledged in your question, a question of numbers—each individual case is important. That’s why, actually, as well as looking at the patterns of attendance and non-attendance, I wanted to commission a piece of work to understand what's actually happening on the ground in terms of school leaders' views about why this is happening in particular.
And so, I’m hoping to be able to announce some particular support, before the end of this term, for pupils who have had a pattern of non-attendance and to support schools to engage more with those families. There is a particular issue in terms of those who are eligible for free school meals. There’s been a tendency for there to be lower attendance rates amongst those pupils. And there’s also an issue in relation to year 11 pupils, who have tended to be less likely to attend as well. So, those are two of the cohorts, but also the ones that she mentioned in her question. It is very important for us to understand individual circumstances and work with those families and learners.
Wel, rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â'r Aelod ar y pwynt cyntaf a wnaeth, sef bod staff addysgu a staff ysgol yn aml iawn wedi rhoi lles eu dysgwyr o flaen eu lles eu hunain. A hoffwn gofnodi eto heddiw fy niolch i'r holl weithlu addysg am yr ymdrechion anhygoel y maent wedi'u gwneud dros y 18 mis diwethaf, ond gan gydnabod yn benodol, rwy'n credu, pa mor heriol y mae'r tymor diwethaf wedi bod yn ein hysgolion.
A'r pwynt arall a wnaeth rwy'n awyddus i'w danlinellu yw mai unigolion yw'r rhain ac nid mater o rifau'n unig, fel y gwnaethoch chi gydnabod yn eich cwestiwn—mae pob achos unigol yn bwysig. Dyna pam, yn ogystal ag edrych ar batrymau presenoldeb ac absenoldeb, rwyf am gomisiynu gwaith i ddeall beth sy'n digwydd ar lawr gwlad a chael safbwyntiau arweinwyr ysgolion ynglŷn â pham y mae hyn yn digwydd yn benodol.
Ac felly, rwy'n gobeithio gallu cyhoeddi cymorth penodol, cyn diwedd y tymor hwn, i ddisgyblion sydd wedi dangos patrwm o absenoldeb ac i gynorthwyo ysgolion i ymgysylltu mwy â'r teuluoedd hynny. Ceir problem benodol mewn perthynas â rhai sy'n gymwys i gael prydau ysgol am ddim. Tueddai'r cyfraddau presenoldeb i fod yn is ymhlith y disgyblion hynny. Ac mae problem hefyd gyda disgyblion blwyddyn 11, sydd wedi tueddu i fod yn llai tebygol o fod yn bresennol. Felly, dyna ddwy o'r carfanau, ond hefyd y rhai y soniodd amdanynt yn ei chwestiwn. Mae'n bwysig iawn inni ddeall amgylchiadau unigol a gweithio gyda'r teuluoedd a'r dysgwyr hynny.
Minister, my constituency is home to one of the most deprived communities in Wales and maybe even in the whole of the UK. Sadly, poverty is so often linked to poor educational achievement, and it can be a really vicious cycle, with children of poorly educated parents less likely to achieve a good education. As the Estyn report highlights, this will have been exacerbated by the pandemic, as home schooling will have been very challenging for those households. While Rhyl, thankfully, has good broadband coverage, poorer households may be unable to afford broadband or the devices needed to access online learning. Minister, will you join me in welcoming the Vodafone Great British Tech Appeal, which is asking us to donate our old devices, such as smartphones, tablets and laptops, which they can refurbish and supply to needy families, along with free data, calls and texts? Minister, will you commit to working with the likes of Vodafone to ensure that the scheme benefits families in the Vale of Clwyd and across Wales?
Weinidog, mae fy etholaeth yn gartref i un o'r cymunedau mwyaf difreintiedig yng Nghymru ac efallai yn y DU gyfan hyd yn oed. Yn anffodus, mae tlodi mor aml yn gysylltiedig â chyflawniad addysgol gwael, a gall fod yn gylch dieflig, gyda phlant rhieni sydd heb gael addysg dda yn llai tebygol o gael addysg dda. Fel y mae adroddiad Estyn yn ei nodi, bydd hyn wedi'i waethygu gan y pandemig, gan y bydd addysg gartref wedi bod yn heriol iawn i'r aelwydydd hynny. Er bod gan y Rhyl ddarpariaeth band eang dda, diolch byth, efallai na fydd aelwydydd tlotach yn gallu fforddio band eang na'r dyfeisiau sydd eu hangen i gael mynediad at ddysgu ar-lein. Weinidog, a wnewch chi ymuno â mi i groesawu Great British Tech Appeal Vodafone, sy'n gofyn inni gyfrannu ein hen ddyfeisiau, megis ffonau clyfar, cyfrifiaduron llechen a gliniaduron, iddynt hwy allu eu hadnewyddu a'u darparu i deuluoedd anghenus, ynghyd â data, galwadau a negeseuon testun am ddim? Weinidog, a wnewch chi ymrwymo i weithio gyda rhai fel Vodafone i sicrhau bod y cynllun o fudd i deuluoedd yn Nyffryn Clwyd ac ar draws Cymru?
I certainly agree with him that we need to ensure that those families who are least able to afford access to broadband and the kind of computer equipment that many of us will take for granted are able to access that in order for those opportunities to be available to learners, regardless of their circumstances. In the last year, the Welsh Government has funded around £150 million-worth of both equipment and also connectivity to support exactly that kind of learner, to take full advantage of the blended learning and remote learning opportunities, which, unfortunately, we've had to be able to provide over the course of the last 18 months. I think that provides a very good platform for us, actually, in the future to enable that technology to become perhaps more mainstream in how we take forward learning in our schools, including in the new curriculum, to the advantage of all our learners, regardless of their circumstances.
Rwy'n sicr yn cytuno ag ef fod angen inni sicrhau bod y teuluoedd sy'n lleiaf abl i fforddio mynediad at fand eang a'r math o offer cyfrifiadurol y bydd llawer ohonom yn ei gymryd yn ganiataol yn gallu cael gafael arnynt er mwyn i'r cyfleoedd hynny fod ar gael i ddysgwyr, ni waeth beth fo'u hamgylchiadau. Yn ystod y flwyddyn ddiwethaf, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ariannu gwerth tua £150 miliwn o gyfarpar a chysylltedd hefyd i gefnogi'r mathau hynny o ddysgwyr, er mwyn manteisio'n llawn ar y cyfleoedd dysgu cyfunol a dysgu o bell, y bu'n rhaid inni allu eu darparu dros y 18 mis diwethaf, yn anffodus. Credaf fod hynny'n rhoi llwyfan da iawn i ni yn y dyfodol mewn gwirionedd i alluogi'r dechnoleg honno i ddod yn fwy prif ffrwd efallai yn y ffordd rydym yn datblygu dysgu yn ein hysgolion, gan gynnwys yn y cwricwlwm newydd, er budd ein holl ddysgwyr, ni waeth beth fo'u hamgylchiadau.
Cwestiynau nawr gan lefarwyr y pleidiau. Llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr, Laura Anne Jones.
Questions now from the party spokespeople. The Conservative spokesperson, Laura Anne Jones.
Diolch, Deputy Presiding Officer. Minister, you'll be aware of the awful case that occurred in Solihull in the west midlands, where six-year-old Arthur Hughes lost his life after a cruel and callous series of abuse. Despite concerns being raised, young Arthur's life was cut short, due to significant failings across the board. From an educational perspective, Minister, we are now acutely aware from the experience that we've had during the pandemic that school is for children far more than just education—it provides a very important, wider social role, with a safe place for children, ensuring that they get food and support. It's also somewhere that behaviours and physical abuse can be picked up. And as we've seen from Arthur's harrowing case, if he had been in school, potentially, this abuse could have been picked up sooner.
Parents are understandably concerned, Minister, about this harrowing case, and are looking to you and the Government now for reassurance that the robustness of safeguarding procedures in schools, and the standards for safeguarding for vulnerable children across Wales, are now being met. Minister, we also need to ensure that we have—
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Weinidog, fe fyddwch yn ymwybodol o'r achos ofnadwy a ddigwyddodd yn Solihull yng ngorllewin canolbarth Lloegr, lle bu farw Arthur Hughes, a oedd yn chwech oed, ar ôl cael ei gam-drin yn greulon a ffiaidd. Er i bryderon gael eu lleisio, collodd Arthur ei fywyd oherwydd methiannau sylweddol a chyffredinol. O safbwynt addysgol, Weinidog, rydym yn ymwybodol iawn yn awr o'r profiad a gawsom yn ystod y pandemig fod yr ysgol ar gyfer plant yn llawer mwy nag ar gyfer addysg yn unig—mae'n darparu rôl gymdeithasol bwysig, ehangach, gyda lle diogel i blant, gan sicrhau eu bod yn cael bwyd a chymorth. Mae hefyd yn rhywle y gellir nodi patrymau ymddygiad a chamdriniaeth gorfforol. Ac fel y gwelsom o achos dirdynnol Arthur, pe bai wedi bod yn yr ysgol, mae'n bosibl y gellid bod wedi sylwi ar y gamdriniaeth yn gynt.
Mae'n ddealladwy fod rhieni'n pryderu am yr achos dirdynnol hwn, Weinidog, ac yn gofyn am sicrwydd gennych chi a'r Llywodraeth yn awr fod cadernid gweithdrefnau diogelu mewn ysgolion, a'r safonau ar gyfer diogelu plant sy'n agored i niwed ledled Cymru, wedi eu sicrhau. Weinidog, mae angen inni hefyd sicrhau bod gennym—
Can you ask the question now, please?
A wnewch chi ofyn y cwestiwn yn awr, os gwelwch yn dda?
—additional training for teachers to identify potential signs of abuse. So, can you reassure us, Minister, today that lessons will be learnt from this case, including the severe impact that lockdowns and no school have on our children, particularly vulnerable children?
—hyfforddiant ychwanegol i athrawon allu nodi arwyddion posibl o gamdriniaeth. Felly, a allwch ein sicrhau heddiw, Weinidog, y bydd gwersi'n cael eu dysgu o'r achos hwn, gan gynnwys yr effaith ddifrifol y mae'r cyfyngiadau symud a dim ysgol yn ei chael ar ein plant, yn enwedig plant sy'n agored i niwed?
Well, can I first associate myself with her comments in relation to the tragic case of Arthur Labinjo-Hughes, which she started her question with, which is, I think, a very, very sad and very sobering lesson for all parts of the UK? All education settings in Wales have a legal duty to ensure that children have access to a safe learning environment, and I expect and understand, of course, across the system, that these responsibilities are taken seriously. The Welsh Government has issued statutory guidance, 'Keeping learners safe', to support schools in creating and maintaining a safe learning environment for children. Each school must identify a designated safeguarding person, who will ensure that staff, learners and parents feel confident that they can raise issues or concerns about the safety or well-being of learners, and that they will be taken seriously. And anyone in an education setting, employed by the local authority, must report to the authority where there is a reasonable cause to believe that a child is at risk of abuse, neglect or any other kind of harm. All authorities in Wales have a designated lead officer for safeguarding in education, and the Hwb hosts a series of e-learning modules, which have been developed by the Welsh Government, to support staff in education settings to understand those safeguarding responsibilities and how best to deploy them.
Wel, a gaf fi ategu ei sylwadau ynglŷn ag achos trasig Arthur Labinjo-Hughes, y cyfeiriodd ato ar ddechrau ei chwestiwn, sy'n wers drist a sobreiddiol iawn i bob rhan o'r DU yn fy marn i? Mae gan bob lleoliad addysg yng Nghymru ddyletswydd gyfreithiol i sicrhau bod plant yn cael mynediad at amgylchedd dysgu diogel, ac rwy'n disgwyl ac yn deall, wrth gwrs, ar draws y system, fod ystyriaeth ddifrifol yn cael ei rhoi i'r cyfrifoldebau hyn. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cyhoeddi canllawiau statudol, 'Cadw dysgwyr yn ddiogel', i gynorthwyo ysgolion i greu a chynnal amgylchedd dysgu diogel i blant. Rhaid i bob ysgol nodi person diogelu dynodedig, a fydd yn sicrhau bod staff, dysgwyr a rhieni yn teimlo'n hyderus y gallant godi materion neu bryderon am ddiogelwch neu les dysgwyr, ac y byddant yn cael ystyriaeth ddifrifol. A rhaid i unrhyw un mewn lleoliad addysg, a gyflogir gan yr awdurdod lleol, adrodd wrth yr awdurdod lle mae achos rhesymol dros gredu bod plentyn mewn perygl o fod yn cael ei gam-drin, ei esgeuluso neu unrhyw fath arall o niwed. Mae gan bob awdurdod yng Nghymru swyddog arweiniol dynodedig ar gyfer diogelu mewn addysg, ac mae'r Hwb yn cynnal cyfres o fodiwlau e-ddysgu, a ddatblygwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, i gynorthwyo staff mewn lleoliadau addysg i ddeall y cyfrifoldebau diogelu hynny a'r ffordd orau o'u gweithredu.
Thank you, Minister. Minister, the Estyn report released earlier this week is quite damning, I'm sure you'll agree. It was hard enough when we were at school, socially, but now for young people they have far more to cope with, with the added pressures of phones and social media, and it makes me glad not to be in school anymore, but, as a parent, it does worry me daily.
The Estyn report that has just been released is hugely distressing and has highlighted the tragic situation that students find themselves in with a prevalence of peer-on-peer sexual harassment in schools. With it being reported that children as young as 11 are being pressurised for explicit pictures, with the incidence of sexual harassment in schools going up, and the increase in the number of people not reporting it going up, serious questions have to be asked, Minister, and of this Government's abject failure to tackle this. These findings are nothing new, but they are getting worse. So, why don't young people feel that they can report it? We need proactive measures in place, Minister, across all schools in Wales to ensure that instances such as these are dealt with with respect, and that our young people can feel that they've been listened to, as well as to drive out these behaviours in schools through our new curriculum in the future. What urgent action are you taking now, Minister, to address this, so that young people who experience abuse of this kind right now are getting the help that they need?
Diolch. Weinidog, mae adroddiad Estyn a ryddhawyd yn gynharach yr wythnos hon yn eithaf damniol, rwy'n siŵr y byddwch yn cytuno. Roedd yn ddigon anodd pan oeddem ni yn yr ysgol, yn gymdeithasol, ond yn awr i bobl ifanc mae ganddynt lawer mwy i ymdopi ag ef, gyda phwysau ychwanegol ffonau a chyfryngau cymdeithasol, ac mae'n fy ngwneud yn falch nad wyf fi yn yr ysgol mwyach, ond fel rhiant, mae'n fy mhoeni'n ddyddiol.
Mae adroddiad Estyn sydd newydd gael ei ryddhau yn peri gofid mawr ac mae wedi tynnu sylw at y sefyllfa drasig y mae myfyrwyr ynddi gyda chymaint o aflonyddu rhywiol gan gyfoedion yn digwydd mewn ysgolion. Gydag adroddiadau fod plant mor ifanc ag 11 oed dan bwysau i ddarparu lluniau amhriodol, a nifer yr achosion o aflonyddu rhywiol mewn ysgolion yn codi, a'r cynnydd yn nifer y bobl nad ydynt yn rhoi gwybod am yr achosion hyn yn codi, rhaid gofyn cwestiynau difrifol, Weinidog, ac ynglŷn â methiant truenus y Llywodraeth hon i fynd i'r afael â hyn. Nid yw'r canfyddiadau hyn yn newydd, ond maent yn gwaethygu. Felly, pam nad yw pobl ifanc yn teimlo y gallant roi gwybod ynglŷn â hyn? Mae angen rhoi mesurau rhagweithiol ar waith, Weinidog, ar draws pob ysgol yng Nghymru i sicrhau yr ymdrinnir ag achosion fel y rhain gyda pharch, ac y gall ein pobl ifanc deimlo eu bod yn cael eu clywed, yn ogystal â chael gwared ar yr ymddygiadau hyn mewn ysgolion drwy ein cwricwlwm newydd yn y dyfodol. Pa gamau brys rydych yn eu rhoi ar waith yn awr i fynd i'r afael â hyn, Weinidog, fel bod pobl ifanc sy'n cael eu cam-drin yn y ffordd hon yr eiliad hon yn cael y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt?
I agree with the Member about how serious the matter is, and I agree with her that the Estyn report makes very distressing reading indeed, and I want to thank all children and young people who took part in that report. It will not have been an easy thing for them to do, but their doing so is brave, and they've, in those honest conversations, enabled us to understand better the situation in many of our schools. The report makes a number of recommendations of which three fall to the Welsh Government, and we will be accepting each of the recommendations. I was pleased to have commissioned this report, because I recognised that we needed to understand better the situation on the ground. I wouldn't agree with her characterisation of the Government's position; I think the Government has acted throughout expeditiously and in a very full way. And she will recall the discussion we had at the point when I commissioned the report, which listed the work already under way at that point, both in working with our schools, working with our local education authorities, and providing additional resources to support our schools.
One of the key findings in the Estyn report in relation to the Welsh Government's responsibilities relates to the new relationships and sexuality education code, and encourages the Government to take full account of the Estyn report in designing and devising that code, which I can confirm that we have. The Chamber will have an opportunity to consider this, of course, next week. But one of the points I want to make absolutely clear is that we can't, as it were, simply rely on the new curriculum, which will be rolled out over many years, to be the solution here. I want to make sure that the thinking and the learning and the resources, which are available as part of the RSE code in the new curriculum, also help us in the existing curriculum, as that will be with us for some time. So, there is already work under way in that space.
Finally, in relation to the recommendation around capturing data about bullying and harassment in schools, we're already looking at what we can do to amend our anti-bullying and harassment guidelines to take account of what Estyn recommends today.
Rwy'n cytuno â'r Aelod ynglŷn â difrifoldeb y mater, a chytunaf â hi fod adroddiad Estyn yn peri gofid mawr, ac rwyf am ddiolch i bob plentyn a pherson ifanc a gymerodd ran yn yr adroddiad hwnnw. Ni fydd wedi bod yn beth hawdd iddynt ei wneud, ond maent wedi bod yn ddewr, ac yn y sgyrsiau gonest hynny, maent wedi ein galluogi i ddeall yn well beth yw'r sefyllfa yn llawer o'n hysgolion. Mae'r adroddiad yn gwneud nifer o argymhellion ac mae tri ohonynt wedi'u cyfeirio at Lywodraeth Cymru, a byddwn yn derbyn pob un o'r argymhellion. Roeddwn yn falch o fod wedi comisiynu'r adroddiad hwn, am fy mod yn cydnabod bod angen inni ddeall y sefyllfa ar lawr gwlad yn well. Ni fyddwn yn cytuno â'i disgrifiad o safbwynt y Llywodraeth; credaf fod y Llywodraeth wedi gweithredu'n gyflym ac mewn ffordd drylwyr iawn. A bydd yn cofio'r drafodaeth a gawsom ar y pwynt pan gomisiynais yr adroddiad, a oedd yn rhestru'r gwaith a oedd eisoes ar y gweill ar y pryd, gyda'n hysgolion, gyda'n hawdurdodau addysg lleol, a darparu adnoddau ychwanegol i gefnogi ein hysgolion.
Mae un o'r prif ganfyddiadau yn adroddiad Estyn mewn perthynas â chyfrifoldebau Llywodraeth Cymru yn ymwneud â'r cod addysg cydberthynas a rhywioldeb newydd, ac yn annog y Llywodraeth i roi ystyriaeth lawn i adroddiad Estyn wrth gynllunio a dyfeisio'r cod hwnnw, a gallaf gadarnhau ein bod wedi gwneud hynny. Bydd y Siambr yn cael cyfle i'w ystyried yr wythnos nesaf wrth gwrs. Ond un o'r pwyntiau rwyf am ei wneud yn gwbl glir yw na allwn ddibynnu'n unig ar y cwricwlwm newydd, a fydd yn cael ei gyflwyno dros flynyddoedd lawer, i fod yn ateb yma. Rwyf am sicrhau bod y meddylfryd a'r dysgu a'r adnoddau, sydd ar gael fel rhan o'r cod addysg cydberthynas a rhywioldeb yn y cwricwlwm newydd, hefyd yn ein helpu yn y cwricwlwm presennol, gan y bydd hwnnw gyda ni am beth amser. Felly, mae gwaith eisoes ar y gweill yn y gofod hwnnw.
Yn olaf, mewn perthynas â'r argymhelliad ynghylch casglu data am fwlio ac aflonyddu mewn ysgolion, rydym eisoes yn edrych ar yr hyn y gallwn ei wneud i ddiwygio ein canllawiau gwrth-fwlio ac aflonyddu i ystyried yr hyn y mae Estyn yn ei argymell heddiw.
Thank you, Minister. Questions have already been asked on this today, but I would like to press you further, if I may, on whether schools are going to close early for the Christmas break. Some schools are preparing by having their Christmas activities this week rather than next week; some schools have said they're going to close; some schools have said they're definitely not going to close. It's different all over Wales. Surely there needs to be an all-Wales approach to this, Minister? And we need some sort of clarity today, because parents need to prepare childcare, teachers need to prepare lessons. It's absolutely urgent that you give a line on this as soon as possible on what is happening. I understand that these are fine margins, and it's a difficult decision to make, but this has to come to a head now, Minister. We need to know today or by Friday what's happening so that people can prepare. Please, can you outline what you're doing today?
Diolch, Weinidog. Gofynnwyd cwestiynau eisoes am hyn heddiw, ond hoffwn bwyso arnoch ymhellach, os caf, ynglŷn ag a fydd ysgolion yn cau'n gynnar ar gyfer gwyliau'r Nadolig. Mae rhai ysgolion yn paratoi drwy gael eu gweithgareddau Nadolig yr wythnos hon yn hytrach na'r wythnos nesaf; mae rhai ysgolion wedi dweud eu bod yn mynd i gau; mae rhai ysgolion wedi dweud eu bod yn bendant na fyddant yn cau. Mae'n wahanol ledled Cymru. Onid oes angen dull Cymru gyfan o ymdrin â hyn, Weinidog? Ac mae angen rhyw fath o eglurder arnom heddiw, oherwydd mae angen i rieni baratoi gofal plant, mae angen i athrawon baratoi gwersi. Mae'n gwbl hanfodol eich bod yn rhoi cyfarwyddyd cyn gynted â phosibl ar yr hyn sy'n digwydd. Deallaf fod hyn yn gymhleth iawn, ac mae'n benderfyniad anodd i'w wneud, ond rhaid i hyn ddod i ben yn awr, Weinidog. Mae angen inni wybod heddiw neu erbyn dydd Gwener beth sy'n digwydd fel y gall pobl baratoi. A wnewch chi amlinellu'r hyn rydych chi'n ei wneud heddiw?
Well, I don't think that the Member asserting a lack of clarity when I've spelled out the position a few moments ago is especially helpful, if I can put it like that. As I've said—[Interruption.] As I've said, as a consequence of the variant, we are all looking across Government at what actions need to be taken on a daily basis. I know that she shares with me the importance of making sure that children can remain in school as far as possible, as long as possible and as safely as possible. I know that she shares that view. The consequence of that is that right across the 10 authorities that will be going beyond the end of next week, that is time that has been planned in for teaching to take account of the lost teaching time so far. So, those authorities, authorities right across Wales, and the Welsh Government, share that ambition of making sure that young people can remain in class doing that. And that is the basis upon which we are planning now.
Wel, nid wyf yn credu bod clywed yr Aelod yn honni bod yna ddiffyg eglurder a minnau wedi nodi'r sefyllfa ychydig funudau'n ôl yn arbennig o ddefnyddiol, os caf ei roi felly. Fel y dywedais—[Torri ar draws.] Fel y dywedais, o ganlyniad i'r amrywiolyn, rydym i gyd yn edrych ar draws y Llywodraeth ar ba gamau y mae angen eu cymryd yn ddyddiol. Gwn ei bod yn cytuno bod angen sicrhau y gall plant aros yn yr ysgol cyn belled ag y bo modd, cyn hired ag y bo modd ac mor ddiogel â phosibl. Gwn ei bod yn rhannu'r farn honno. Canlyniad hynny ar draws y 10 awdurdod a fydd yn mynd y tu hwnt i'r wythnos nesaf, yw mai amser a gynlluniwyd ar gyfer addysgu i wneud iawn am yr amser addysgu a gollwyd hyd yma yw hwnnw. Felly, mae'r awdurdodau hynny, awdurdodau ledled Cymru, a Llywodraeth Cymru, yn rhannu uchelgais i sicrhau y gall pobl ifanc aros yn y dosbarth i wneud hynny. Ac ar y sail honno rydym yn cynllunio yn awr.
Llefarydd Plaid Cymru, Cefin Campbell.
The Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Cefin Campbell.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. Ddoe, bues i'n cwrdd â phwyllgor Undeb Myfyrwyr Cymraeg Caerdydd, sydd ers blynyddoedd bellach wedi bod yn ymgyrchu dros gael swyddog i'r Gymraeg llawn amser yn yr undeb. Mae gan brifysgolion Aberystwyth, Abertawe a Bangor swyddog tebyg ers blynyddoedd. Ond, yma yng Nghaerdydd, lle mae dros 3,000 o siaradwyr Cymraeg a dysgwyr yr iaith—y nifer mwyaf o siaradwyr Cymraeg yn unrhyw un o'n prifysgolion ni—does yna ddim swyddog sabothol gyda nhw. Yn ôl llywydd undeb y myfyrwyr Cymraeg, byddai swyddog o'r fath yn gallu darparu gwasanaethau pwysig i fyfyrwyr yn y Gymraeg, trefnu digwyddiadau i godi ymwybyddiaeth o'r iaith, sicrhau bod llais i siaradwyr Cymraeg yng ngweithredoedd yr undeb, a rhoi gofod i bobl ifanc, wrth gwrs, i ddod at ei gilydd i ddefnyddio'r iaith yn gymdeithasol. Hefyd, mae'n sicrhau bod democratiaeth yn cael ei pharchu gan fod y myfyrwyr wedi pleidleisio fwy nag unwaith yn y gorffennol o blaid y math hwn o gynnig. Felly, a yw'r Gweinidog yn cytuno â mi ei bod hi'n hen bryd i fyfyrwyr Cymraeg gael chwarae teg yma yn y brifysgol yn ein prifddinas ni, ac a fyddai fe'n fodlon ysgrifennu at fwrdd yr ymddiriedolwyr, sy'n cwrdd ddydd Iau nesaf mae'n debyg, er mwyn cefnogi ymgyrch y myfyrwyr Cymraeg?
Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. Yesterday, I met with the committee of Cardiff University Welsh Students' Union, which have been campaigning for many years to have a full-time sabbatical Welsh language officer within the union. Swansea, Bangor and Aberystwyth universities have had similar positions in place for many years, but here in Cardiff, where there are over 3,000 Welsh speakers and Welsh learners—the highest number of Welsh speakers in any of our universities—there is no sabbatical position. According to the president of the Welsh student union, such an officer could provide important services to students through the medium of Welsh, arrange events to raise awareness of the language, ensure that the voice of Welsh speakers could be heard within the union, and also provide a space for young people to come together to use the language on a social level. It also ensures that democracy is respected because the students had voted more than once in the past in favour of having this kind of sabbatical officer. So, does the Minister agree with me that it is about time that Welsh students were given fair play here in the university of our capital city, and would he be willing to write to the board of trustees, who will meet next Thursday apparently, in order to support the Welsh students' campaign?
Diolch i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn pwysig hwn. Mewn prifysgol sydd â'r niferoedd uchaf o siaradwyr Cymraeg o holl brifysgolion Cymru, mae'n briodol bod gan myfyrwyr gynrychiolaeth gyflogedig yn eu hundeb. Byddai hyn yn cyfateb i'r gynrychiolaeth rŷn ni'n gweld mewn undebau ym mhrifysgolion eraill Cymru, fel gwnaeth yr Aelod grybwyll yn ei gwestiwn. Mater, wrth gwrs, i fwrdd ymddiriedolwyr yr undeb ei hunan yw hyn. Fodd bynnag, os yw'r cynnig i sefydlu swydd lawn amser i'r Gymraeg wedi ei basio yn unfrydol, fel rwy'n deall ei fod e wedi, byddai'n rhesymol i ddisgwyl bod y penderfyniad hwn yn cael ei wireddu.
I thank the Member for that important question. In a university that has the highest number of Welsh speakers of all the Welsh universities, it is appropriate that students have employed representation in the union, and that would correspond to the representation that we see in other universities in Wales, as the Member mentioned in his contribution. This is a matter for the union's board of trustees. However, if the motion to establish a full-time post for the Welsh language is passed unanimously, as I understand it has been, it would be reasonable to expect that that decision is realised.
Diolch yn fawr iawn. Gyda chwricwlwm newydd ar y ffordd, a'r targed i gyrraedd miliwn o siaradwyr Cymraeg erbyn 2050 a'r Bil addysg Gymraeg ar y gorwel, mae'n amlwg bod newidiadau mawr ar droed i'r sector addysg o ran darpariaeth y Gymraeg. Fel rŷn ni eisoes wedi'ch clywed chi'n sôn yn y Siambr, Weinidog, mae plant wedi colli llawer o'u haddysg yn ystod y pandemig, ac mae rhieni wedi gorfod chwarae rhan fwy canolog yn eu haddysg o ganlyniad. Er mwyn hybu'r defnydd o'r Gymraeg yn ystod y pandemig, sydd, yn anffodus, yn parhau, ac ymlaen felly i 2050, bydd angen sicrhau, wrth gwrs, fod gan rhieni y sgiliau cywir i sicrhau bod plant yn gallu gwneud y defnydd gorau o'r iaith Gymraeg ar yr aelwyd. Felly, hoffwn i ofyn i chi pa gymorth penodol fydd yn cael ei ddarparu i rieni i'w galluogi i chwarae rhan wrth gefnogi addysg Gymraeg a hybu defnydd o'r Gymraeg gartref?
Thank you very much. With the new curriculum in the pipeline, and the target to reach a million Welsh speakers by 2050 and the Welsh education Bill on the horizon, it's clear that there are major changes afoot in the education sector in terms of Welsh-medium provision. As we've already heard you mention in the Chamber, Minister, children have lost out on a great deal of their education during the pandemic, and parents have had to play a more central role in their education as a result of that. In order to promote the use of the Welsh language during the pandemic, which, unfortunately, is ongoing, and through then until 2050, we will need to ensure that parents have the right skills to ensure that children are able to make the best use of the Welsh language at home. So, I would like to ask you what specific support will be provided to parents to enable them to play their part in supporting Welsh-medium education and in promoting the use of the Welsh language at home?
Wel, mae'r cwestiwn hwn yn un pwysig iawn, ac, mewn amryw ffyrdd, mae'r Llywodraeth eisoes yn darparu cefnogaeth. Un o'r blaenoriaethau sydd gyda ni yw sicrhau bod trosglwyddiad y Gymraeg yn digwydd ar yr aelwyd. Mae hynny, efallai, yn fwy o her na byddwn i'n gobeithio ac yn disgwyl ei bod hi. Felly, mae cefnogaeth benodol ar gael yn y cyd-destun hwnnw. Hefyd, fel rŷch chi'n gwybod, o ran y blynyddoedd cynnar, mae amryw gynlluniau eisoes gyda ni sydd yn cefnogi rhieni i siarad yn Gymraeg â'u plant a, phan fydd gyda ni rieni sydd ddim yn siarad Cymraeg, i sicrhau eu bod nhw'n cael mynediad a chyfle i ymwneud a chael profiad o gylchoedd meithrin ac ati yn y Gymraeg. Felly, mae amryw o'r pethau yna eisoes ar y gweill.
Ond, hefyd, beth rŷn ni wedi gweld yw mynediad ar draws Cymru at gyrsiau ar-lein y ganolfan dysgu genedlaethol. Mae'r ffigurau hynny wedi cynyddu'n sylweddol, a'r ddarpariaeth wedi'i hehangu hefyd yn sgil hynny. Felly, rwy'n credu, fel mae byrdwn y cwestiwn yn awgrymu, fod gwersi gyda ni y gallwn ni eu dysgu ar gyfer y dyfodol o'r hyn rŷn ni wedi gweld dros y flwyddyn, 18 mis diwethaf, i weld sut y gellir ehangu'r ddarpariaeth hynny ymhellach.
This is a very important question, and, in a variety of ways, the Government is already providing support. One of the priorities that we have is ensuring that Welsh language transmission happens at home. And that is more of a challenge than we'd hoped and expected. So, specific support is available in that context. Also, as you know, in terms of the early years, we have a variety of schemes supporting parents to speak Welsh with their children and, when we have non-Welsh speaking parents, to ensure that they have access and opportunities to be involved and have experience of cylchoedd meithrin and so forth through the medium of Welsh. So, a variety of things are already in the pipeline.
But what we've also seen is access across Wales to online courses from the National Centre for Learning Welsh. Those figures have increased significantly, and the provision has been broadened as well in the wake of that. So, as the question suggests, we have lessons that we can learn for the future in terms of what we've seen over the last year to 18 months, to see how we can expand the provision further.
Iawn, diolch yn fawr iawn. Dros yr haf, bu'r pwyllgor diwylliant presennol, sy'n gyfrifol am y Gymraeg, ymhlith pethau eraill, yn ymgynghori ynghylch beth ddylai ei flaenoriaethau fod ar gyfer y chweched Senedd yma. Un o'r blaenoriaethau oedd cydnabod bod plant ysgol yn ystod y pandemig wedi wynebu cyfnodau estynedig i ffwrdd o'r ysgol, fel rôn i'n sôn amdano yn y cwestiwn blaenorol, ac, oherwydd hynny, mae eu haddysg nhw wedi dioddef. Prin, oherwydd y broblem o safbwynt y Gymraeg yn benodol, y bu'r rhyngweithio rhwng plant a'u rhieni o safbwynt defnydd y Gymraeg, yn arbennig plant, wrth gwrs, sy'n dod o gartrefi di-Gymraeg. Felly, yn dilyn galwadau am ragor o fuddsoddiad yn y ddarpariaeth drochi hwyr yn y Gymraeg, cafwyd cyhoeddiad gan y Llywodraeth ynghylch cynnig o £2.2 miliwn i ehangu'r ddarpariaeth, ac fe gafodd hynny groeso mawr, gennym ni yn sicr yma ym Mhlaid Cymru. Felly, hoffwn ofyn i'r Gweinidog sut mae'r cyllid hwn wedi cael ei ddefnyddio a pha effaith mae'r cyllid wedi'i chael ar adfer addysg, yn bennaf addysg trwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg. Hefyd, wrth feddwl am y dyfodol, pa gynlluniau pellach sydd gan y Gweinidog i gefnogi'r Gymraeg trwy gynlluniau adfer addysg?
Thank you very much. Over the summer, the culture committee, which is responsible for the Welsh language, among other things, consulted on what its priorities should be for the sixth Senedd. One of those priorities was to recognise that schoolchildren during the pandemic had faced extended periods away from school, as I mentioned in my previous question, and, as a result of that, their education has suffered. Because of the problem in terms of the Welsh language specifically, there was little interaction between children and their parents in terms of the use of the Welsh language, particularly those children from non-Welsh-speaking households. So, following calls for further investment in the late immersion provision in Welsh, there was an announcement made by the Government on a proposal of £2.2 million to expand that provision and that was warmly welcomed, certainly by us here in Plaid Cymru. So, I would like to ask the Minister how this funding has been used, and what impact it has had on education recovery, particularly Welsh-medium education. Also, in looking to the future, what further plans does the Minister have to support the Welsh language through education recovery programmes?
O ran buddsoddi i gefnogi’r rheini oedd wedi colli'r cyfle i ddefnyddio’u Cymraeg, efallai lle nad yw'r Gymraeg yn cael ei defnyddio ar yr aelwyd, mae'r arian o ran adnewyddu a diwygio y gwnaethom ni ei ddatgan ar gyfer y flwyddyn nesaf, mae elfen o hynny wedi’i flaenoriaethu ar gyfer dysgwyr a siaradwyr Cymraeg er mwyn sicrhau bod cefnogaeth bellach iddyn nhw allu ailfeithrin ac ailgydio, efallai, mewn rhai enghreifftiau, yn eu Cymraeg. Felly, mae'r ffynhonnell arian honno eisoes ar waith yn sicrhau cefnogaeth bellach i ddisgyblion.
O ran yr arian trochi, cawsom ni gynigion o bob rhan o Gymru ar gyfer y gyllideb honno, ac mae'n cael ei defnyddio mewn ardaloedd newydd i greu darpariaeth sydd ddim wedi bod yno o'r blaen, neu ddim wedi bod yno am flynyddoedd. Mewn mannau eraill yng Nghymru, mae'n estyn yr hyn sydd eisoes yn cael ei ddarparu, ac mewn awdurdodau lle efallai dŷn nhw ddim cweit eto wedi cyrraedd y pwynt ar eu siwrnai ieithyddol lle mae darparu trochi efallai yn gweithio o'u safbwynt nhw, maen nhw'n bwriadu defnyddio'r arian hynny i ddatblygu sgiliau ac arbenigedd er mwyn gallu symud ymhellach ar y siwrnai. Rwy'n angerddol iawn dros beth allwn ni ei wneud trwy drochi i sicrhau mynediad i bob plentyn sydd eisiau hynny ar draws Cymru, ac rwy'n gobeithio cael perswâd ar y Gweinidog cyllid i sicrhau bod buddsoddiad yn gallu parhau yn y blynyddoedd sydd i ddod.
In terms of investing to support those who had missed opportunities to use the Welsh language, perhaps where Welsh is not used in the home, an element of the recovery funding announced for next year has been prioritised for learners and Welsh speakers in order to ensure that further support is available to them to start speaking Welsh again. So, that funding stream is already in place to ensure further support for pupils.
In terms of the immersion funding, we had bids from all parts of Wales for that funding, and it's being used in new areas to expand and create provision that hasn't existed previously, or hasn't been there for many years. In other parts of Wales, it is being used to extend what is already provided, and in authorities where they haven't quite reached the point on their linguistic journey where providing immersion works for them, they intend to use that funding to develop skills and expertise to move further along that journey. I'm very passionate about what we can do to ensure access for all children across Wales who require it, and I hope to be able to persuade the finance Minister as regards ensuring that the investment can continue in the years to come.
3. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y targedau carbon sero net ar gyfer adeiladau ysgolion a cholegau newydd yng Nghymru? OQ57312
3. Will the Minister provide an update on the net-zero carbon targets for new school and college buildings in Wales? OQ57312
I have mandated net-zero carbon under the new banner of 'sustainable communities for learning' for the twenty-first century schools and colleges investment programme from 1 January next year. All new–build, major refurbishment and extension projects will need to demonstrate delivery of net-zero carbon in operation plus a 20 per cent reduction on the amount of embodied carbon.
Rwyf wedi mandadu carbon sero net o dan faner newydd 'cymunedau cynaliadwy ar gyfer dysgu' ar gyfer rhaglen fuddsoddi ysgolion a cholegau'r unfed ganrif ar hugain o 1 Ionawr y flwyddyn nesaf. Bydd angen i bob prosiect adeiladu o'r newydd, adnewyddu mawr ac ymestyn ddangos bod carbon sero net yn cael ei gyflawni yn y gwaith ynghyd â gostyngiad o 20 y cant yn y carbon a gaiff ei allyrru wrth gynhyrchu deunyddiau adeiladu.
Diolch, and I want to say a huge thank you to the Minister for his commitment to ensuring that net zero is a priority for our twenty-first century schools. It's an absolutely fantastic development commitment. As our climate change Minister said earlier, it is a wonderful part of our roles to be able to speak to pupils of all ages across our constituencies, and I'm constantly inspired by how much they care about protecting our environment and are just so committed to doing so. A great example of this is that, in my constituency of Bridgend, as of this year, Litchard Primary School have had solar panels installed to become more efficient and consume less energy, and pupils and staff on their eco-committee have been at the forefront of managing the energy-saving measures. So, therefore, could I ask you, Minister, whether you would be able to visit Litchard Primary School and the eco-committee so that they can ask you about other ideas that they have, and show you what they've been doing and talking about how Welsh Government can further support them in their efforts to meet their ambitious environmental leader ambitions?
Diolch, a hoffwn ddiolch yn fawr iawn i'r Gweinidog am ei ymrwymiad i sicrhau bod sero net yn flaenoriaeth i ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain. Mae'n ymrwymiad datblygu hollol wych. Fel y dywedodd ein Gweinidog newid hinsawdd yn gynharach, mae gallu siarad â disgyblion o bob oed ar draws ein hetholaethau yn rhan wych o'n swyddi, a chaf fy ysbrydoli'n gyson gan eu hawydd i ddiogelu ein hamgylchedd ac maent mor ymrwymedig i wneud hynny. Enghraifft wych o hyn yw bod Ysgol Gynradd Llidiard, yn fy etholaeth ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr, wedi gosod paneli solar eleni er mwyn dod yn fwy effeithlon a defnyddio llai o ynni, ac mae disgyblion a staff ar eu heco-bwyllgor wedi bod yn flaenllaw yn y gwaith o reoli'r mesurau arbed ynni. Felly, a gaf fi ofyn i chi, Weinidog, a fyddech yn gallu ymweld ag Ysgol Gynradd Llidiard a'r eco-bwyllgor fel y cânt ofyn i chi ynglŷn â syniadau eraill sydd ganddynt, a dangos i chi beth y maent wedi bod yn ei wneud a siarad ynglŷn â sut y gall Llywodraeth Cymru eu cefnogi ymhellach yn eu hymdrechion i gyflawni eu dyheadau uchelgeisiol fel arweinwyr amgylcheddol?
I would certainly be happy to do that and I thank the Member for bringing that important point to the Chamber. I was listening to her exchange with the climate change Minister earlier, and I think it is really inspiring, looking at the kind of scale of some of the challenges that lie ahead of us, to see how far ahead many of our younger pupils are, maybe than even some of us who've reflected for longer periods of time on these questions from a policy point of view, if I can put it like that.
I think there's an opportunity for us here as well to make sure that, in the new curriculum, with its emphasis on making sure our children and young people are ethically informed citizens, with that focus on sustainability, we do everything we can to listen to their voices in how we design both the curriculum and also the education infrastructure through which the curriculum is delivered. I remember as well the fantastic visit I made with her to Nottage primary in her constituency, and seeing the excitement of the young children there about these issues was very inspiring as well.
Byddwn yn sicr yn fodlon gwneud hynny a diolch i'r Aelod am ddod â'r pwynt pwysig hwnnw i'r Siambr. Roeddwn yn gwrando ar ei chwestiwn i'r Gweinidog newid hinsawdd yn gynharach, ac wrth edrych ar faint rhai o'r heriau sy'n ein hwynebu, credaf fod gweld pa mor bell y mae llawer o'n disgyblion iau wedi mynd yn wirioneddol ysbrydoledig, ymhellach efallai na hyd yn oed rhai ohonom sydd wedi myfyrio am gyfnodau hirach ar y cwestiynau hyn o safbwynt polisi, os caf ei roi felly.
Credaf fod cyfle yma i ni sicrhau hefyd, yn y cwricwlwm newydd, gyda'i bwyslais ar wneud yn siŵr fod ein plant a'n pobl ifanc yn ddinasyddion sy'n wybodus yn foesegol, gyda'r ffocws ar gynaliadwyedd, ein bod yn gwneud popeth yn ein gallu i wrando ar eu lleisiau yn y ffordd rydym yn cynllunio'r cwricwlwm a hefyd y seilwaith addysg y cyflwynir y cwricwlwm drwyddo. Cofiaf hefyd yr ymweliad gwych a gefais gyda hi ag ysgol gynradd Nottage yn ei hetholaeth, ac roedd gweld cyffro'r plant ifanc yno ynglŷn â'r materion hyn yn ysbrydoli'n fawr hefyd.
Minister, since you will be in Bridgend, I would recommend you also to see a school in my ward, Pen-y-fai. Minister, it is relatively straightforward to set targets for our new school and college buildings, and ensuring that they contribute to our net-zero carbon target is not something that ought to cause many problems. The bigger challenge is that many of our school buildings were built in the late Victorian and early Edwardian period—impressive, solid, red-brick buildings that are likely to be more problematic as we move away from gas heating. What assessment has he undertaken of the budget that will need to be allocated for these schools to meet our obligation? Thank you.
Weinidog, gan y byddwch ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr, byddwn yn argymell eich bod hefyd yn gweld ysgol yn fy ward, Pen-y-fai. Weinidog, mae gosod targedau ar gyfer ein hadeiladau ysgol a cholegau newydd yn gymharol syml, ac nid yw sicrhau eu bod yn cyfrannu at ein targed carbon sero net yn rhywbeth a ddylai achosi llawer o broblemau. Yr her fwy yw bod llawer o'n hadeiladau ysgol wedi'u codi ar ddiwedd oes Fictoria a dechrau'r cyfnod Edwardaidd—adeiladau brics coch trawiadol, solet sy'n debygol o fod yn fwy problemus wrth inni newid o wresogi nwy. Pa asesiad y mae wedi'i wneud o'r gyllideb y bydd angen ei dyrannu ar gyfer yr ysgolion hyn i gyflawni ein rhwymedigaeth? Diolch.
I thank the Member for the question. I think the scale of the challenge that lies ahead of us, and which I think we're all aware of, means that we need to make every contribution we can. So, I do think that the sustainable communities for learning programme in the future will make a significant contribution, certainly in the area of new build and major refurbishment and extension projects, and the criteria for the first wave will become progressively more taxing, if I can put it like that, as the Welsh Government's own targets become more stringent in the years ahead, taking us on our path to a net-zero Wales. But he is right to say, of course, that we need to make sure that all our public estate makes a contribution to that target as well. He will probably have noted, when the First Minister and the Minister for Climate Change made their announcements in the week before COP, that part of the objective there is to understand better the state of play and the state of condition for the education stock across Wales, and to understand in detail what needs to be done in order to make sure, as far as we can, that they make their contribution as well to our net-zero targets. It is not straightforward, it is certainly not short term, and it will have a significant funding challenge attached to it, because many of the new technologies require not simply the installation of an air-source heat pump, for example, but significant insulation challenges, and also distribution challenges. So, that work will be commencing with our partners, and then we will have a better understanding of what we need to do in order to take forward our ambition right across the education stock.
Diolch i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn. Credaf fod maint yr her sydd o'n blaenau, ac rydym i gyd yn ymwybodol ohoni, rwy'n credu, yn golygu bod angen inni wneud pob cyfraniad y gallwn ei wneud. Felly, credaf y bydd y rhaglen cymunedau cynaliadwy ar gyfer dysgu yn y dyfodol yn gwneud cyfraniad sylweddol, yn sicr ym maes prosiectau adeiladu o'r newydd, adnewyddu mawr ac ymestyn, a bydd y meini prawf ar gyfer y don gyntaf yn mynd yn fwyfwy heriol, os caf ei roi felly, wrth i dargedau Llywodraeth Cymru ei hun ddod yn fwy llym yn y blynyddoedd i ddod, gan fynd â ni ar ein llwybr tuag at Gymru sero net. Ond mae'n iawn i ddweud, wrth gwrs, fod angen inni sicrhau bod ein holl ystâd gyhoeddus yn gwneud cyfraniad tuag at y targed hwnnw hefyd. Pan wnaeth y Prif Weinidog a'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd eu cyhoeddiadau yn yr wythnos cyn y COP, mae'n debyg y bydd wedi nodi mai rhan o'r amcan yw deall y sefyllfa'n well a beth yw cyflwr y stoc addysg ledled Cymru, a deall yn fanwl yr hyn sydd angen ei wneud er mwyn sicrhau, cyn belled ag y gallwn, eu bod yn gwneud eu cyfraniad hefyd tuag at ein targedau sero net. Nid yw'n syml, yn sicr ni ellir ei wneud yn y tymor byr, a bydd her ariannu sylweddol ynghlwm wrtho, oherwydd mae llawer o'r technolegau newydd yn galw nid yn unig am osod pwmp gwres ffynhonnell aer, er enghraifft, ond heriau inswleiddio sylweddol, a heriau dosbarthu hefyd. Felly, bydd y gwaith hwnnw'n dechrau gyda'n partneriaid, ac yna bydd gennym well dealltwriaeth o'r hyn y mae angen inni ei wneud er mwyn bwrw ymlaen â'n huchelgais ar draws y stoc addysg.
4. A wnaiff y Gweinidog ddatganiad am y canllawiau COVID-19 diweddaraf ar gyfer ysgolion? OQ57324
4. Will the Minister make a statement on the updated COVID-19 guidelines for schools? OQ57324
The local infection control decision framework sets out actions schools should take to reduce transmission of COVID-19. While we learn more about omicron, staff in all education settings and secondary-aged learners and above should now wear face coverings in classrooms and in communal areas.
Mae'r fframwaith penderfyniadau rheoli heintiau lleol yn nodi'r camau y dylai ysgolion eu cymryd i leihau trosglwyddiad COVID-19. Tra byddwn yn dysgu mwy am omicron, dylai staff ym mhob lleoliad addysg a dysgwyr oedran uwchradd ac uwch wisgo gorchuddion wyneb mewn ystafelloedd dosbarth ac mewn mannau cymunedol yn awr.
Minister, with so many teaching staff self-isolating, it has become a real struggle to maintain even the status quo in schools, let alone providing the enhanced provision for those who fell behind during the pandemic. With PISA results as low as they are—the lowest in the UK, and on a par with ex-Soviet bloc countries—it has become very apparent that our children can't miss out on any more education. So, a ready supply of teachers and teaching assistants is absolutely necessary to address the pressures that COVID presents. Minister, what are you doing to help schools mitigate the shortage of supply teachers in Wales, and do you think there needs to be an overhaul of the supply teacher system? How are you encouraging more people into the profession, and utilising the teaching assistants to ease pressures?
Weinidog, gyda chymaint o staff addysgu yn hunanynysu, mae'n frwydr wirioneddol i gynnal hyd yn oed y status quo mewn ysgolion, heb sôn am sicrhau'r ddarpariaeth well i'r rhai sydd wedi cael eu gadael ar ôl yn ystod y pandemig. Gyda chanlyniadau PISA mor isel ag y maent—yr isaf yn y DU, ac ar yr un lefel â gwledydd a arferai fod yn y bloc Sofietaidd—mae wedi dod yn amlwg iawn na all ein plant golli rhagor o addysg. Felly, mae cyflenwad parod o athrawon a chynorthwywyr addysgu yn gwbl angenrheidiol i fynd i'r afael â'r pwysau y mae COVID yn eu hachosi. Weinidog, beth a wnewch i helpu ysgolion i liniaru'r prinder athrawon cyflenwi yng Nghymru, ac a ydych yn credu bod angen ailwampio'r system athrawon cyflenwi? Sut rydych chi'n annog mwy o bobl i ymuno â'r proffesiwn, ac yn defnyddio'r cynorthwywyr addysgu i leddfu'r pwysau?
The Member knows very well that we think there needs to be reform of the supply teacher system, because it was a programme for government commitment on which we were elected, and also it features in the agreement that we have with Plaid Cymru, to look again at the supply model in order to bring fair work and sustainability to the heart of it. That work has been progressing and will now progress further with Plaid Cymru. I'm very excited to see what we can deliver together in relation to that.
In relation to the other challenges, she is right to say that it's not simply a funding question; it is an availability of supply staff question. That has been a significant challenge in a number of our schools. It's a variable picture across Wales, but it is absolutely a challenge in many schools. One of the sources of supply teachers each year is newly qualified teachers. This year, because of the fact that we have ensured that, I think, 400 newly qualified teachers have placements in schools, that has meant that those aren't available to the pool of potential supply teachers. But, what it has meant is that they are in fact teaching in our schools. So, I think it's a slightly more complex picture than perhaps her question presents.
Certainly, where it is a funding challenge, and that is obviously still a question for schools, we have committed as a Government that schools are able to claim against the local government hardship fund until the need expires, if I can put it like that, so that they can be supported to access supply whenever they need it and can find it. And we have also been working with local education authorities to see what we can do in terms of longer term planning to give us a slightly better understanding of needs ahead, which might help as well in making sure there's enough supply teachers available. And in certain parts of Wales, incentives have been provided where there's a particular acute shortage to encourage people back into supply teaching, to see if we can address some of the needs through that route as well.
Mae'r Aelod yn gwybod yn iawn ein bod yn credu bod angen diwygio'r system athrawon cyflenwi, oherwydd roedd yn ymrwymiad yn y rhaglen lywodraethu y cawsom ein hethol arni, a hefyd mae'n ymddangos yn y cytundeb sydd gennym gyda Phlaid Cymru, i edrych eto ar y model cyflenwi er mwyn dod â gwaith teg a chynaliadwyedd i mewn iddo. Mae'r gwaith hwnnw wedi bod yn mynd rhagddo a bydd yn mynd rhagddo ymhellach gyda Phlaid Cymru. Rwy'n gyffrous iawn i weld beth y gallwn ei gyflawni gyda'n gilydd mewn perthynas â hynny.
Ar yr heriau eraill, mae hi'n gywir i ddweud nad cwestiwn ariannu yn unig ydyw; mae'n gwestiwn ynghylch argaeledd staff cyflenwi. Mae hynny wedi bod yn her sylweddol mewn nifer o'n hysgolion. Mae'r darlun yn amrywio ledled Cymru, ond mae'n sicr yn her mewn llawer o ysgolion. Un o'r ffynonellau o athrawon cyflenwi bob blwyddyn yw athrawon newydd gymhwyso. Eleni, oherwydd ein bod wedi sicrhau bod 400, rwy'n credu, o athrawon newydd gymhwyso wedi cael lleoliadau mewn ysgolion, mae hynny wedi golygu nad yw'r rheini ar gael i'r gronfa o athrawon cyflenwi posibl. Ond mae wedi golygu eu bod yn addysgu yn ein hysgolion. Felly, rwy'n credu ei fod yn ddarlun ychydig yn fwy cymhleth nag y mae ei chwestiwn yn ei awgrymu efallai.
Yn sicr, lle mae'n her ariannu, ac mae hynny'n amlwg yn dal i fod yn gwestiwn i ysgolion, rydym wedi ymrwymo fel Llywodraeth i sicrhau y gall ysgolion hawlio o'r gronfa caledi llywodraeth leol hyd nes y daw'r angen i ben, os caf ei roi felly, fel y gellir eu cynorthwyo i gael mynediad at ddarpariaeth gyflenwi pan fydd ei hangen arnynt a'u bod yn gallu dod o hyd iddi. Ac rydym wedi bod yn gweithio gydag awdurdodau addysg lleol i weld beth y gallwn ei wneud gyda chynlluniau mwy hirdymor i roi dealltwriaeth ychydig yn well i ni o'r anghenion yn y dyfodol, a allai helpu hefyd i sicrhau bod digon o athrawon cyflenwi ar gael. Ac mewn rhai rhannau o Gymru, darparwyd cymhellion lle ceir prinder arbennig o ddifrifol i annog pobl yn ôl i addysg gyflenwi, i weld a allwn fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r anghenion drwy'r llwybr hwnnw hefyd.
5. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am sut y mae ysgolion ym Mhowys yn elwa o raglen ysgolion yr 21ain ganrif? OQ57319
5. Will the Minister provide an update on how schools in Powys are benefiting from the 21st century schools programme? OQ57319
Powys has benefited from a £79.5 million investment during the first wave of the twenty-first century schools and colleges programme, and a further £113.5 million is planned during the current wave of investment.
Mae Powys wedi elwa o fuddsoddiad o £79.5 miliwn yn nhon gyntaf rhaglen ysgolion a cholegau'r unfed ganrif ar hugain, ac mae £113.5 miliwn arall wedi'i gynllunio yn y don fuddsoddi gyfredol.
Thank you for your answer, Minister. Of course, in rural areas of Wales such as Powys, whilst the twenty-first century schools funding has been used for new school builds, many older school buildings are being retained due to their geography or for rurality reasons. I heard the responses, Minister, to the earlier questions today, but can I ask you how you envisage twenty-first century schools funding particularly supporting school extensions or refurbishment of existing school buildings to support schools becoming carbon neutral, particularly in the context of the challenges of meeting the Building Research Establishment's environmental assessment method standards? You do seem to be in a generous mood today, Minister, so you also have an invite from me to visit a school in Powys with the cabinet member and officials to discuss this particular matter in more detail.
Diolch am eich ateb, Weinidog. Wrth gwrs, mewn ardaloedd gwledig yng Nghymru fel Powys, er bod cyllid ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain wedi cael ei ddefnyddio i adeiladu ysgolion newydd, mae llawer o adeiladau ysgolion hŷn yn cael eu cadw oherwydd eu daearyddiaeth neu am resymau sy'n ymwneud â'u natur wledig. Clywais yr ymatebion i'r cwestiynau cynharach heddiw, Weinidog, ond a gaf fi ofyn sut rydych yn rhagweld cyllid ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain yn cefnogi'n benodol y gwaith o godi estyniadau ysgolion neu adnewyddu adeiladau ysgol presennol i gynorthwyo ysgolion i ddod yn garbon niwtral, yn enwedig yng nghyd-destun yr heriau i fodloni safonau dull asesu amgylcheddol y Sefydliad Ymchwil Adeiladu? Ymddengys eich bod mewn hwyliau hael heddiw, Weinidog, felly rwyf finnau am eich gwahodd hefyd i ymweld ag ysgol ym Mhowys gyda'r aelod o'r cabinet a swyddogion i drafod y mater penodol hwn yn fwy manwl.
One of the joys of the role is the opportunity to visit schools in all parts of Wales, so I'm obviously very happy to do that. The Member makes a point about the availability of the existing twenty-first century schools and colleges programme for non-new build, if I can put it like that. It is of course available for major refurbishment and extension projects, and in fact those projects will themselves need to be net zero from 1 January 2022. But it's also the case that that programme isn't the only means by which school buildings are refurbished and capital invested in our school estate; it's also available through local government funding more directly for smaller scale work. I'm sure he'll be interested to know that over 450 schools have benefited from the small and rural schools grant to date, and in addition, a number of small and rural schools have received capital funding from the reducing infant class sizes grant, and indeed also from the twenty-first century schools and colleges programme.
Un o bleserau'r rôl yw'r cyfle i ymweld ag ysgolion ym mhob rhan o Gymru, felly rwy'n amlwg yn fwy na pharod i wneud hynny. Mae'r Aelod yn gwneud pwynt ynghylch argaeledd rhaglen ysgolion a cholegau'r unfed ganrif ar hugain ar gyfer adeiladau nad ydynt yn rhai newydd, os caf ei roi felly. Mae ar gael, wrth gwrs, ar gyfer prosiectau adnewyddu mawr ac estyniadau, ac mewn gwirionedd, bydd angen i'r prosiectau hynny fod yn sero net o 1 Ionawr 2022. Ond mae'n wir hefyd nad y rhaglen honno yw'r unig fodd o adnewyddu adeiladau ysgol a buddsoddi cyfalaf yn ein hystâd ysgolion; mae hefyd ar gael drwy gyllid llywodraeth leol yn fwy uniongyrchol ar gyfer gwaith ar raddfa lai. Rwy'n siŵr y bydd ganddo ddiddordeb mewn gwybod bod dros 450 o ysgolion wedi elwa o'r grant ysgolion bach a gwledig hyd yn hyn, ac yn ychwanegol at hynny, mae nifer o ysgolion bach a gwledig wedi derbyn cyllid cyfalaf o'r grant lleihau maint dosbarthiadau babanod, ac yn wir, o raglen ysgolion a cholegau'r unfed ganrif ar hugain hefyd.
6. Pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o'r ddarpariaeth addysg Gymraeg? OQ57328
6. What assessment has the Welsh Government made of the provision of Welsh-medium education? OQ57328
Mae dadansoddiad cyfrifiad ysgolion blynyddol lefel dysgwyr ynghyd â chynlluniau strategol y Gymraeg mewn addysg yn rhoi darlun cynhwysfawr i ni o'r ddarpariaeth addysg Gymraeg ar draws Cymru, a gyda'i gilydd yn cyfrannu at benderfyniadau polisi a chyllido sy'n ein symud yn agosach at ein targed 'Cymraeg 2050'.
The pupil level annual school census as well as the Welsh in education strategic plans provide us with a comprehensive picture of Welsh-medium provision across Wales. Together, they contribute to policy and funding decisions that move us closer to our 'Cymraeg 2050' target.
Diolch, Weinidog. Mae'r cytundeb cydweithio rhwng Plaid Cymru a Llywodraeth Cymru yn ymrwymo i sicrhau bod y Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol a'r Ganolfan Dysgu Cymraeg Genedlaethol yn cael cyllid ychwanegol i gynyddu cyfran y prentisiaethau ac addysg bellach cyfrwng Cymraeg, a chynnig darpariaeth dysgu Cymraeg am ddim i bobl ifanc o 16 i 25 oed. Mae'r ymrwymiad hwn yn rhywbeth y mae Plaid Cymru, ynghyd â Chymdeithas yr Iaith ac ymgyrchwyr iaith eraill, wedi bod yn galw amdano er amser, ac fe fydd, os yw'n cael ei weithredu'n effeithiol, yn gam ymlaen pwysig at wireddu hawl sylfaenol pawb yng Nghymru, gan gynnwys ein plant a'n pobl ifanc, i dderbyn addysg Gymraeg ac i fod â'r gallu i siarad yr iaith yn hyderus ac yn rhugl. A all y Gweinidog ddatgelu faint o arian yw'r cyllid ychwanegol hwn, ac a wnaiff y Gweinidog yn ogystal amlinellu'r camau y bydd y Llywodraeth yn eu cymryd i weithredu'r polisi, a darparu amserlen o ran ei gyflawni? Diolch.
Thank you, Minister. The co-operation agreement between Plaid Cymru and the Welsh Government commits to ensure that the Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol and the National Centre for Learning Welsh are given additional funding in order to increase the number of apprenticeships and FE education available through the medium of Welsh, and to provide free Welsh lessons for young people between 16 and 25 years of age. This commitment is something that Plaid Cymru, along with Cymdeithas yr Iaith and other language campaigners, have been calling for for some time, and, if implemented effectively, it'll be an important step forward towards providing a fundamental right for everyone in Wales, including our children and young people, to receive Welsh-medium education and to have the ability to speak the language confidently and fluently. Can the Minister reveal how much additional funding is to be provided, and will the Minister also outline the steps that the Government will take to implement this policy, and also provide a timetable in terms of delivery? Thank you.
Rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr pa mor bwysig yw darparu gwersi am ddim i'r rhai o dan 25, a hefyd ehangu rôl y Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol a'r ganolfan ddysgu. Roedd rheini hefyd yn rhan o'r rhaglen waith 'Cymraeg 2050' wnes i ddatgan dros yr haf, felly rydyn ni'n cytuno pa mor bwysig yw hynny. O ran y cyllid pellach, wrth gwrs, mae'r coleg cenedlaethol eisoes eleni wedi cael cynnydd yn ei gyllideb er mwyn ehangu'r union math o bethau mae'r Aelod yn sôn amdanyn nhw yn ei chwestiwn. Mae wir yn bwysig ein bod ni'n cynyddu'r ddarpariaeth ôl 16 yn y Gymraeg. Mae'r Bil sydd yn mynd trwy'r Senedd ar hyn o bryd yn creu'r cyd-destun i hwnnw, ond mae angen hefyd y buddsoddiad i sicrhau bod hynny'n digwydd ar lawr gwlad. Felly, rŷm ni'n gytûn, yn sicr, am hynny. Beth yn union fydd y symiau, bydd yn rhaid ni aros i weld beth fydd yn natganiad y Gweinidog cyllid ymhen rhyw wythnos neu 10 diwrnod.
I agree entirely about how important it is to provide free lessons for those up to the age of 25, and expand the role of the coleg Cymraeg and the national centre. Those were also part of the work programme for 'Cymraeg 2050' that I stated over the summer, and so we do agree about how important that is. In terms of further funding, of course, the coleg Cymraeg has had an increase in its budget to expand the exact kind of provision that the Member talks about in her question. It is genuinely important that we increase the provision post 16 through the medium of Welsh. The Bill that's going through the Senedd at present does create the context for that, but we also need the investment to ensure that that does happen on the ground. So, we do agree on that. What the exact sums will be, we'll have to wait for the statement by the Minister for finance in about a week to 10 days' time.
7. Pa gefnogaeth y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei roi i'r Mudiad Meithrin i ddarparu gwasanaethau Ti a Fi? OQ57307
7. What support does the Welsh Government give to Mudiad Meithrin to provide Ti a Fi services? OQ57307
Through Welsh Government grant support, Mudiad Meithrin maintains and supports Ti a Fi provision across Wales. In addition, through our programme of extending provision, cylchoedd Ti a Fi are being established to support the development of new cylchoedd meithrin.
Drwy gymorth grant Llywodraeth Cymru, mae'r Mudiad Meithrin yn cynnal ac yn cefnogi darpariaeth Ti a Fi ledled Cymru. Yn ogystal, drwy ein rhaglen i ymestyn y ddarpariaeth, mae cylchoedd Ti a Fi yn cael eu sefydlu i gefnogi'r gwaith o ddatblygu cylchoedd meithrin newydd.
Can I thank the Minister for that response? If the intention to reach a million Welsh speakers is going to be met, then getting more children being educated through the medium of Welsh is the best and easiest way of doing so. Does the Minister accept that Ti a Fi is the first step to learning Welsh for many children, especially those who come from English-speaking backgrounds? What further support can the Welsh Government provide to Ti a Fi and Mudiad Meithrin? And as everybody else is throwing out invitations, can I invite you to visit a Ti a Fi and Mudiad Meithrin within Swansea East?
A gaf fi ddiolch i'r Gweinidog am ei ymateb? Os ydym am gyflawni'r bwriad o gyrraedd miliwn o siaradwyr Cymraeg, sicrhau bod mwy o blant yn cael eu haddysgu drwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg yw'r ffordd orau a hawsaf o wneud hynny. A yw'r Gweinidog yn derbyn mai Ti a Fi yw'r cam cyntaf i ddysgu Cymraeg i lawer o blant, yn enwedig y rheini sy'n dod o gefndiroedd Saesneg eu hiaith? Pa gymorth pellach y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei ddarparu i Ti a Fi a Mudiad Meithrin? A chan fod pawb arall yn rhoi gwahoddiadau, a gaf fi eich gwahodd i ymweld â Ti a Fi a Mudiad Meithrin yn Nwyrain Abertawe?
I will be delighted to do that. I'm going to struggle to find time for anything else, I think, at the end of this session today, but I certainly will.
Byddwn wrth fy modd yn gwneud hynny. Credaf fy mod yn mynd i'w chael hi'n anodd dod o hyd i amser ar gyfer unrhyw beth arall ar ddiwedd y sesiwn hon heddiw, ond byddaf yn sicr o ddod.
Rwy'n cytuno gyda'r Aelod. Mae cylchoedd Ti a Fi yn gam pwysig iawn ar y daith i addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg. Maen nhw'n darparu cyfle i blant ifanc gymdeithasu a chwarae drwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg, a hefyd yn rhoi cyfle i rieni gwrdd i rannu profiadau a chymdeithasu mewn amgylchedd Cymraeg. Yn Abertawe, ar ddechrau'r flwyddyn academaidd ddiwethaf, roedd 208 o blant wedi cofrestru mewn cylchoedd meithrin, a bron i hanner o'r rheini wedi bod mewn cylchoedd Ti a Fi cyn hynny, a rhyw 77 y cant o blant yn symud o'r cylchoedd meithrin hynny i addysg Gymraeg. Felly, mae'n amlwg bod hyn yn rhan bwysig iawn o gynyddu darpariaeth, a hefyd cynyddu'r galw, sydd yn elfen bwysig yn hyn. Mae'n fwy na jest diwallu'r galw; mae'n rhan hefyd o ysgogi mwy o alw. Mae darpariaeth Ti a Fi, yn anffodus, wedi cael ei effeithio'n ddifrifol yng nghyd-destun COVID-19, ond eleni mae Mudiad Meithrin yn rhoi ffocws arbennig ar ailddechrau darpariaeth Ti a Fi, gan gyflogi rhagor o swyddogion teithiol i hwyluso hyn. A thrwy gefnogaeth Llywodraeth Cymru, mae Mudiad Meithrin wedi gosod targed i ailagor dros 300 o gylchoedd Ti a Fi er mwyn cyrraedd lefelau darpariaeth oedd yn bodoli cyn y pandemig.
I agree with the Member. The cylchoedd Ti a Fi are a very important step on the journey to Welsh-medium education. They do provide an opportunity for young children to socialise and play through the medium of Welsh, and also an opportunity for parents to meet to share experiences and socialise in a Welsh environment. In Swansea, at the start of the last academic year, 208 children had been registered in cylchoedd meithrin, and nearly half of those had been in cylchoedd Ti a Fi before that, and about 77 per cent of children moved from those cylchoedd meithrin into Welsh-medium education. So, it's evident that this is a very important part of increasing provision and increasing demand, which is an important element of that. It's more than just meeting demand; it's about driving more demand. Ti a Fi provision has been affected seriously by COVID-19, but, this year, Mudiad Meithrin is putting a particular emphasis on restarting Ti a Fi provision, employing more officials to facilitate this. And through the Welsh Government's support, Mudiad Meithrin has set a target to reopen more than 300 cylchoedd Ti a Fi in order to reach the provision levels that existed before the pandemic.
8. A wnaiff y Gweinidog ddatganiad am ariannu ysgolion gwledig? OQ57317
8. Will the Minister make a statement on the funding of rural schools? OQ57317
Over 460 schools have benefited from the small and rural schools grant, with funding of over £10 million in the previous Senedd term and £2.5 million in this financial year. In addition, a number of small and rural schools have received capital funding from the reducing infant class sizes grant and the twenty-first century schools and colleges programme.
Mae dros 460 o ysgolion wedi elwa o'r grant ysgolion bach a gwledig, gyda chyllid o dros £10 miliwn yn nhymor blaenorol y Senedd a £2.5 miliwn yn y flwyddyn ariannol hon. Yn ogystal, mae nifer o ysgolion bach a gwledig wedi derbyn cyllid cyfalaf drwy'r grant lleihau maint dosbarthiadau babanod a rhaglen ysgolion a cholegau'r unfed ganrif ar hugain.
Diolch, Weinidog. Minister, the UK Government has given Wales vast sums of extra funding over the past 20 months throughout the COVID pandemic. Recently, the UK Government announced a further £2.5 billion, down the M4 from Westminster to Cardiff Bay. At the same time, my council in Powys is restructuring and closing rural schools due to the fact that they can't afford to keep them open. So, Minister, will you ensure in the budget that rural schools have additional moneys to ensure that the rural schools in my constituency of Brecon and Radnorshire can stay open? Diolch.
Diolch. Weinidog, mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi rhoi symiau enfawr o arian ychwanegol i Gymru dros yr 20 mis diwethaf drwy gydol y pandemig COVID. Yn ddiweddar, cyhoeddodd Llywodraeth y DU £2.5 biliwn arall, i lawr yr M4 o San Steffan i Fae Caerdydd. Ar yr un pryd, mae fy nghyngor ym Mhowys yn ad-drefnu ac yn cau ysgolion gwledig am na allant fforddio eu cadw ar agor. Felly, Weinidog, a wnewch chi sicrhau yn y gyllideb fod gan ysgolion gwledig arian ychwanegol i sicrhau y gall yr ysgolion gwledig yn fy etholaeth ym Mrycheiniog a Sir Faesyfed aros ar agor? Diolch.
I thank the Member for that question. I don't accept the premise of the question that Wales has been given this money by the UK Government. There are taxpayers in Wales who've contributed to that resource as well, and we're perfectly entitled to our share of the overall UK-wide fund. On the point that he makes about small and rural schools' funds in particular, he will know, of course, that the funding of individual schools is ultimately allocated by local authorities, but he will have my assurance that I'm doing all that I can, as I always have, to make sure that schools in Wales have all the funds that they need in order to continue to provide the excellent education that they do to our learners.
Diolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiwn. Nid wyf yn derbyn rhagosodiad y cwestiwn fod Cymru wedi cael yr arian hwn gan Lywodraeth y DU. Mae trethdalwyr yng Nghymru wedi cyfrannu at yr adnodd hwnnw hefyd, ac mae gennym berffaith hawl i'n cyfran o gronfa gyffredinol y DU. Ar y pwynt a wnaeth am gronfeydd ysgolion bach a gwledig yn benodol, fe fydd yn gwybod, wrth gwrs, mai awdurdodau lleol sy'n dyrannu cyllid ysgolion unigol yn y pen draw, ond rwy'n ei sicrhau fy mod yn gwneud popeth a allaf, fel rwyf wedi'i wneud bob amser, i sicrhau bod ysgolion yng Nghymru yn cael yr holl arian sydd ei angen arnynt i barhau i ddarparu'r addysg ragorol y maent yn ei darparu i'n dysgwyr.
Ac yn olaf, cwestiwn 9, Peter Fox.
And finally, question 9, Peter Fox.
9. A wnaiff y Gweinidog ddatganiad am ddatblygu'r cwricwlwm newydd yng Nghymru? OQ57316
9. Will the Minister make a statement on the development of the new curriculum in Wales? OQ57316
The Curriculum for Wales will be rolled out from September 2022. Schools and settings across Wales continue to progress in line with national expectations, drawing on national and regional support and professional learning. This is backed up by £7.24 million to support schools' curriculum development in this financial year.
Bydd y Cwricwlwm i Gymru'n cael ei gyflwyno o fis Medi 2022. Mae ysgolion a lleoliadau ledled Cymru yn parhau i wneud cynnydd yn unol â disgwyliadau cenedlaethol, gan fanteisio ar ddysgu proffesiynol a chymorth cenedlaethol a rhanbarthol. Ategir hyn gan £7.24 miliwn i gefnogi datblygu'r cwricwlwm yn yr ysgolion yn y flwyddyn ariannol hon.
Thank you, Minister, for that response. Minister, as I'm sure you are aware, I am very passionate about the need to strengthen the food system in Wales and to unlock socioeconomic benefits that being able to access good diet can bring. An important part of this campaign is to ensure that people are equipped with the skills and knowledge that they need to reduce the reliance on things like fast food and to help people use good-quality local produce. The old curriculum did introduce some of these issues to learners, and previous Welsh Governments did provide guidance on how food and health should be taught, but there was also the perception that food education in our schools could be strengthened and integrated throughout different areas of learning. Therefore, Minister, what consideration has the Government given to ensuring that food education is firmly part of the new curriculum, in particular through the health and well-being area of learning and experience, and how will you support schools to implement this? Diolch.
Diolch am eich ymateb. Weinidog, fel y gwyddoch, rwy'n siŵr, rwy’n angerddol iawn am yr angen i gryfhau’r system fwyd yng Nghymru ac i ddatgloi'r buddion economaidd-gymdeithasol y gall mynediad at ddeiet da eu cynnig. Rhan bwysig o'r ymgyrch hon yw sicrhau bod gan bobl y sgiliau a'r wybodaeth sydd eu hangen arnynt i leihau'r ddibyniaeth ar bethau fel bwyd brys ac i helpu pobl i ddefnyddio cynnyrch lleol o ansawdd da. Roedd yr hen gwricwlwm yn cyflwyno rhai o'r pethau hyn i ddysgwyr, a bu Llywodraethau blaenorol Cymru yn darparu arweiniad ar sut y dylid dysgu am fwyd ac iechyd, ond roedd canfyddiad hefyd y gellid cryfhau addysg bwyd yn ein hysgolion a'i hintegreiddio drwy wahanol feysydd dysgu. Felly, Weinidog, pa ystyriaeth y mae'r Llywodraeth wedi'i rhoi i sicrhau bod addysg bwyd yn rhan gadarn o'r cwricwlwm newydd, yn enwedig drwy faes dysgu a phrofiad iechyd a lles, a sut y byddwch yn cynorthwyo ysgolion i roi hyn ar waith? Diolch.
He is right that the new curriculum does have this at its heart, and I'm sure that he, in visiting his local schools, as I do in schools right across Wales, sees the potential that learning about food—where it comes from, how to prepare it, how to eat healthily—meets a number of the objectives of the new curriculum. I am often struck, in going to schools where food is a significant part of the life of the school, how creatively that is used for all aspects of the curriculum. We will be continuing to support that into the new curriculum and taking advantage of the extended and expanded opportunities to make sure that our learners have an understanding of the importance of healthy eating and the contribution that food makes to that. We will be including that in the resources that we help develop over the course of the next year and beyond.
Mae'n gywir fod lle canolog i hyn yn y cwricwlwm newydd, ac rwy'n siŵr ei fod, wrth ymweld â'i ysgolion lleol, fel y gwnaf finnau mewn ysgolion ledled Cymru, yn gweld y potensial sydd gan ddysgu am fwyd—o ble y daw, sut i'w baratoi, sut i fwyta'n iach—i fodloni nifer o amcanion y cwricwlwm newydd. Rwy'n aml yn synnu, wrth fynd i ysgolion lle mae bwyd yn rhan fawr o fywyd yr ysgol, pa mor greadigol y defnyddir hynny ar gyfer pob agwedd ar y cwricwlwm. Byddwn yn parhau i gefnogi hynny yn y cwricwlwm newydd ac yn manteisio ar y cyfleoedd estynedig a mwy helaeth i sicrhau bod ein dysgwyr yn deall pwysigrwydd bwyta'n iach a'r cyfraniad y mae bwyd yn ei wneud i hynny. Byddwn yn cynnwys hynny yn yr adnoddau rydym yn helpu i'w datblygu dros y flwyddyn nesaf a thu hwnt.
Diolch i'r Gweinidog.
Thank you, Minister.
Yr eitem nesaf y prynhawn yma yw'r cwestiynau amserol. Galwaf ar Jane Dodds.
The next item this afternoon is topical questions. I call on Jane Dodds.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Diolch am ganiatáu imi ofyn y cwestiwn yma heddiw.
Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. Thank you for allowing me to ask this question today.
I raised yesterday the deeply upsetting case of Arthur Labinjo-Hughes, who died in Solihull—[Interruption.] I'm sorry.
Ddoe, codais achos hynod drist Arthur Labinjo-Hughes, a fu farw yn Solihull—[Torri ar draws.] Mae'n ddrwg gennyf.
You need to ask the topical question on the paper first.
Mae angen i chi ofyn y cwestiwn amserol ar y papur yn gyntaf.
I do apologise. Sorry.
Rwy'n ymddiheuro. Mae'n ddrwg gennyf.
1. Pa adnoddau a chanllawiau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu darparu i awdurdodau lleol ac asiantaethau statudol eraill i nodi pryderon posibl ynghylch diogelu plant, yn dilyn marwolaeth Arthur Labinjo-Hughes yn Solihull? TQ586
1. What resources and guidance is the Welsh Government providing to local authorities and other statutory agencies to identify potential child safeguarding concerns, following the death of Arthur Labinjo-Hughes in Solihull? TQ586
Could I ask the Deputy Minister what steps are being taken to address recruitment challenges in child protection services and to ensure that partner agencies are properly equipped to identify possible safeguarding issues? Can I then give the background—
A gaf fi ofyn i'r Dirprwy Weinidog pa gamau sy'n cael eu cymryd i fynd i'r afael â heriau recriwtio mewn gwasanaethau amddiffyn plant ac i sicrhau bod gan asiantaethau partner adnoddau priodol i nodi problemau posibl o ran diogelu? A gaf fi wedyn roi'r cefndir—
No. The Minister will answer that bit and then you can come back to it.
Na. Bydd y Gweinidog yn ateb y rhan honno a gallwch ddychwelyd ato wedyn.
I do apologise.
Rwy'n ymddiheuro.
Thank you very much. In terms of the workforce, I'm sure that the Member is aware that there is extensive training for the social care workforce in Wales. The Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014 introduced strengthened and robust safeguarding arrangements for Wales. It established a national independent safeguarding board, and regional safeguarding children boards, to support evidence-based safeguarding practice across agencies and across Wales. These arrangements are now well established. Statutory guidance has been issued under the Act, and we do have consistent evidence-based safeguarding practice across agencies and across Wales, with opportunities for practitioners to update their skills.
Diolch yn fawr iawn. O safbwynt y gweithlu, rwy'n siŵr bod yr Aelod yn ymwybodol fod hyfforddiant helaeth yn cael ei ddarparu i'r gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol yng Nghymru. Cyflwynodd Deddf Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol a Llesiant (Cymru) 2014 drefniadau diogelu cryfach a chadarn i Gymru. Sefydlodd fwrdd diogelu annibynnol cenedlaethol, a byrddau diogelu plant rhanbarthol, i gefnogi ymarfer diogelu ar sail tystiolaeth ar draws asiantaethau a ledled Cymru. Mae'r trefniadau hyn bellach wedi'u hen sefydlu. Cyhoeddwyd canllawiau statudol o dan y Ddeddf, ac mae gennym arferion diogelu cyson ar sail tystiolaeth ar draws asiantaethau a ledled Cymru, gyda chyfleoedd i ymarferwyr ddiweddaru eu sgiliau.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I raised, yesterday, the very upsetting case of Arthur Labinjo-Hughes, an eight-year-old boy in Solihull, who was subjected to months of physical abuse by his father and his partner. As I said yesterday, we must not forget that they were the people who killed him. And services, as we know, are being reviewed and we're unclear of any outcomes from that.
But child protection and safeguarding has been particularly challenging during COVID-19, especially during the early lockdown period. As you'll know, Deputy Minister, the number of children in receipt of edge-of-care support on the child protection register and looked-after children has increased in recent years, at a time when local authorities are facing significant staffing challenges. I'm aware that the Government issued new all-Wales practice guidelines in July 2020 for all practitioners working with children under the age of 18.
So, may I also just finish—just thinking about any potential future COVID restrictions and some current ones on entering people's homes, what steps will you be taking to ensure that greater face-to-face contact can be maintained with those children and families who require that additional support? And may I also ask whether the Welsh Government is knowledgeable about the number of child protection vacancies in front-line posts across Wales? Thank you. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Ddoe, codais achos trist iawn Arthur Labinjo-Hughes, bachgen wyth oed yn Solihull, a gafodd ei gam-drin yn gorfforol am fisoedd gan ei dad a'i bartner. Fel y dywedais ddoe, mae'n rhaid inni beidio ag anghofio mai hwy oedd y bobl a'i lladdodd. Ac mae gwasanaethau, fel y gwyddom, yn cael eu hadolygu ac nid ydym yn siŵr o ganlyniadau hynny.
Ond mae amddiffyn a diogelu plant wedi bod yn arbennig o heriol yn ystod COVID-19, yn enwedig yn ystod y cyfyngiadau symud cynnar. Fel y gwyddoch, Ddirprwy Weinidog, mae nifer y plant ar y gofrestr amddiffyn plant sy'n derbyn cymorth ar gyrion gofal a phlant sy'n derbyn gofal wedi cynyddu dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf, ar adeg pan fo awdurdodau lleol yn wynebu heriau sylweddol o ran staffio. Rwy'n ymwybodol fod y Llywodraeth wedi cyhoeddi canllawiau ymarfer newydd ar gyfer Cymru ym mis Gorffennaf 2020 i bob ymarferydd sy'n gweithio gyda phlant o dan 18 oed.
Felly, a gaf fi orffen hefyd—wrth feddwl am unrhyw gyfyngiadau COVID posibl yn y dyfodol a rhai o'r cyfyngiadau cyfredol wrth fynd i mewn i gartrefi pobl, pa gamau y byddwch yn eu cymryd i sicrhau y gellir cynnal mwy o gyswllt wyneb yn wyneb â'r plant a'r teuluoedd sydd angen cymorth ychwanegol? Ac a gaf fi ofyn hefyd a yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwybod faint o swyddi amddiffyn plant ar y rheng flaen sy'n wag ledled Cymru? Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Diolch. Thank you very much for those very important questions. We will do all that we can to ensure that there is face-to-face contact with children and with families in another potential lockdown. During the previous lockdown period, we are aware that there was not face-to-face contact with many families, although it did continue with some families. Sadly, the position, really, is that we can never be sure about—. It's unlikely that we will ever end the abuse of children by those who care for them and keep them safe, but we can do everything possible to ensure that practitioners can identify children at risk of abuse and understand their duty to report children at risk and that they're equipped with the skills and knowledge to investigate and to respond to concerns that a child is at risk of harm. And I think we do depend, in periods such as lockdown periods, even more on the ears and voices of people in the community, because, inevitably, some of the safeguards such as going to school are not there.
So, it has been a very difficult period for children and their families. The Government has done all it possibly can to help; we have certainly put additional money into the local authorities. In addition to the revenue support grant, we've given generous funding from the hardship fund to local government to help support social care, and we've also recently put in £40 million of recovery funding and an additional £42 million for the winter system and other pressures, again for the social care workforce. We've also put in money for a family intervention fund to support child and family well-being through a mixture of practical and direct support. So, we are putting funding in and the support to social workers continues. But obviously, in any lockdown period, this is a very difficult time for all families.
Diolch. Diolch yn fawr am eich cwestiynau pwysig iawn. Byddwn yn gwneud popeth a allwn i sicrhau y ceir cyswllt wyneb yn wyneb â phlant a theuluoedd yn ystod unrhyw gyfyngiadau symud posibl pellach. Yn ystod y cyfyngiadau symud blaenorol, rydym yn ymwybodol na chafwyd cyswllt wyneb yn wyneb â llawer o deuluoedd, er iddo barhau gyda rhai teuluoedd. Yn anffodus, y sefyllfa mewn gwirionedd yw na allwn fyth fod yn sicr ynglŷn â—. Mae'n annhebygol y byddwn ni byth yn rhoi diwedd ar gam-drin plant gan y rheini sy'n gofalu amdanynt ac yn eu cadw'n ddiogel, ond gallwn wneud popeth a allwn i sicrhau bod ymarferwyr yn gallu nodi'r plant sydd mewn perygl o gael eu cam-drin a deall eu dyletswydd i roi gwybod am blant sydd mewn perygl a bod ganddynt sgiliau a gwybodaeth i ymchwilio ac i ymateb i bryderon fod plentyn mewn perygl o niwed. Ac mewn cyfnodau fel y cyfyngiadau symud, credaf ein bod yn dibynnu hyd yn oed yn fwy ar glustiau a lleisiau pobl yn y gymuned, oherwydd, yn anochel, nid yw rhai o'r mesurau diogelwch fel mynd i'r ysgol ar gael.
Felly, mae wedi bod yn gyfnod anodd iawn i blant a'u teuluoedd. Mae'r Llywodraeth wedi gwneud popeth a all i helpu; rydym yn sicr wedi rhoi arian ychwanegol i'r awdurdodau lleol. Yn ychwanegol at y grant cynnal refeniw, rydym wedi rhoi cyllid hael o'r gronfa galedi i lywodraeth leol i helpu i gefnogi gofal cymdeithasol, ac yn ddiweddar, rydym hefyd wedi rhoi £40 miliwn o gyllid adfer a £42 miliwn yn ychwanegol ar gyfer pwysau'r gaeaf ar y system a phwysau eraill, unwaith eto, ar gyfer y gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol. Rydym hefyd wedi darparu arian ar gyfer y gronfa ymyrraeth deuluol i gefnogi llesiant plant a theuluoedd drwy gymysgedd o gymorth ymarferol ac uniongyrchol. Felly, rydym yn darparu arian ac mae'r cymorth i weithwyr cymdeithasol yn parhau. Ond yn amlwg, mewn unrhyw gyfyngiadau symud, mae hwn yn gyfnod anodd iawn i bob teulu.
I'm grateful to the Minister for her answers. One of the issues that has been troubling me for some time, as we've come through this pandemic, has been the disappearance of children from education, and the significant increase in the number of children being educated from home. We know from tragic history that, when children are taken into the home to be educated, we can lose contact with those children and that some terrible things can and have happened to children in those circumstances. Would the Government, both the social services department and the education department, consider an investigation into the growth of elective home education, and consider how contact can be maintained with children who are being educated at home, and also review the law governing home education? I have very, very significant concerns that the growth of home education is going to lead to a growth of abuse and the potential for further tragedies in future.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Gweinidog am ei hatebion. Un o'r materion sydd wedi bod yn fy mhoeni ers peth amser, wrth inni ddod drwy'r pandemig, yw plant yn diflannu o addysg, a'r cynnydd sylweddol yn nifer y plant sy'n derbyn eu haddysg gartref. O drychinebau yn y gorffennol, gwyddom y gallwn golli cysylltiad â phlant sy'n cael eu haddysg gartref ac y gall pethau ofnadwy ddigwydd i blant yn yr amgylchiadau hynny, ac mae hynny wedi digwydd. A fyddai'r Llywodraeth, yr adran gwasanaethau cymdeithasol a'r adran addysg, yn ystyried ymchwiliad i'r cynnydd mewn addysg ddewisol yn y cartref, ac yn ystyried sut y gellir cynnal cyswllt gyda phlant sy'n derbyn eu haddysg gartref, yn ogystal ag adolygu'r gyfraith sy'n llywodraethu addysg yn y cartref? Rwy'n pryderu'n fawr fod y cynnydd mewn addysg yn y cartref yn mynd i arwain at gynnydd mewn cam-drin plant a'r perygl y gwelir trychinebau pellach yn y dyfodol.
I thank Alun Davies for that very important question, and this is an issue that I have worked on closely—and am working on closely—with the Minister for education, because, obviously, it's an issue that concerns both departments. We are developing proposals that will further strengthen the existing framework around elective home education to help ensure that children who are educated at home do get a suitable education to begin with and that their well-being needs are met. So, we are developing a framework, and the proposals that we have include new statutory guidance for local authorities and a wider package of support for home-educated children to enhance the learning experience and development opportunities, and, also, a handbook that will help and give information to home educators.
This year, we've made £1.7 million of funding available to support local authorities with administrative costs relating to home education, as well as to fund education resources and activities for home-educated learners. This is a unique fund to Wales, and I think that does answer his questions about having contact with children who are educated at home and who wish to make wider contact outside of the home. So, the Minister for education will be taking forward the proposals for the new statutory guidance in due course, but it is an issue that I'm working on very closely with him.
Diolch i Alun Davies am ei gwestiwn pwysig iawn, ac mae hwn yn fater rwyf wedi gweithio'n agos arno—ac yn dal i weithio'n agos arno—gyda'r Gweinidog addysg, oherwydd yn amlwg, mae'n fater sy'n ymwneud â'r ddwy adran. Rydym yn datblygu cynigion a fydd yn cryfhau'r fframwaith presennol ymhellach mewn perthynas ag addysg ddewisol yn y cartref i helpu i sicrhau bod plant sy'n derbyn eu haddysg yn y cartref yn cael addysg addas i ddechrau a bod eu hanghenion llesiant yn cael eu diwallu. Felly, rydym yn datblygu fframwaith, ac mae'r cynigion sydd gennym yn cynnwys canllawiau statudol newydd ar gyfer awdurdodau lleol a phecyn ehangach o gymorth i blant sy'n derbyn eu haddysg yn y cartref i wella'r profiad dysgu a'r cyfleoedd datblygu, yn ogystal â llawlyfr a fydd yn helpu ac yn rhoi gwybodaeth i bobl sy'n darparu addysg yn y cartref.
Eleni, rydym wedi darparu £1.7 miliwn o gyllid i gynorthwyo awdurdodau lleol gyda chostau gweinyddol sy'n ymwneud ag addysg yn y cartref, yn ogystal ag ariannu adnoddau a gweithgareddau addysg ar gyfer dysgwyr sy'n derbyn eu haddysg yn y cartref. Mae hon yn gronfa unigryw i Gymru, a chredaf fod hynny'n ateb ei gwestiynau ynghylch cael cyswllt â phlant sy'n cael eu haddysg yn y cartref ac sy'n dymuno cysylltu'n ehangach y tu allan i'r cartref. Felly, bydd y Gweinidog addysg yn bwrw ymlaen â'r cynigion ar gyfer y canllawiau statudol newydd maes o law, ond mae'n fater rwy'n gweithio'n agos iawn arno gydag ef.
I note in Estyn's annual report that Ceredigion had very interesting outreach work with home-educated students, which enabled a lot of those children to be reintegrated into schools.
I'm very pleased that you're giving additional money to family support services for this really, really difficult subject, but I also just wanted to highlight the fact that Arthur Labinjo-Hughes was not in school at all, and that on the day before he was killed he was taken to the hairdressers by the woman who killed him, where he was made to stand with his face to the wall for up to seven hours. Therefore, I agree with you: it is up to the ears and eyes of the community to identify and speak out when child cruelty is obviously taking place, such as in that situation, because, at the end of the day, family support services, would you agree, cannot be everywhere all of the time? It is everybody's duty to speak up for children's rights.
Sylwaf yn adroddiad blynyddol Estyn fod Ceredigion wedi gwneud gwaith allgymorth diddorol iawn gyda myfyrwyr sy'n derbyn eu haddysg yn y cartref, gwaith sydd wedi galluogi llawer o'r plant hynny i gael eu hailintegreiddio mewn ysgolion.
Rwy'n falch iawn eich bod yn rhoi arian ychwanegol i wasanaethau cymorth i deuluoedd ar gyfer y mater anodd hwn, ond roeddwn am dynnu sylw hefyd at y ffaith nad oedd Arthur Labinjo-Hughes yn yr ysgol o gwbl, ac ar y diwrnod cyn iddo gael ei ladd, aethpwyd ag ef i'r siop trin gwallt gan y ddynes a'i lladdodd, lle gwnaed iddo sefyll gyda'i wyneb at y wal am hyd at saith awr. Felly, rwy'n cytuno: mater i glustiau a llygaid y gymuned yw nodi a rhoi gwybod pan fydd creulondeb tuag at blant yn amlwg yn digwydd, megis yn y sefyllfa honno, oherwydd, yn y pen draw, ni all gwasanaethau cymorth i deuluoedd, oni fyddech yn cytuno, fod ym mhobman drwy'r amser? Mae'n ddyletswydd ar bawb i godi llais dros hawliau plant.
Absolutely right, the community have to be the eyes and ears, because it is not possible for social services officers and departments to be there and to see everything. So, it is incumbent on all of us, if we see something we're concerned about, to act on it.
Obviously, the review that has been set up by the UK Government will come forward with proposals, I'm sure, and we will look very closely at what those proposals are and see how they will help us in Wales. It is a very wide-ranging review, and for the Member's information it's led jointly by the Office for Standards in Education, Children's Services and Skills; the Care Quality Commission; Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire and Rescue Services; and HM Inspectorate of Probation. So, it's looking at all of this wide range of agencies. We will look very closely at the result, but, yes, it's all of our duties to look out for any concerns and to follow up on any concerns that we may have.
Yn sicr, mae'n rhaid i'r gymuned fod yn llygaid a chlustiau, gan nad yw'n bosibl i swyddogion ac adrannau gwasanaethau cymdeithasol fod yno a gweld popeth. Felly, mae'n ddyletswydd ar bob un ohonom i weithredu ar unrhyw beth a welwn sy'n peri pryder i ni.
Yn amlwg, bydd yr adolygiad a sefydlwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU yn cyflwyno cynigion, rwy’n siŵr, a byddwn yn edrych yn agos iawn ar beth yw’r cynigion hynny ac yn gweld sut y byddant yn ein helpu yng Nghymru. Mae'n adolygiad eang iawn, ac er gwybodaeth i'r Aelod, caiff ei arwain ar y cyd gan y Swyddfa Safonau mewn Addysg; y Comisiwn Ansawdd Gofal; Arolygiaeth Cwnstabliaeth Ei Mawrhydi a'r Gwasanaethau Tân ac Achub; ac Arolygiaeth Prawf Ei Mawrhydi. Felly, mae'n edrych ar yr ystod eang hon o asiantaethau. Byddwn yn edrych yn agos iawn ar y canlyniad, ond ydy, mae'n ddyletswydd ar bob un ohonom i gadw llygad am unrhyw bryderon a gweithredu ar unrhyw bryderon sydd gennym.
Diolch, Dirprwy Weinidog.
Thank you, Deputy Minister.
Yr eitem nesaf yw'r datganiadau 90 eiliad. Dim ond un datganiad sydd y prynhawn yma, a galwaf ar Mabon ap Gwynfor.
The next item is the 90-second statements, and I call on Mabon ap Gwynfor.
Diolch yn fawr iawn i chi, Dirprwy Lywydd. Dwi am dalu teyrnged y prynhawn yma, os gwelwch yn dda, yn arbennig iawn i holl staff meddygfeydd Dwyfor Meirionnydd a thu hwnt am eu gwaith diflino yn rhoi'r brechlyn ym mraich cannoedd o filoedd o bobl yng Nghymru. Y staff meddygol ymroddedig yma sydd yn cadw ni oll yn ddiogel, ac mae'n dyled ni yn fawr iddyn nhw.
Dwi am longyfarch yn benodol un o'r meddygfeydd lleol yn Nwyfor Meirionnydd; yn benodol, felly, camp arwrol a wnaed dros y penwythnos diwethaf yn Nhŷ Doctor Nefyn. Tŷ Doctor oedd y feddygfa gyntaf i frechu Pfizer, a oedd yn golygu bod pobl mewn cymunedau gwledig yn medru cael y pigiad arbennig yma. A llwyddodd meddygfa Tŷ Doctor i ddosbarthu bron i 4,000 o frechlynnau dros ddeuddydd y penwythnos diwethaf, sy’n golygu bod nhw bellach wedi brechu hyd at 20,000 o bobl ers dechrau’r flwyddyn. Mae'r feddygfa yma ym Mhen Llŷn wedi arwain y ffordd wrth frechu pobl leol ers y dechrau cyntaf un—o’r meddygon, y nyrsys, y staff a’r byddin o wirfoddolwyr—pob un yn ymgymryd yn ei rôl yn llawen bob tro.
Yn ôl Dr Eilir Hughes, daeth bobl o bob cwrdd o ogledd Cymru i gael eu brechu yn Nhŷ Doctor, Nefyn. Roedd rhai yn dod am y tro cyntaf, rhai yn dod am ail ddos, a sawl un yno i gael yr hwblyn. Ond yr hyn sy’n galonogol ydy bod llawer iawn o’r rhai ddaeth i’r feddygfa dros y penwythnos yn bobl ifanc.
Y brechlyn ydy’r arf orau sydd gennym ni i fedru mynd i’r afael â’r haint erchyll yma sydd wedi lladd cynifer o’n hanwyliaid. Diolch o galon, felly, i holl feddygon a staff meddygfeydd Dwyfor Meirionnydd a Chymru gyfan am eu hymdrechion heb eu hail wrth ddosbarthu’r brechlyn yma yn effeithiol yn ein cymunedau a’n cadw ni oll yn ddiogel.
Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I would like to pay tribute this afternoon to all of the staff in general practices in Dwyfor Meirionnydd and beyond for their tireless work in delivering the vaccine to thousands and thousands of people in Wales. These dedicated medical workers are the ones keeping us all safe, and our debt to them is a great one.
I would like to congratulate specifically one of the local surgeries in Dwyfor Meirionnydd for its heroic exploits over the last weekend, namely Tŷ Doctor in Nefyn. Tŷ Doctor in Nefyn was the first to deliver the Pfizer vaccine, which meant that people in rural communities could have this special vaccine. And the Tŷ Doctor surgery managed to deliver nearly 4,000 vaccines in a single weekend, which means that they have now vaccinated up to 20,000 people since the start of the year. This surgery on the Llŷn peninsula has taken a leading role in vaccinating local people since the very beginning. The doctors, nurses, staff, and the army of volunteers—everyone took a full part in this.
According to Dr Eilir Hughes, people from all over north Wales came to be vaccinated in Tŷ Doctor in Nefyn. Some came for the first time, some came for the second dose, and several came to get their booster. But the encouraging thing is that many of those who came to the surgery over the weekend were young people.
The vaccine is the best tool that we have to tackle this terrible infection that has killed so many people. I give my sincere thanks, therefore, to the doctors of Dwyfor Meirionnydd and doctors across Wales for their peerless efforts in distributing the vaccine effectively in our communities and keeping us all safe.
Byddwn nawr yn atal y trafodion dros dro er mwyn caniatáu newidiadau yn y Siambr. Os ydych yn gadael y Siambr, gwnewch hynny'n brydlon. Bydd y gloch yn cael ei chanu dau funud cyn i drafodion ailgychwyn. Dylai unrhyw Aelodau sy'n cyrraedd ar ôl y newid aros tan hynny cyn mynd i mewn i'r Siambr.
We will now suspend proceedings to allow changeovers in the Chamber. If you're leaving the Chamber, please do so promptly. The bell will be rung two minutes before proceedings restart. Any Members arriving after the changeover should wait until then before entering the Chamber.
Ataliwyd y Cyfarfod Llawn am 15:26.
Plenary was suspended at 15:26.
Ailymgynullodd y Senedd am 15:33, gyda'r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Senedd reconvened at 15:33, with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Eitem 5 yw'r eitem nesaf. Yr eitem yma yw'r ddadl ar y ddeiseb ar ddeddfau newydd i amddiffyn gwiwerod coch prin rhag colli cynefinoedd sy'n achosi dirywiad yn eu poblogaeth. Dwi'n galw ar Gadeirydd y Pwyllgor Deisebau, Jack Sargeant, i wneud y cynnig. Jack Sargeant.
Item 5 is the next item, and it's the debate on the petition on new laws to protect rare red squirrels from habitat loss, which causes population decline. I call on the Chair of the Petitions Committee, Jack Sargeant.
Cynnig NDM7860 Jack Sargeant
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
Yn nodi’r ddeiseb P-06-1208 'Deddfau newydd i amddiffyn gwiwerod coch prin rhag colli cynefinoedd sy'n achosi dirywiad yn eu poblogaeth’ a gasglodd 10,553 o lofnodion.
Motion NDM7860 Jack Sargeant
To propose that the Senedd:
Notes the petition P-06-1208 'New laws to protect rare red squirrels from habitat loss which causes population decline’ which received 10,553 signatures.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Ar ran y Pwyllgor Deisebau, diolch am y cyfle i gyflwyno'r ddadl bwysig hon.
Thank you very much, Llywydd. On behalf of the Petitions Committee, thank you for the opportunity to introduce this important debate.
This petition was introduced by Craig Shuttleworth in June and reached 10,000 signatures before the end of July. Llywydd, that tells me that a lot of people in Wales, and across the world, love red squirrels. And while it isn't the focus of today’s debate, I do wish to mention petition P-06-1225, 'Make Natural Resources Wales undertake and publish annual wildlife surveys before felling woodland'. This raises wider issues about how we can protect woodland habitats for all the creatures that live there.
The red squirrel was once common throughout the UK, but they have disappeared from many areas. You can however still see them in three main areas of Wales: on Anglesey, in the Clocaenog Forest in north Wales, and in Clywedog in mid Wales. According to the Wildlife Trusts, in about 150 years red squirrels have declined from around 3.5 million to 140,000 in the UK. The main threat to the species has come from the introduction of the grey squirrel, brought over from North America in the 1870s. A larger, faster-breeding squirrel, it competes for sources of food, making life harder for the red squirrel. It can also carry squirrel pox virus, also known as parapox, which is harmless to grey squirrels, but fatal to red squirrels. Llywydd, red squirrels are also threatened by domestic cats and dogs, roads and habitat losses and fragmentation. In 2020, the Mammal Society released an official red list for British mammals, highlighting the species most at risk. The red squirrel is classified as 'endangered' and is one of the 19 species considered at risk of extinction in Britain. At an international level, it is on the International Union for Conservation of Nature's red list of threatened species.
Red squirrels are a priority species under the UK post-2010 biodiversity framework. They are protected under Schedules 5 and 6 to the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981, as amended. Under the Act, it is an offence to kill, injure or take a red squirrel, or to damage, destroy or obstruct access to a drey or any other structure or place that a red squirrel uses for shelter or protection. It is also an offence to disturb a red squirrel when it is occupying a structure or place for protection. This protection does not apply to areas where red squirrels only feed. Activities for social, economic and environmental reasons that might affect red squirrels can be licensed.
The petition we are debating today is calling on the Government to go further than the protections that already exist. It is asking this Senedd to do more to protect red squirrels. Specifically, it is asking that habitat loss be included in the consideration of felling licences, and that state-owned forests, which don’t require a licence, should have to annually assess the cumulative impact of felling on the red squirrel population. We know that this Government puts climate change and nature at the heart of its decision making. Earlier this year, in June 2021, this Senedd declared a nature emergency. So the question is, today. about that nature emergency: how can we protect the populations of red squirrels we have? But even further, how can we reverse the historic decline?
Llywydd, I very much look forward to the Minister's response this afternoon. I look forward to Members' contributions across the Chamber, and I'm very much looking forward to the contribution from the Senedd's own very red squirrel—the bright and bushy-tailed Darren Millar. Diolch yn fawr.
Cyflwynwyd y ddeiseb hon gan Craig Shuttleworth ym mis Mehefin ac fe gafodd 10,000 o lofnodion cyn diwedd mis Gorffennaf. Lywydd, mae hynny'n dweud wrthyf fod llawer o bobl yng Nghymru, ac ar draws y byd, yn hoff iawn o wiwerod coch. Ac er nad yw'n ganolbwynt i'r ddadl heddiw, hoffwn sôn am ddeiseb P-06-1225, 'Dylai Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru orfod cynnal a chyhoeddi arolygon bywyd gwyllt blynyddol cyn cwympo coetir'. Mae'r ddeiseb hon yn codi materion ehangach ynghylch sut y gallwn ddiogelu cynefinoedd coetir ar gyfer yr holl greaduriaid sy'n byw yno.
Roedd y wiwer goch yn gyffredin ledled y DU ar un adeg, ond maent wedi diflannu o sawl ardal. Fodd bynnag, gallwch eu gweld o hyd mewn tair prif ardal yng Nghymru: ar Ynys Môn, yng Nghoedwig Clocaenog yng ngogledd Cymru, ac yng Nghlywedog yng nghanolbarth Cymru. Yn ôl yr Ymddiriedolaethau Natur, mewn tua 150 mlynedd mae niferoedd gwiwerod coch wedi gostwng o tua 3.5 miliwn i 140,000 yn y DU. Mae'r prif fygythiad i'r rhywogaeth wedi deillio o gyflwyno'r wiwer lwyd, a ddygwyd drosodd o Ogledd America yn y 1870au. Maent yn wiwerod mwy o faint, sy'n bridio'n gyflymach, ac maent yn cystadlu am ffynonellau bwyd, gan wneud bywyd yn anos i'r wiwer goch. Gallant hefyd gario feirws brech y wiwer, a elwir hefyd yn parapox, nad yw'n gwneud niwed i wiwerod llwyd, ond sy'n angheuol i wiwerod coch. Lywydd, mae cathod a chŵn domestig, ffyrdd, colli a darnio cynefin hefyd yn fygythiad i'r wiwer goch. Yn 2020, rhyddhaodd Cymdeithas y Mamaliaid restr goch swyddogol o famaliaid Prydain, a dynnai sylw at y rhywogaethau sy'n wynebu'r perygl mwyaf. Mae'r wiwer goch yn cael ei dosbarthu fel rhywogaeth 'mewn perygl' ac mae'n un o'r 19 rhywogaeth yr ystyrir eu bod mewn perygl o ddiflannu ym Mhrydain. Ar lefel ryngwladol, mae ar restr goch yr Undeb Rhyngwladol dros Gadwraeth Natur o rywogaethau dan fygythiad.
Mae gwiwerod coch yn rhywogaeth â blaenoriaeth o dan fframwaith bioamrywiaeth ôl-2010 y DU. Fe'u diogelir o dan Atodlenni 5 a 6 i Ddeddf Bywyd Gwyllt a Chefn Gwlad 1981, fel y'i diwygiwyd. O dan y Ddeddf, mae'n drosedd lladd, anafu neu gymryd gwiwerod coch, neu ddifrodi, dinistrio neu rwystro mynediad at nyth neu unrhyw strwythur neu le arall y mae gwiwerod coch yn ei ddefnyddio ar gyfer cysgod neu ddiogelwch. Mae hefyd yn drosedd tarfu ar wiwer goch pan fydd yn defnyddio strwythur neu le ar gyfer diogelwch. Nid yw'r amddiffyniad hwn yn berthnasol i fannau lle mae gwiwerod coch ond yn bwyta'n unig. Gellir trwyddedu gweithgareddau a all effeithio ar wiwerod coch am resymau cymdeithasol, economaidd ac amgylcheddol.
Mae'r ddeiseb rydym yn ei thrafod heddiw yn galw ar y Llywodraeth i fynd gam ymhellach na'r amddiffyniad sydd eisoes yn bodoli. Mae'n gofyn i'r Senedd hon wneud mwy i ddiogelu gwiwerod coch. Yn benodol, mae'n gofyn am gynnwys colli cynefin wrth ystyried trwyddedau cwympo coed, ac y dylai coedwigoedd sy'n eiddo i'r wladwriaeth, nad oes angen trwydded arnynt, orfod asesu effaith gronnol cwympo coed ar boblogaeth y wiwer goch yn flynyddol. Gwyddom fod y Llywodraeth hon yn rhoi newid hinsawdd a natur wrth wraidd ei phenderfyniadau. Yn gynharach eleni, ym mis Mehefin 2021, fe wnaeth y Senedd hon ddatgan argyfwng natur. Felly, mae'r cwestiwn heddiw yn ymwneud â'r argyfwng natur hwnnw: sut y gallwn ddiogelu'r poblogaethau sydd gennym o wiwerod coch? Ond yn fwy na hynny hyd yn oed, sut y gallwn wrthdroi'r dirywiad hanesyddol?
Lywydd, rwy'n edrych ymlaen yn fawr at ymateb y Gweinidog y prynhawn yma. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen at gyfraniadau'r Aelodau ar draws y Siambr, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen yn fawr at gyfraniad wiwer goch y Senedd ei hun—ein Darren Millar sionc fel y wiwer. Diolch yn fawr.
I couldn't have called him better. Darren Millar. [Laughter.]
Ni fyddwn wedi gallu ei alw'n well. Darren Millar. [Chwerthin.]
Diolch, Llywydd. And as the red squirrel species champion in the Senedd, I'm absolutely delighted to see that this debate has been brought forward by the Petitions Committee. And before I go any further, I must declare an interest in this debate as the honorary member of the Red Squirrels Trust Wales and indeed a member of the Clocaenog Red Squirrels Trust as well. And I want to pay tribute to the incredible work of the lead petitioner, Dr Craig Shuttleworth, for organising the petition, and the incredible work that he does, day in, day out, in leading red squirrel conservation efforts across the country. He's not alone, of course—there are the Red Squirrels Trust, the Clocaenog Red Squirrels Trust, the Welsh Mountain Zoo and a whole army of others, including many volunteers, who give their time, effort and resources fighting for these super furry animals.
Since being appointed as the red squirrel champion back in 2016, it's been an absolute thrill to get to know more about this unique and iconic species and to visit many of the projects across Wales and to learn about the efforts being made to boost the fortunes of the red squirrel population and to revive it. For over 10,000 years, the red squirrel population was the dominant population here in Wales of squirrels. And not only that, it populated the vast majority of the British Isles. But we know from what has already been shared today that that population dwindled significantly, and as late as the 1990s there were just a few hundred red squirrels scattered across Wales in small population pockets, which were at risk. But it was at that time, before the turn of the millennium, that heroic conservation efforts to revive the species began. And thanks to these efforts, I'm proud to say that in my own constituency the Clocaenog forest now has a sustainable small, but growing red squirrel population. In mid Wales, the Vincent Wildlife Trust released pine martens, a predator to grey squirrels, and that project has, so far, also proved successful in boosting the population numbers there.
But the biggest triumph, in my opinion, for any conservation effort of any animal in Wales, has been on the island of Anglesey. Because, thanks to its status as an island, an ambitious plan to remove grey squirrels was hatched, and, by 2015, it was announced that Anglesey was a grey squirrel-free zone. But all these efforts, they've been undermined, and they've been undermined due to outdated forestry legislation, which pays no regard to at-risk wildlife populations. How can it be that while it's illegal to kill or injure a red squirrel or disturb a red squirrel in its drey or nest—how can it be that a forest containing them is not protected and can be chopped down? Yet that, unfortunately, is the current state of affairs, as far as the law is concerned, here in Wales. Because while a felling licence is required to harvest timber or fell trees in private woodland in Wales, it's a scandal that such licences cannot be refused if they cause habitat loss and red squirrel population decline. And, of course, Government-owned forests, they do not require a licence, but they are managed under 10-year plans. Regrettably, there is no obligation whatsoever to update or refresh those plans to take note of the actual squirrel population on an annual basis and where it's nesting within those forests. And as a result of that, we now face an incredible challenge of seeing in parts of Wales trees being felled, or planned to be felled, which could result in the setting back of these enormous conservation efforts that we've seen.
And let's give you an example of how the current arrangements are failing in that regard: Pentraeth forest on Ynys Môn. And I know that Rhun ap Iorwerth will be familiar with this challenge. It is a red squirrel stronghold—one of the few strongholds in Wales. Yet Natural Resources Wales has given permission for a felling operation that is going to be based on the outdated data on the local squirrel population, which is over 10 years old, and, worse still, it's going to allow the felling operation to take place during the red squirrel breeding season. So, while a new generation of this endangered species are settling down into their nests, the trees, which hold those nests, will be chopped down. And this is not a small area of woodland being torn down; it's 17 acres—6,500 tonnes of timber—worth of prime red squirrel habitat that is going to be destroyed. And we must remember that this is at a time when, quite rightly, the Welsh Government is decrying global deforestation and encouraging every household in Wales to plant a tree. So, we can't allow this situation to persist. We've got to take action now if we're going to see this species continue to rebound.
Yes, we need to address the shortcomings of the Forestry Act 1967. That work has already been done in Scotland, so we have a template that we can pick up and apply here in Wales. We need a clear timescale for that work to be achieved. And I'm pleased very much that the Welsh Government has started the work on planning for that legislation to change. But we also need some work to be done on ensuring that these 10-year plans are updated on a much more frequent basis so that we can protect the wildlife populations—not just the red squirrel, but other important wildlife species as well—in forests that are state-owned and state-run across the country.
So, on behalf of this small, but incredibly super furry animal, I want to encourage everybody to back the petition that's called for these changes to be made today, and I look forward to hearing further contributions.
Diolch, Lywydd. Ac fel hyrwyddwr rhywogaeth y wiwer goch yn y Senedd, rwy'n falch iawn o weld bod y ddadl hon wedi'i chyflwyno gan y Pwyllgor Deisebau. A chyn i mi fynd ymhellach, mae'n rhaid imi ddatgan buddiant yn y ddadl hon fel aelod anrhydeddus o Ymddiriedolaeth Gwiwerod Coch Cymru ac yn wir fel aelod o Ymddiriedolaeth Gwiwerod Coch Clocaenog hefyd. A hoffwn dalu teyrnged i waith anhygoel y prif ddeisebydd, Dr Craig Shuttleworth, am drefnu'r ddeiseb, a'r gwaith anhygoel y mae'n ei wneud, o ddydd i ddydd, yn arwain ymdrechion cadwraeth gwiwerod coch ledled y wlad. Nid ef yw'r unig un, wrth gwrs—mae'r Ymddiriedolaeth Gwiwerod Coch, Ymddiriedolaeth Gwiwerod Coch Clocaenog, Sŵ Mynydd Cymru a byddin gyfan o bobl eraill, gan gynnwys llawer o wirfoddolwyr, yn rhoi eu hamser, eu hymdrech a'u hadnoddau i frwydro dros y 'super furry animals' hyn.
Ers cael fy mhenodi'n hyrwyddwr rhywogaeth y wiwer goch yn ôl yn 2016, mae wedi bod yn wefr cael dysgu mwy am y rhywogaeth unigryw ac eiconig hon ac ymweld â llawer o'r prosiectau ledled Cymru a dysgu am yr ymdrechion sy'n cael eu gwneud i hybu ffyniant poblogaeth y wiwer goch a'i adfywio. Ers dros 10,000 o flynyddoedd, poblogaeth y wiwer goch oedd y boblogaeth fwyaf o wiwerod yma yng Nghymru. Ac nid yn unig hynny, roedd yn poblogi'r mwyafrif llethol o Ynysoedd Prydain. Ond gwyddom o'r hyn sydd eisoes wedi'i rannu heddiw fod y boblogaeth honno wedi lleihau'n sylweddol, ac mor ddiweddar â'r 1990au dim ond ychydig gannoedd o wiwerod coch oedd wedi'u gwasgaru ledled Cymru mewn pocedi poblogaeth bach, a oedd mewn perygl. Ond dyna'r adeg, cyn troad y mileniwm, y dechreuodd yr ymdrechion cadwraeth arwrol i adfywio'r rhywogaeth. A diolch i'r ymdrechion hyn, rwy'n falch o ddweud bod gan goedwig Clocaenog yn fy etholaeth i boblogaeth fach gynaliadwy, ond cynyddol o wiwerod coch. Yng nghanolbarth Cymru, rhyddhaodd Ymddiriedolaeth Bywyd Gwyllt Vincent belaod, ysglyfaethwr wiwerod llwyd, ac mae'r prosiect hwnnw, hyd yma, wedi llwyddo i roi hwb i niferoedd y boblogaeth yno.
Ond yn fy marn i, o'r holl ymdrechion cadwraethol ar gyfer unrhyw anifail yng Nghymru, ar ynys Môn y gwelwyd y fuddugoliaeth fwyaf. Oherwydd, diolch i'w statws fel ynys, cafodd cynllun uchelgeisiol i gael gwared ar wiwerod llwyd ei greu, ac erbyn 2015, cyhoeddwyd bod Ynys Môn yn barth heb wiwerod llwyd. Ond mae'r holl ymdrechion hyn wedi'u tanseilio, a chawsant eu tanseilio oherwydd deddfwriaeth goedwigaeth hen ffasiwn, nad yw'n rhoi unrhyw ystyriaeth i boblogaethau bywyd gwyllt sydd mewn perygl. Sut y gall fod, er ei bod yn anghyfreithlon lladd neu anafu gwiwer goch neu darfu ar wiwer goch yn ei nyth—sut y gall fod nad yw coedwig sy'n eu cynnwys wedi'i gwarchod ac y gellir ei thorri? Ac eto, yn anffodus, dyna'r sefyllfa bresennol, o safbwynt y gyfraith, yma yng Nghymru. Oherwydd er bod angen trwydded gwympo coed i gynaeafu coed neu gwympo coed mewn coetir preifat yng Nghymru, mae'n sgandal na ellir gwrthod trwyddedau o'r fath os ydynt yn arwain at golli cynefin a dirywiad ym mhoblogaeth y wiwer goch. Ac wrth gwrs, nid oes angen trwydded ar goedwigoedd sy'n eiddo i'r Llywodraeth, ond cânt eu rheoli o dan gynlluniau 10 mlynedd. Yn anffodus, nid oes unrhyw rwymedigaeth o gwbl i ddiweddaru neu adnewyddu'r cynlluniau hynny i ystyried poblogaeth gwiwerod ar sail flynyddol a nodi lle maent yn nythu o fewn y coedwigoedd hynny. Ac o ganlyniad i hynny, rydym yn awr yn wynebu her anhygoel o weld coed mewn rhannau o Gymru yn cael eu torri, neu ceir bwriad i'w torri, a allai arwain at wrthdroi'r ymdrechion cadwraethol enfawr a welsom.
A gadewch i mi roi enghraifft i chi o sut y mae'r trefniadau presennol yn methu yn hynny o beth: coedwig Pentraeth ar Ynys Môn. A gwn y bydd Rhun ap Iorwerth yn gyfarwydd â'r her hon. Mae'n gadarnle i'r wiwer goch—un o'r ychydig gadarnleoedd yng Nghymru. Ac eto, mae Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru wedi rhoi caniatâd i waith cwympo coed a fydd yn seiliedig ar ddata hen ffasiwn ar boblogaeth gwiwerod yn lleol, sydd dros 10 mlwydd oed, ac yn waeth byth, bydd yn caniatáu i'r gwaith cwympo coed ddigwydd yn ystod tymor bridio'r wiwer goch. Felly, er bod cenhedlaeth newydd o'r rhywogaethau hyn sydd mewn perygl yn setlo yn eu nythod, bydd y coed, sy'n dal y nythod hynny, yn cael eu torri. Ac nid ardal fechan o goetir sy'n cael ei chwalu; mae'n 17 erw—gwerth 6,500 tunnell bren o gynefin o'r radd flaenaf i wiwerod coch sy'n mynd i gael ei ddinistrio. Ac mae'n rhaid inni gofio bod hyn yn digwydd ar adeg pan fo Llywodraeth Cymru, yn gwbl briodol, yn feirniadol o ddatgoedwigo byd-eang ac yn annog pob cartref yng Nghymru i blannu coeden. Felly, ni allwn ganiatáu i'r sefyllfa hon barhau. Mae'n rhaid inni weithredu yn awr os ydym eisiau gweld niferoedd y rhywogaeth hon yn parhau i wella.
Oes, mae angen inni fynd i'r afael â diffygion Deddf Coedwigaeth 1967. Mae'r gwaith hwnnw eisoes wedi'i wneud yn yr Alban, felly mae gennym dempled y gallwn ei ddefnyddio a'i gymhwyso yma yng Nghymru. Mae arnom angen amserlen glir ar gyfer cyflawni'r gwaith hwnnw. Ac rwy'n falch iawn fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi dechrau'r gwaith o gynllunio ar gyfer newid y ddeddfwriaeth honno. Ond mae angen gwneud gwaith hefyd i sicrhau bod y cynlluniau 10 mlynedd hyn yn cael eu diweddaru'n amlach o lawer fel y gallwn ddiogelu poblogaethau bywyd gwyllt—nid y wiwer goch yn unig, ond rhywogaethau bywyd gwyllt pwysig eraill hefyd—mewn coedwigoedd sy'n eiddo i'r wladwriaeth ac sy'n cael eu cynnal gan y wladwriaeth ledled y wlad.
Felly, ar ran yr anifail bach, y 'super furry animal' hwn, rwyf am annog pawb i gefnogi'r ddeiseb sydd wedi galw am wneud y newidiadau hyn heddiw, ac edrychaf ymlaen at glywed cyfraniadau pellach.
The only red squirrel I've ever seen was on Ynys Môn, and therefore I call Rhun ap Iorwerth.
Roedd yr unig wiwer goch a welais erioed ar Ynys Môn, ac felly galwaf ar Rhun ap Iorwerth.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Llywydd. Mi wnaf innau ddatgan fy mod innau yn aelod anrhydeddus o Ymddiriedolaeth Gwiwerod Coch Cymru, a dwi'n falch iawn o fod yn Aelod sy'n cynrychioli ynys sydd, yn ei chyfanrwydd, yn bencampwyr y creadur arbennig yma. Ryw flwyddyn yn ôl oedd hi pan oeddwn i'n rhedeg efo fy ngwraig lai na milltir o'm cartref i ac mi neidiodd wiwer goch fach o'r clawdd a dechrau sgrialu lawr y ffordd o'n blaenau ni—y fflach fach yma o gynffon goch yn bowndio lawr y ffordd. Ac mi redodd o'n blaenau ni am ryw hanner canllath dda, rhedeg efo ni cyn diflannu mewn i'r gwrych. Ac roedden ni wedi gwirioni, achos er i mi weld nifer o wiwerod dros y blynyddoedd, dyma'r tro cyntaf i fi weld y wiwer ar fy ngharreg drws fy hun. A dwi'n cofio fel hogyn bach yn tyfu i fyny ar yr ynys y balchder mawr oedd yna fod y creadur bach bendigedig yma wedi dewis ymgartrefu ym Môn.
Ond mi oedd o dan fygythiad, dan fygythiad gan y wiwer lwyd, fel rydyn ni wedi ei glywed, ac erbyn canol y 1990au mi oedd o bron â diflannu yn llwyr. A phan ddechreuodd y gwaith wedyn o achub y wiwer, o dyfu ei phoblogaeth eto, mi dyfodd ein balchder ni ymhellach. Mae'n dod â balchder economaidd erbyn hyn hefyd, wrth gwrs. Dwi'n gwybod am gydweithwyr o'r Senedd yma sydd wedi teithio i Ynys Môn yn unswydd er mwyn gweld y wiwer goch. Ond mae'r gwerth pwysicaf, dwi'n siŵr y gallwn ni gytuno, yn y gwerth cadwraethol ei hun, fel y clywon ni gan Gadeirydd y Pwyllgor Deisebau, a chyfraniad poblogaeth wiwer goch iach at fioamrywiaeth yr ynys a bioamrywiaeth Cymru. A, rŵan, mae dwy ran o dair o wiwerod coch Cymru ym Môn unwaith eto.
Ond nid ar ddamwain ddigwyddodd hynny, mae'n bwysig, bwysig cofio, ac mae yna ddiolch rhyfeddol i'w dalu am waith diflino cadwraethwyr a gwirfoddolwyr lleol. Rydyn ni wedi clywed enw Craig Shuttleworth; mi allwn i enwi Raj Jones, a'r holl waith mae hi wedi'i wneud dros y blynyddoedd, yn sicrhau yr arwyddion yma a wnaeth ymddangos ar draws yr ynys—coedwig wiwer goch—yn datgan fel arwydd llythrennol fod y creadur bach yn ei ôl. A diolch byth, mae'r wiwer goch yn cael ei gwarchod gan ddeddfwriaeth. Mae'n drosedd i ddinistrio ei nythod hi, ond does yna ddim gwarchodaeth i'r coed a'r coedwigoedd maen nhw yn byw ynddyn nhw. Mae'r wiwer yn cael ei gwarchod, ond dydy ei chynefin hi ddim. A dyna mae'r ddeiseb yma yn galw am ei wneud.
A dwi'n croesawu'r ddeiseb a'r hyn mae'r deisebwyr yn galw amdano fo—dros 10,000 ohonyn nhw; 1,700 ohonyn nhw o fy etholaeth i—sef maen nhw am newid y system drwyddedu fyddai'n ein galluogi ni i osod amodau cyn caniatáu torri coed, er enghraifft, amodau i beidio â thorri yn ystod tymor bridio. Ar hyn o bryd, mae torri coed yn gallu digwydd hyd yn oed heb arolwg o faint o nythod wiwerod sydd yna. Rydyn ni'n gweld hynny yn digwydd yn rhy aml yn fy etholaeth i. Pam, ar ôl yr holl waith i adfer y boblogaeth, fydden ni am i'w chynefin hi ddod dan fygythiad? Dwi wedi cael etholwyr yn cysylltu efo fi am gynlluniau gan Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru i glirio, neu i ganiatáu clirio coedwigaeth, ar sawl safle ar Ynys Môn—Niwbwrch, Pentraeth, fel rydyn ni wedi'i glywed, Mynydd Bodafon, cynefinoedd rydyn ni'n gwybod sydd yn drysorau o ran y wiwer goch. Mae pobl yn poeni am ddyfodol Penrhos yng Nghaergybi, hefyd yn poeni bod dim digon o sylw yn cael ei roi i warchod y cynefin hwnnw.
Mae'r Alban eisoes wedi newid deddfwriaeth. Gwnaeth Deddf Cadwraeth Natur (Yr Alban) 2004 roi cymal mewn yn Neddf Coedwigaeth 1967 sy'n caniatáu yn benodol gwrthod trwydded torri coed neu roi amodau ynghlwm wrthi—
Thank you very much, Llywydd. I will also declare that I am an honorary member of the Red Squirrels Trust Wales, and I am very proud to be a Member representing an island who are, as a whole, champions for this particular creature. It was around a year ago when I was out running with my wife less than a mile from my home and a red squirrel jumped from the hedge and sped down the road ahead of us—this flash of a red tail bounding down the road. And it ran ahead of us for some good 50 yards, running with us indeed before disappearing back into the hedge. And we were enchanted, because although I've seen a number of squirrels over the years, this was the first time that I'd seen the red squirrel on my own doorstep. And I recall as a young boy growing up on the island, the great pride that this wonderful creature had chosen to make its home on Ynys Môn.
But it was under threat, under threat from grey squirrels, as we've heard, and by the mid-1990s it was almost entirely extinct. And when the recovery work started in growing the red squirrel population again, then our pride just grew even further. It brings economic benefits now too, of course. I know of colleagues from this Senedd who have travelled to Anglesey with the sole purpose of seeing a red squirrel. But the greatest value, of course, and I'm sure we could all agree on this, is in the conservation itself, as we heard from the Chair of the Petitions Committee, and the contribution of a healthy red squirrel population to the biodiversity of the island and the biodiversity of the whole of Wales. And now, two thirds of all Welsh red squirrels are on Anglesey once again.
But that didn't happen by accident, and it's very, very important to bear that in mind, and we should give real thanks for the tireless work of conservationists and volunteers on a local level. We've heard the name of Craig Shuttleworth; I could name Raj Jones, and all the work that she has done over the years in ensuring that signs appeared over the island—the red squirrel forest signs—which was a literal sign that the creature was back. And thank goodness, the red squirrel is safeguarded by legislation. It's an offence to destroy dreys, but there is no safeguard for the woodland that they occupy. The squirrel is protected, but its habitat is not. And that's what this petition seeks to remedy.
And I welcome the petition and what the petitioners are calling for—over 10,000 of them; 1,700 of them from my own constituency. They want to change the licensing system, which would enable us to place conditions before allowing tree felling, so, conditions not to fell during breeding seasons, for example. At the moment, tree felling can happen even without a survey of how many squirrel nests there are. And we see that happening far too often in my own constituency. Why, after all of the work in helping the population to recover, would we want the habitat to be under threat? I've had constituents contact me about plans by Natural Resources Wales to clear fell forestry, or to allow the clear felling of forestry, on several sites on Ynys Môn—Newborough, Pentraeth, as we've heard, Mynydd Bodafon, habitats we know are treasures in terms of the red squirrel population. People are concerned about Penrhos in Holyhead, concerned that not enough coverage is given to safeguarding that habitat.
Scotland's already changed legislation. The Nature Conservation (Scotland) Act 2004 placed a clause in the Forestry Act 1967 that specifically allows the rejection of tree felling permits or attaches conditions to them—
'for the purpose of conserving or enhancing the flora, fauna or geological or physiographical features, or the natural beauty or amenity, of any land.'
'at ddiben gwarchod neu wella fflora, ffawna neu nodweddion daearegol neu ffisiograffigol, neu harddwch naturiol neu amwynder, unrhyw dir.'
Does yna ddim cymal o'r fath wedi'i ychwanegu at ddeddfwriaeth Cymru, ac mae'n amser i ni i'w weld o. A thu hwnt i ddeddfwriaeth, mae'n rhaid dweud, mae'n wir bryder i fi bod yna ddiffyg deialog gadarn rhwng Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru a chyrff gwarchodaeth. Mae'n rhywbeth dwi wedi'i godi dro ar ôl tro. Mae partneriaeth yn gorfod bod yn rhan o'r ateb i warchod y wiwer.
I gloi, dwi'n edrych ymlaen at glywed gan y Gweinidog, ei hymateb i'r ddadl yma. Dwi'n dal yn disgwyl am ateb i ohebiaeth i'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd ar y pwnc yma o fis Gorffennaf a mis Hydref eleni. Mi fuaswn i a'r 10,000 a mwy o bobl sydd wedi arwyddo'r ddeiseb yn falch o glywed os ydy hithau yr un mor frwd â ni dros warchod yr anifail prin a hyfryd, hyfryd yma.
There is no such clause added to Welsh legislation, and it is time for us to remedy that. And beyond legislation, I have to say that it's a real concern of mine that there is a lack of robust dialogue between Natural Resources Wales and conservation organisations. It's something that I've raised time and time again. Partnership has to be part of the solution in safeguarding the squirrel.
To conclude, I look forward to hearing from the Minister in her response to this debate. I am still awaiting a response to correspondence to the Minister for Climate Change on this issue from July and October of this year. I and the 10,000 and more people who have signed this petition would be grateful to hear whether she is as enthusiastic as we are in terms of safeguarding this rare and wonderful creature.
Thank you to the Petitions Committee for bringing forward this important petition today, and thank you to Jack Sargeant for opening the debate. The petition has highlighted an important opportunity for us here in Wales to progress action to protect our wildlife. We are facing a nature crisis as well as a climate emergency, and we must take seriously the loss of biodiversity that will occur if actions to protect nature species, like the red squirrel, isn't taken.
As Jack has highlighted, one of the biggest threats to red squirrels is habitat loss and fragmentation, and it is here that the Welsh Government can act. In Scotland, felling licences can be refused or granted to enhance or conserve wildlife, thanks to a change in the law, demonstrating a commitment to species protection. Unfortunately, no such protections currently exist here in Wales.
I have also been contacted by residents in Anglesey concerned about the planned development at Penrhos. The nature reserve is an important habitat for red squirrels, as well as an oasis for local residents to enjoy. The development will see 27 acres of trees felled, which will have a serious impact on the squirrels' habitat, removing much of their dreys and runs. I firmly believe that the impact a project will have on local wildlife should be considered when receiving approval, whether this be the felling of trees as part of woodland management or redevelopment like that in Penrhos. So, I welcome this petition that was put forward by Craig Shuttleworth, and hope that, going forward, regulations will be put in place so that biodiversity and species protection will be treated as a priority throughout Wales.
Diolch i'r Pwyllgor Deisebau am gyflwyno'r ddeiseb bwysig hon heddiw, a diolch i Jack Sargeant am agor y ddadl. Mae'r ddeiseb wedi tynnu sylw at gyfle pwysig i ni yma yng Nghymru i weithredu i ddiogelu ein bywyd gwyllt. Rydym yn wynebu argyfwng natur yn ogystal ag argyfwng hinsawdd, ac mae'n rhaid inni roi ystyriaeth ddifrifol i'r bioamrywiaeth a gollir os na roddir camau ar waith i ddiogelu rhywogaethau natur fel y wiwer goch.
Fel y nododd Jack, un o'r bygythiadau mwyaf i wiwerod coch yw colli a darnio cynefin, a gall Llywodraeth Cymru weithredu yn hyn o beth. Yn yr Alban, gellir gwrthod trwyddedau cwympo coed neu eu rhoi i wella neu warchod bywyd gwyllt, diolch i newid yn y gyfraith, gan ddangos ymrwymiad i ddiogelu rhywogaethau. Yn anffodus, nid oes unrhyw amddiffyniadau o'r fath yn bodoli yma yng Nghymru ar hyn o bryd.
Mae trigolion Ynys Môn hefyd wedi cysylltu â mi i leisio pryder ynglŷn â'r datblygiad arfaethedig ym Mhenrhos. Mae'r warchodfa natur yn gynefin pwysig i wiwerod coch, yn ogystal â gwerddon i drigolion lleol ei mwynhau. Bydd y datblygiad yn golygu bod 27 erw o goed yn cael eu torri, a bydd hynny'n cael effaith ddifrifol ar gynefin y gwiwerod, gan gael gwared ar lawer o'u nythod a'u rhedfeydd. Credaf yn gryf y dylid ystyried yr effaith y bydd prosiect yn ei chael ar fywyd gwyllt lleol wrth ei gymeradwyo, boed hynny'n gwympo coed fel rhan o reoli coetiroedd neu ailddatblygiad fel yr un ym Mhenrhos. Felly, rwy'n croesawu'r ddeiseb hon a gyflwynwyd gan Craig Shuttleworth, ac yn gobeithio y bydd rheoliadau yn cael eu rhoi ar waith yn y dyfodol fel y caiff bioamrywiaeth a diogelu rhywogaethau eu trin fel blaenoriaeth ledled Cymru.
I'd like to thank those who've brought this petition forward, and I want to put on record my thanks, really, to my colleague Darren Millar who has been a sterling champion of the red squirrels. It's important that we, as champions—I know Mark Isherwood recently has been acknowledged for the work he does on curlews—it's important that we take our role seriously and, for the record, I am the champion of the harbour porpoise in Wales.
According to 'The State of Mammals in Wales' report, although there has been a marked decline in the distribution of red squirrels since the 1995 review, the population in Wales currently appears to be stable, and may even be locally expanding. However, it can remain the case that the prospects could be poor. The population of 9,200 is on a downtrend trend. There are four distinct areas in Wales where these adorable characters can be found: Ynys Môn, between Powys and Ceredigion, and Clocaenog forest. Constituents in the Conwy valley in my constituency recall seeing red squirrels there some decades ago; today, they would have to travel over 20 miles for a chance to witness another in the wild. So, wouldn't it be fantastic if the Welsh Government could develop an action plan to link the populations between Clocaenog and Ynys Môn?
I would be pleased to learn whether the periodic reviews of focal sites have been undertaken since the commitment in the 2018 'Red Squirrel Conservation Plan for Wales', but it remains the case that greys number around 300,000—over 30 times more than the reds. And I have to confess, as an avid bird feeder, that I have three naughty squirrels that come and they do really quite well at my home on my bird tables. With the estimated cost of greys' eradication in Wales being as much as £76 million, the task could appear to be unachievable. However, the 'Grey Squirrel Management Action Plan for Wales' does refer to humane lethal management options. I would be pleased if the Minister could actually update us on that.
The petition is also right to focus our attention on forest management. In fact, the 'Red Squirrel Conservation Plan for Wales' states that
'Conservation action to protect red squirrels on mainland sites needs to focus on ensuring suitable habitat is present'.
In 2018, Natural Resources Wales's forest planning system was noted as a constraint. Three years on, NRW continue to be a barrier to progress. This organisation must explain why it has spent nothing on monitoring red squirrels in 10 years. This Senedd could undertake a review of the requirements for a felling licence, so to ensure that fair consideration is given to biodiversity and habitat loss. And, Minister, you could immediately rectify the fact that annual assessments of the cumulative impact of felling are not undertaken for state-owned forests. Thank you. Diolch.
Hoffwn ddiolch i'r rhai sydd wedi cyflwyno'r ddeiseb hon, ac rwyf eisiau cofnodi fy niolch, mewn gwirionedd, i fy nghyd-Aelod, Darren Millar, sydd wedi bod yn hyrwyddwr rhagorol i'r gwiwerod coch. Mae'n bwysig ein bod ni, fel hyrwyddwyr—gwn fod Mark Isherwood wedi cael ei gydnabod yn ddiweddar am y gwaith y mae'n ei wneud ar y gylfinir—mae'n bwysig ein bod o ddifrif ynglŷn â'n rôl ac fel bod pawb yn gwybod, fi yw hyrwyddwr y llamhidydd yng Nghymru.
Yn ôl adroddiad 'Cyflwr Mamaliaid yng Nghymru', er y bu gostyngiad amlwg yn nosbarthiad gwiwerod coch ers adolygiad 1995, mae'n ymddangos bod y boblogaeth yng Nghymru yn sefydlog ar hyn o bryd, a gall fod yn ehangu'n lleol hyd yn oed. Fodd bynnag, mae'n parhau i fod yn wir y gallai'r rhagolygon fod yn wael. Mae'r boblogaeth o 9,200 yn gostwng. Mae pedair ardal benodol yng Nghymru lle gellir dod o hyd i'r cymeriadau annwyl hyn: Ynys Môn, rhwng Powys a Cheredigion, a choedwig Clocaenog. Mae etholwyr yn nyffryn Conwy yn fy etholaeth yn cofio gweld gwiwerod coch yno rai degawdau'n ôl; heddiw, byddai'n rhaid iddynt deithio dros 20 milltir am gyfle i weld un arall yn y gwyllt. Felly, oni fyddai'n wych pe gallai Llywodraeth Cymru ddatblygu cynllun gweithredu i gysylltu'r poblogaethau rhwng Clocaenog ac Ynys Môn?
Byddwn yn falch o glywed a yw'r adolygiadau cyfnodol o brif safleoedd wedi'u cynnal ers yr ymrwymiad yn y 'Cynllun Cadwraeth ar gyfer Gwiwerod Coch yng Nghymru' 2018, ond mae'n dal i fod yn wir fod yna oddeutu 300,000 o wiwerod llwyd—dros 30 gwaith yn fwy na'r cochion. Ac fel rhywun sy'n mwynhau bwydo adar, rhaid imi gyfaddef fod gennyf dair gwiwer ddrwg sy'n dod ac yn gwneud yn eithaf da o'r byrddau adar yn fy nghartref. Gydag amcangyfrif fod cost dileu gwiwerod llwyd yng Nghymru yn gymaint â £76 miliwn, gallai'r dasg ymddangos yn anghyraeddadwy. Fodd bynnag, mae 'Cynllun Gweithredu Cymru i Reoli'r Wiwer Lwyd' yn cyfeirio at opsiynau rheoli angheuol heb greulondeb. Byddwn yn falch pe gallai'r Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf inni am hynny.
Mae'r ddeiseb hefyd yn iawn i ganolbwyntio ein sylw ar reoli coedwigoedd. Yn wir, mae'r 'Cynllun Cadwraeth ar gyfer Gwiwerod Coch yng Nghymru' yn nodi bod
'angen i gamau cadwraeth i ddiogelu gwiwerod coch ar safleoedd tir mawr ganolbwyntio ar sicrhau bod cynefin addas ar gael'.
Yn 2018, nodwyd bod system cynllunio coedwigoedd Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru yn gyfyngiad. Dair blynedd yn ddiweddarach, mae Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru yn parhau i rwystro cynnydd. Mae'n rhaid i'r sefydliad hwn egluro pam nad yw wedi gwario ar fonitro gwiwerod coch mewn 10 mlynedd. Gallai'r Senedd hon gynnal adolygiad o'r gofynion ar gyfer trwydded gwympo coed, er mwyn sicrhau bod ystyriaeth deg yn cael ei rhoi i bioamrywiaeth a cholli cynefin. Weinidog, gallech fynd ati'n syth i gywiro'r ffaith na chynhelir asesiadau blynyddol o effaith gronnol cwympo coed ar gyfer coedwigoedd sy'n eiddo i'r wladwriaeth. Diolch.
From the Gruffalo's friend to Beatrix Potter's Squirrel Nutkin, the red squirrel, the UK's only native squirrel species, has been a much loved part of the UK countryside for thousands of years. The number of them has sadly dwindled over the last decades for many reasons, the main being the introduction of the non-native grey squirrel. Unfortunately, grey squirrels far outnumber red squirrels in Rhondda and the wider south Wales area. I actually have some problems of my own with grey squirrels in my garden, who seem to think it's funny to steal not just the birdseed, but the actual birdfeeders too. But, in all seriousness, I know just how important it is that we not only maintain the number of red squirrels in mid and north Wales, but we ensure we see numbers begin to rise again. The Welsh Government are taking action with the red squirrel conservation plan and the grey squirrel management action plan, but these could prove futile if changes are not made to felling licence criteria, as rightly pointed out by the petitioner.
For me, today's debate highlights two very important issues, with the first being unintentional consequences as a result of tree felling. We experienced devastating flooding in Rhondda last year, following the tree felling above Pentre. The trees had to be felled as they were diseased, but hundreds of homes and businesses were flooded as a consequence. Much like the petition states,
'Although a felling licence is required to fell woodland, these licences cannot be refused even if they cause habitat loss and red squirrel population decline.'
We must ensure that, in future, no unintended consequences occur as a result of tree felling, and this must mean consideration of habitat and biodiversity loss leading to population decline.
The second issue is the loss of endangered and threatened species. I know that many argue we should just let nature take its course, but I respectfully disagree, especially those with a great public image like the red squirrel. Bringing attention to their struggle will lead to wider interest and an understanding of how biodiversity and population loss affect us all. Where we can step into protect these species, we should. Thank you to the petitioner for raising this extremely important issue.
O ffrind y Gruffalo i Squirrel Nutkin Beatrix Potter, mae'r wiwer goch, unig rywogaeth wiwer frodorol y DU, wedi bod yn rhan annwyl iawn o gefn gwlad y DU ers miloedd o flynyddoedd. Yn anffodus, mae eu niferoedd wedi lleihau dros y degawdau diwethaf am sawl rheswm, a'r prif reswm oedd cyflwyno'r wiwer lwyd anfrodorol. Yn anffodus, mae llawer mwy o wiwerod llwyd nag o wiwerod coch yn y Rhondda ac ardal ehangach de Cymru. Mewn gwirionedd, rwy'n cael problemau gyda gwiwerod llwyd yn fy ngardd, sydd fel pe baent yn meddwl ei bod yn ddoniol dwyn nid yn unig bwyd yr adar, ond y cyfarpar bwydo ei hun hefyd. Ond o ddifrif, gwn pa mor bwysig yw hi ein bod nid yn unig yn cynnal niferoedd y gwiwerod coch yng nghanolbarth a gogledd Cymru, ond ein bod yn sicrhau ein bod yn gweld y niferoedd yn dechrau codi eto. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithredu gyda chynllun cadwraeth y gwiwerod coch a'r cynllun gweithredu i reoli'r wiwer lwyd, ond gallai'r rhain fod yn ofer os na wneir newidiadau i feini prawf y drwydded gwympo coed, fel y nodwyd yn briodol gan y deisebydd.
I mi, mae'r ddadl heddiw'n tynnu sylw at ddau fater pwysig iawn, a'r cyntaf yw canlyniadau anfwriadol cwympo coed. Cawsom lifogydd dinistriol yn Rhondda y llynedd, yn dilyn y cwympo coed uwchben Pentre. Bu'n rhaid torri'r coed oherwydd eu bod wedi'u heintio, ond dioddefodd cannoedd o gartrefi a busnesau lifogydd o ganlyniad. Yn debyg iawn i'r hyn a ddywedir yn y ddeiseb,
'Er bod angen trwydded torri coed er mwyn cwympo coetir, ni ellir gwrthod y trwyddedau hyn hyd yn oed os ydyn nhw’n arwain at golli cynefin a dirywiad ym mhoblogaeth y wiwerod coch.'
Mae'n rhaid inni sicrhau, yn y dyfodol, nad oes unrhyw ganlyniadau anfwriadol yn digwydd o ganlyniad i gwympo coed, ac mae'n rhaid i hyn olygu ystyriaeth o golli cynefin a bioamrywiaeth gan arwain at ddirywiad yn y boblogaeth.
Yr ail fater yw colli rhywogaethau sydd mewn perygl ac sydd dan fygythiad. Gwn fod llawer o bobl yn dadlau y dylem adael i natur ddilyn ei chwrs, ond gyda phob parch, rwy'n anghytuno, yn enwedig mewn perthynas â rhywogaethau sydd â delwedd gyhoeddus wych fel y wiwer goch. Bydd tynnu sylw at eu brwydr yn arwain at ddiddordeb ehangach a dealltwriaeth o sut y mae bioamrywiaeth a cholli poblogaeth yn effeithio ar bob un ohonom. Os gallwn gamu i'r adwy i ddiogelu'r rhywogaethau hyn, dylem wneud hynny. Diolch i'r deisebydd am godi'r mater eithriadol o bwysig hwn.
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer took the Chair.
Galwaf ar y Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd, Julie James.
I call on the Minister for Climate Change, Julie James.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I too am very grateful to the petitioner and also to Jack Sargeant, the Chair of the Petitions Committee, for bringing forward this important issue, which, as he and many others said, relates not only to the protection for red squirrels, but also for other wildlife during felling operations. And it is indeed very important that we take steps to maintain and enhance species of principal importance, and this is just one of a number of actions set out in 'The Nature Recovery Action Plan for Wales 2020-21' to help address the nature emergency in Wales.
I am all too acutely aware of the limitations of the Forestry Act and the nature of conditions that Natural Resources Wales can apply under a felling licence. These limitations, as many Members have pointed out, can result in a disjoint between the Forestry Act and other environmental legislation, leading to gaps in the protection of wildlife. While NRW have taken steps to address this through advisory letters or long-term forestry management plans for landowners, these absolutely do not fully address the issue, as a number of Members have pointed out.
That's why we've committed to including provisions in the agriculture Bill amending the Forestry Act to allow conditions to be added to felling licences. We will also include provisions to amend, suspend or revoke felling licences after they have been granted. These amendments will help provide better protection for wildlife, for example, in relation to the exemption under the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981, and provide better join-up between forestry and other environmental regulations. The relevant legislation to amend the Forestry Act will be brought forward very shortly.
'The UK Forestry Standard' states that
'woodlands should be managed in a way that conserves or enhances biodiversity'
and reflected in forest management plans. Each part of our Welsh Government woodland estate has a 10-year forest resource plan, which is a requirement for forest certification, and plans do include details of any protected species or habitats that could be affected by management operations, and site surveys are undertaken by NRW in the development of the plans, and measures to mitigate impacts are included, for example, in retaining areas of habitat. Consideration is also given to the habitat needs of species at a landscape scale. That process involves consultation with external stakeholders, such as the red squirrel groups. Plans are also placed on NRW's public register to enable further comments—
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwyf finnau'n ddiolchgar iawn i'r deisebydd a hefyd i Jack Sargeant, Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Deisebau, am gyflwyno'r mater pwysig hwn, sydd, fel y dywedodd ef a llawer o rai eraill, nid yn unig yn diogelu gwiwerod coch, ond sydd hefyd yn diogelu mathau eraill o fywyd gwyllt yn ystod gwaith cwympo coed. Ac mae'n bwysig iawn ein bod yn rhoi camau ar waith i gynnal a gwella rhywogaethau pwysig iawn, ac nid yw hwn ond yn un o nifer o gamau gweithredu a nodwyd yn 'Cynllun Gweithredu Adfer Natur Cymru 2020-21' i helpu i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng natur yng Nghymru.
Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o gyfyngiadau'r Ddeddf Goedwigaeth a natur yr amodau y gall Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru eu cymhwyso o dan drwydded gwympo coed. Gall y cyfyngiadau hyn, fel y nodwyd gan lawer o'r Aelodau, arwain at ddatgysylltiad rhwng y Ddeddf Goedwigaeth a deddfwriaeth amgylcheddol arall, gan arwain at fylchau o ran diogelu bywyd gwyllt. Er bod Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru wedi cymryd camau i fynd i'r afael â hyn drwy lythyrau cynghori neu gynlluniau rheoli coedwigaeth hirdymor ar gyfer perchnogion tir, yn sicr nid yw'r rhain yn mynd i'r afael â'r mater yn llawn, fel y nododd nifer o'r Aelodau.
Dyna pam ein bod wedi ymrwymo i gynnwys darpariaethau yn y Bil amaethyddiaeth sy'n diwygio'r Ddeddf Goedwigaeth er mwyn caniatáu ar gyfer ychwanegu amodau at drwyddedau cwympo coed. Byddwn hefyd yn cynnwys darpariaethau i ddiwygio, atal neu ddirymu trwyddedau cwympo coed ar ôl iddynt gael eu rhoi. Bydd y diwygiadau hyn yn helpu i ddarparu gwell amddiffyniad i fywyd gwyllt, er enghraifft, mewn perthynas â'r eithriad o dan Ddeddf Bywyd Gwyllt a Chefn Gwlad 1981, ac yn darparu gwell cydgysylltiad rhwng rheoliadau coedwigaeth a rheoliadau amgylcheddol eraill. Bydd y ddeddfwriaeth berthnasol i ddiwygio'r Ddeddf Goedwigaeth yn cael ei chyflwyno'n fuan iawn.
Mae 'Safon Coedwigaeth y DU' yn nodi y dylid
'rheoli coetiroedd mewn ffordd sy'n gwarchod neu'n gwella bioamrywiaeth'
ac y dylid adlewyrchu hynny mewn cynlluniau rheoli coedwigoedd. Mae gan bob rhan o ystâd goetir Llywodraeth Cymru gynllun adnoddau coedwig 10 mlynedd, sy'n ofynnol ar gyfer ardystio coedwigoedd, ac mae cynlluniau'n cynnwys manylion unrhyw rywogaethau a warchodir neu gynefinoedd y gallai gweithrediadau rheoli effeithio arnynt, a chynhelir arolygon safle gan Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru wrth ddatblygu'r cynlluniau, ac mae mesurau i liniaru effeithiau wedi'u cynnwys, er enghraifft, drwy gadw ardaloedd o gynefin. Rhoddir ystyriaeth hefyd i anghenion cynefin rhywogaethau ar lefel y dirwedd. Mae'r broses honno'n cynnwys ymgynghori â rhanddeiliaid allanol, megis y grwpiau gwiwerod coch. Mae cynlluniau hefyd yn cael eu rhoi ar gofrestr gyhoeddus Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru i alluogi sylwadau pellach—
Will the Minister take an intervention?
A wnaiff y Gweinidog dderbyn ymyriad?
Yes, certainly.
Gwnaf, yn sicr.
I'm very grateful to you for outlining how the plans are arrived at, and you have said that there's consultation and engagement with stakeholders on the development of those plans, but, because that's every 10 years, it doesn't take account of the change in the population and the impact elsewhere. I noticed also you referred to the fact that you're going to bring forward legislative change, which obviously I very much welcome, but you didn't specify a timescale, you just said 'shortly'. How long is 'shortly'?
Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i chi am amlinellu sut y caiff y cynlluniau eu llunio, ac rydych wedi dweud bod ymgynghori ac ymgysylltu'n digwydd â rhanddeiliaid ar ddatblygu'r cynlluniau hynny, ond oherwydd mai bob 10 mlynedd y mae hynny'n digwydd, ni roddir ystyriaeth i'r newid yn y boblogaeth a'r effaith ar fannau eraill. Sylwais hefyd eich bod wedi dweud eich bod yn mynd i gyflwyno newid deddfwriaethol, ac mae'n amlwg fy mod yn croesawu hynny'n fawr, ond ni wnaethoch bennu amserlen, fe ddywedoch chi 'yn fuan', dim mwy na hynny. Pa mor fuan yw 'yn fuan'?
I'm just coming on to the 10 year point. I'm not going to be drawn on 'shortly', because we're in negotiation about Plenary time for it, but very shortly—we are aware of the urgency of it.
So, as I was saying, although not legally required, NRW seek approval from their felling licence team to ensure their plans conform to the UK forestry standard. Further site surveys are undertaken before felling operations commence and, if necessary, further mitigation measures can be given to the contractor.
At this point in time, I wanted to say that we've had a number of conversations with NRW since we took office in May, myself and my colleague Lee Waters. I'm not aware, Rhun, of letters outstanding to yourself, so if you'd like to draw my attention back to them I'd be grateful, because as far as I'm aware I don't have a backlog. Something's gone wrong there, so if you could draw my attention to them I'd be grateful.
One of the considerations that we are discussing is how close to the actual felling operation a resurvey of the site for differing habitat conditions from the original survey should be, and what factors they have to take into account in order to trigger that. You wouldn't want to do that for every one, but there will be factors to take into account. So, just to say that we're having conversations along those lines.
One of the take-homes from COP26 for us was a conversation with other what are called subnational UN states such as Quebec on changes to forestry practice where clear felling no longer takes place and canopy cover is maintained at all times, even in productive sustainable timber forests. We're very keen that NRW shift to that method of production as fast as we can. That can't be done overnight. I can't make that happen tomorrow morning. And there are lots of other conditions that pertain across Welsh woodlands, including needing to take measures to stop the spread of disease. We still have monocultural pine forests and so on. So, it won't be overnight, but we're very aware of the need to do that. Indeed, we're very plugged in to the global effort to have continuous canopy cover for habitat protection, whilst having a productive timber industry. So, we're very definitely on the case of doing that.
We also have a consideration of the cumulative impact of felling on habitat as part of the felling licence regime. This is where we don't just consider what happens if we fell this stand of trees without considering what will happen to pressure on that stand of trees over there, which may still be there but will have dislocated wildlife arriving at it. I was very keen, during the curlew conservation plan launch, to engage with people looking to protect grassland areas about what happens to edge-of-grassland areas with forest in them if felling takes place elsewhere in the habitat and the kinds of predators that are moved across that then predate on the grassland.
We all know this, Deputy Presiding Officer, but this is a very complex ecosystem we're talking about. It's not just this bit, it all interacts. So, we're very keen that NRW takes account of those cumulative impacts and account of the needs of species in relation to existing and new applications for felling licenses, as well as their own internal forest resource plans. To assist in that process, we've now got a formal data-sharing agreement with local records centres across Wales to update their own GIS database with new survey data. We've also issued a contract to monitor and assess red squirrel populations on Anglesey, which is due to complete in spring 2022. Red squirrels are already monitored at the other two focal sites that Members have mentioned, in Clocaenog and in mid Wales.
If we are to fully benefit from the contribution our woodlands can make to both the nature and climate emergencies, we do need to plant and manage more trees. We will need to strike the right balance in doing this to enable effective woodland management and planting that meets our needs for habitat improvement and biodiversity, as well as providing timber for low-carbon housing, for example.
Deputy Presiding Officer, in closing, we absolutely recognise the need for clear guidance on how and when the new powers arising from amendments to the Forestry Act will be used. NRW will be publishing draft guidance ahead of the legislation very shortly. Diolch.
Rwy'n dod at y pwynt ynglŷn â 10 mlynedd. Nid wyf yn mynd i ddweud mwy nag 'yn fuan', oherwydd rydym yn trafod amser ar ei gyfer yn y Cyfarfod Llawn, ond yn fuan iawn—rydym yn ymwybodol o'r brys.
Felly, fel roeddwn yn dweud, er nad oes ei angen yn gyfreithiol, mae CNC yn gofyn am gymeradwyaeth gan eu tîm trwyddedu cwympo coed i sicrhau bod eu cynlluniau'n cydymffurfio â safon coedwigaeth y DU. Cynhelir arolygon pellach o safleoedd cyn i weithrediadau cwympo coed ddechrau ac os oes angen, gellir rhoi mesurau lliniaru pellach i'r contractwr.
Ar y pwynt hwn, roeddwn am ddweud ein bod wedi cael nifer o sgyrsiau gydag CNC ers i ni ddod i rym ym mis Mai, fy nghyd-Aelod, Lee Waters, a minnau. Nid wyf yn ymwybodol, Rhun, o lythyrau sydd i ddod i chi, felly os hoffech dynnu fy sylw'n ôl atynt, byddwn yn ddiolchgar, oherwydd hyd y gwn i, nid oes gennyf ôl-groniad. Mae rhywbeth wedi mynd o'i le yno, felly byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallwch dynnu fy sylw atynt.
Un o'r ystyriaethau rydym yn eu trafod yw pa mor agos at y gwaith cwympo ei hun y dylid cael ail adolygiad o'r safle ar gyfer amodau cynefin gwahanol o'r arolwg gwreiddiol, a pha ffactorau y mae'n rhaid iddynt eu hystyried er mwyn rhoi hynny ar waith. Ni fyddech am wneud hynny ar gyfer pob un, ond bydd ffactorau i'w hystyried. Felly, dim ond dweud ein bod yn cael sgyrsiau ar faterion o'r fath.
Un o'r pethau a ddysgwyd gennym o COP26 oedd sgwrs â'r hyn a elwir yn wladwriaethau is-genedlaethol eraill y Cenhedloedd Unedig megis Quebec ar newidiadau i arferion coedwigaeth lle nad yw cwympo clir yn digwydd mwyach a lle cedwir gorchudd canopi bob amser, hyd yn oed mewn coedwigoedd pren cynaliadwy cynhyrchiol. Rydym yn awyddus iawn i CNC symud at y dull cynhyrchu hwnnw mor gyflym ag y gallwn. Nid oes modd gwneud hynny dros nos. Ni allaf wneud i hynny ddigwydd bore yfory. Ac mae llawer o amodau eraill sy'n berthnasol i goetiroedd Cymru, gan gynnwys yr angen i roi camau ar waith i atal lledaeniad clefydau. Mae'n dal i fod gennym goedwigoedd pinwydd ungnwd ac yn y blaen. Felly, ni fydd yn digwydd dros nos, ond rydym yn ymwybodol iawn o'r angen i wneud hynny. Yn wir, rydym yn ymrwymedig iawn i'r ymdrech fyd-eang i gael gorchudd canopi parhaus ar gyfer diogelu cynefinoedd, gan gynnal diwydiant pren cynhyrchiol ar yr un pryd. Felly, rydym yn sicr yn awyddus i wneud hynny.
Rydym hefyd yn ystyried effaith gronnol cwympo coed ar gynefinoedd fel rhan o drefn y drwydded gwympo coed. Rydym yn gwneud mwy nag ystyried beth sy'n digwydd pe baem yn cwympo'r clwstwr hwn o goed heb ystyried beth fydd yn digwydd i roi pwysau ar y clwstwr o goed draw acw, a allai fod yno o hyd ond a fydd yn dod yn gyrchle i fywyd gwyllt wedi'i ddadleoli. Yn ystod lansiad cynllun cadwraeth y gylfinir, roeddwn yn awyddus iawn i ymgysylltu â phobl sy'n awyddus i warchod glaswelltir ynglŷn â'r hyn sy'n digwydd i ymylon glaswelltiroedd gyda choedwigoedd ynddynt os bydd cwympo'n digwydd mewn mannau eraill yn y cynefin a'r mathau o ysglyfaethwyr sy'n cael eu symud ar eu traws ac yna'n ysglyfaethu ar y glaswelltir.
Mae pawb ohonom yn gwybod hyn, Ddirprwy Lywydd, ond mae'r ecosystem rydym yn siarad amdani'n gymhleth iawn. Mae'n fwy na'r darn hwn o dir, mae'r cyfan yn rhyngweithio. Felly, rydym yn awyddus iawn i CNC ystyried yr effeithiau cronnol hynny ac ystyried anghenion rhywogaethau mewn perthynas â cheisiadau presennol a newydd am drwyddedau cwympo coed, yn ogystal â'u cynlluniau adnoddau coedwigoedd mewnol eu hunain. Er mwyn cynorthwyo gyda'r broses honno, mae gennym bellach gytundeb rhannu data ffurfiol gyda chanolfannau cofnodion lleol ledled Cymru i ddiweddaru eu cronfa ddata system gwybodaeth ddaearyddol eu hunain gyda data arolwg newydd. Rydym hefyd wedi cyhoeddi contract i fonitro ac asesu poblogaethau o wiwerod coch ar Ynys Môn, a fydd yn cael ei gwblhau yng ngwanwyn 2022. Mae gwiwerod coch eisoes yn cael eu monitro yn y ddau safle canolog arall y mae'r Aelodau wedi sôn amdanynt, yng Nghlocaenog ac yng nghanolbarth Cymru.
Os ydym am elwa'n llawn o'r cyfraniad y gall ein coetiroedd ei wneud i natur ac argyfyngau hinsawdd, mae angen inni blannu a rheoli mwy o goed. Bydd angen inni sicrhau'r cydbwysedd cywir wrth wneud hyn er mwyn gallu rheoli a phlannu coetiroedd yn effeithiol i ddiwallu ein hangen i wella cynefinoedd a bioamrywiaeth, yn ogystal â darparu pren ar gyfer tai carbon isel, er enghraifft.
Ddirprwy Lywydd, wrth gloi, rydym yn llwyr gydnabod yr angen am ganllawiau clir ar sut a phryd y defnyddir y pwerau newydd sy'n deillio o welliannau i'r Ddeddf Coedwigaeth. Bydd CNC yn cyhoeddi canllawiau drafft cyn y ddeddfwriaeth yn fuan iawn. Diolch.
Galwaf ar Jack Sargeant i ymateb i'r ddadl.
I call on Jack Sargeant to reply to the debate.
Diolch yn fawr, Deputy Presiding Officer. I want to thank Craig Shuttleworth and all the signatories of this petition for putting this topic on the agenda today. I think it was clear from the contributions made by all Members that there is a clear cross-party consensus, and from the Minister's response, not only to why we do need to act to protect red squirrels, but also what action needs to be taken. We heard from Members across the Chamber, including my colleague Carolyn Thomas, my colleague Rhun ap Iorwerth, and also my colleague and super furry animal from Clwyd West, about legislation and changes to legislation. I welcome the Minister's response to those point and the sense of urgency and recognition of urgency, and that the time to act is now. So, we will be keeping a close eye on those amendments to legislation and what is being brought forward by the Welsh Government. But, as many people have said as well, we do want to thank all the volunteers that are out there across Wales working to protect the species already—the Mid Wales Red Squirrel Partnership and the Red Squirrels Trust Wales to name a few. But thanks to all those others out there as well.
Deputy Presiding Officer, as Wales embarks on a plan to plant more trees and to create a national forest for Wales, there are reasons to be hopeful, I think, for the future. This Parliament will soon be closing its doors for its short winter hibernation, so I do hope today this debate has stoked up a sufficient supply of ideas and showcased the passion of Members right across the Senedd Chamber, of all political colours, so that we can return in the new year committed to making Wales a place where the red squirrel can not only survive but strengthen their numbers so that we no longer consider the red squirrel an endangered species in Wales. And, again, I'd like to thank the Minister, in finally closing this debate, for her sense of urgency and recognition of the work that needs to be done. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Diolch yn fawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Hoffwn ddiolch i Craig Shuttleworth a holl lofnodwyr y ddeiseb hon am roi'r pwnc hwn ar yr agenda heddiw. Credaf ei bod yn glir o'r cyfraniadau a wnaed gan yr holl Aelodau, ac o ymateb y Gweinidog, fod consensws trawsbleidiol clir, nid yn unig ar y rheswm pam y mae angen inni weithredu i ddiogelu gwiwerod coch, ond hefyd ar y camau sydd angen eu rhoi ar waith. Clywsom gan Aelodau ar draws y Siambr, gan gynnwys fy nghyd-Aelod, Carolyn Thomas, fy nghyd-Aelod, Rhun ap Iorwerth, a hefyd fy nghyd-Aelod a fy 'super furry animal' o Orllewin Clwyd, am ddeddfwriaeth a newidiadau i ddeddfwriaeth. Rwy'n croesawu ymateb y Gweinidog i'r pwyntiau hynny a'r ymdeimlad o frys a'r gydnabyddiaeth fod yna frys, ac mai nawr yw'r amser i weithredu. Felly, byddwn yn cadw llygad barcud ar y gwelliannau i ddeddfwriaeth a'r hyn a gyflwynir gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Ond fel y mae llawer o bobl wedi dweud hefyd, rydym eisiau diolch i'r holl wirfoddolwyr sydd allan yno ledled Cymru yn gweithio i ddiogelu'r rhywogaethau eisoes—Partneriaeth Gwiwerod Coch Canolbarth Cymru ac Ymddiriedolaeth Gwiwerod Coch Cymru i enwi dim ond un neu ddau. Ond diolch i bawb arall allan yno hefyd.
Ddirprwy Lywydd, wrth i Gymru ddechrau ar gynllun i blannu mwy o goed a chreu coedwig genedlaethol i Gymru, rwy'n credu bod rhesymau dros fod yn obeithiol ar gyfer y dyfodol. Cyn bo hir, bydd y Senedd yn cau ei drysau i gael ei gaeafgwsg byr, felly rwy'n gobeithio heddiw fod y ddadl hon wedi cynnig cyflenwad digonol o syniadau ac wedi arddangos angerdd Aelodau ar draws Siambr y Senedd, o bob lliw gwleidyddol, fel y gallwn ddychwelyd yn y flwyddyn newydd yn ymrwymedig i wneud Cymru'n wlad lle gall y wiwer goch oroesi a chryfhau ei niferoedd fel na fyddwn bellach yn ystyried y wiwer goch yn rhywogaeth sydd mewn perygl yng Nghymru. Ac unwaith eto, hoffwn ddiolch i'r Gweinidog, wrth gloi'r ddadl hon, am ei hymdeimlad o frys ac am gydnabod y gwaith sydd angen ei wneud. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid nodi'r ddeiseb? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Na. Felly, derbynnir y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
The proposal is to note the petition. Does any Member object? No. The motion is therefore agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Derbyniwyd y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
Motion agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Detholwyd y gwelliant canlynol: gwelliant 1 yn enw Lesley Griffiths.
The following amendment has been selected: amendment 1 in the name of Lesley Griffiths.
Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig sydd nesaf: gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Galwaf ar Mark Isherwood i wneud y cynnig.
The Welsh Conservatives debate is next: mental health services. I call on Mark Isherwood to move the motion.
Cynnig NDM7861 Darren Millar
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
1. Yn nodi canfyddiadau adroddiad Holden ar fethiannau yn uned Hergest yn Ysbyty Gwynedd.
2. Yn gresynu at:
a) y ffaith ei bod wedi cymryd bron i wyth mlynedd a chyfarwyddyd gan y comisiynydd gwybodaeth i Fwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr gyhoeddi'r adroddiad;
b) yr oedi rhwng cyhoeddi'r adroddiad a gosod Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr mewn mesurau arbennig;
c) methiant y bwrdd iechyd a Llywodraeth Cymru i fynd i'r afael â'r holl faterion a nodwyd yn yr adroddiad;
d) diffyg atebolrwydd am berfformiad gwael gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl ledled Gogledd Cymru;
e) effaith ddinistriol y methiannau hyn ar staff, cleifion a'u hanwyliaid.
3. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i:
a) ymddiheuro i staff, cleifion a theuluoedd y rhai yr effeithiodd y methiannau yn uned Hergest yn andwyol arnynt;
b) ei gwneud yn ofynnol i bob bwrdd iechyd gyhoeddi adroddiadau fel mater o drefn ac mewn modd amserol yn y dyfodol;
c) cyflawni gwelliannau radical yn y modd y darperir gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl yng Ngogledd Cymru;
d) cynnal adolygiad sylfaenol o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl ledled Cymru gyda chleifion, teuluoedd, gweithwyr proffesiynol a rhanddeiliaid eraill;
e) cyhoeddi gwybodaeth ystyrlon am berfformiad ac ansawdd gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys amseroedd aros ar gyfer asesiadau iechyd meddwl a thriniaeth, fel therapïau siarad;
f) sefydlu rhwydwaith o ganolfannau iechyd meddwl galw i mewn 24 awr ar gyfer pobl sy'n profi argyfwng iechyd meddwl;
g) gweithio ar sail drawsbleidiol i gyflawni Deddf iechyd meddwl newydd i Gymru.
Motion NDM7861 Darren Millar
To propose that the Senedd:
1. Notes the findings of the Holden report into failings at the Hergest unit at Ysbyty Gwynedd.
2. Regrets:
a) that it has taken almost eight years and a direction from the information commissioner for Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board to publish the report;
b) the delay between the publication of the report and Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board being placed in special measures;
c) that the health board and Welsh Government have failed to address all of the issues identified in the report;
d) the lack of accountability for the poor performance of mental health services across North Wales;
e) the devastating impact of these failings on staff, patients and their loved ones.
3. Calls upon the Welsh Government to:
a) apologise to staff, patients and the families of those adversely affected by the failings at the Hergest Unit;
b) require all health boards to publish reports routinely and in a timely manner in the future;
c) deliver radical improvements in the provision of mental health services in North Wales;
d) undertake a fundamental review of mental health services across Wales with patients, families, professionals and other stakeholders;
e) publish meaningful information on the performance and quality of mental health services across Wales, including waiting times for mental health assessments and treatment, such as talking therapies;
f) establish a network of 24 hour mental health walk-in centres for those experiencing a mental health crisis;
g) work on a cross-party basis to deliver a new mental health Act for Wales.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
My recent call for a Senedd debate in Welsh Government time on the Holden report published last month, documenting failings on the Hergest mental health unit in Bangor, was rejected. We have therefore brought forward this opposition debate on a matter that has long-standing Welsh Government involvement.
In 2012, the deputy coroner wrote to the health board outlining her concern after a woman died in the Hergest unit. After Professor David Healy from the department of psychiatry in the Hergest unit raised concerns over developments in the provision of mental health services in north Wales, Lesley Griffiths, then health Minister, replied to Darren Millar in 2012, stating that an independent review would commence shortly. After I raised the same concerns with the health board's then chief executive, she replied to me in 2012 that she had initiated an investigation. But, the board was not put into special measures until June 2015, after an external investigation revealed that patients had suffered institutional abuse in Glan Clwyd Hospital's Ablett acute mental health unit. The health board stated that it was alerted to serious concerns regarding patient care on the Tawel Fan ward in the Ablett unit in December 2013, but concerns about this ward went back a lot further. For example, in 2009, I raised with the Welsh Government and health board the concerns of a constituent who said that the treatment received by her husband in the Ablett unit nearly killed him, that three other patients admitted around the same time as her husband had similar experiences, and that she was now worried about the treatment others may receive in this unit.
Ahead of the Holden report's publication, I was one of five Members to receive correspondence from a retired NHS executive after he had seen the report and appendix. He stated that, up until then, the health board had protested that the main text of the Holden report and its appendix, completed in December 2013 and containing extracts from the damning statements of 40 whistleblowers, must remain hidden from public view in order to safeguard the confidentiality of the whistleblowers, and that the decision to withhold evidence of neglect on such spurious grounds was deliberate and wilful. The health board, he said, had finally given up this pretence by now accepting the information commissioner's ruling, first made over 16 months ago, that the report should be published in full. It is now crystal clear that the main body of evidence provided by the whistleblowers—all of them key members of staff on the Hergest unit—was deliberately kept hidden from view. This was done not to protect the identity of the whistleblowers but to conceal the acts and omissions of their senior managers that were causing staff to be bullied and patients to be neglected.
The health board, he said, made a brief summary of the report available to the Public Accounts Committee in November 2015, but publication of the full report now reveals just how much detail was concealed from the Public Accounts Committee at the time. As he asked, how, then, was it possible that in 2014, the most senior of these managers was allowed to make reports to the health board and its quality committee that concealed his own part in the Holden process, and has the health board now satisfied itself that the senior officials responsible for this mess and for keeping it under wraps for so long have now all been removed from any responsibility for the care of vulnerable mental health patients?
Gwrthodwyd fy ngalwad ddiweddar am ddadl yn y Senedd yn amser Llywodraeth Cymru ar adroddiad Holden a gyhoeddwyd y mis diwethaf, ac a ddogfennai fethiannau yn uned iechyd meddwl Hergest ym Mangor. Felly, rydym wedi cyflwyno'r ddadl hon gan y gwrthbleidiau ar fater y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod ynghlwm wrtho ers tro byd.
Yn 2012, ysgrifennodd y dirprwy grwner at y bwrdd iechyd yn amlinellu ei phryder wedi i ddynes farw yn uned Hergest. Ar ôl i'r Athro David Healy o adran seiciatreg uned Hergest fynegi pryderon ynglŷn â datblygiadau yn y ddarpariaeth o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl yng ngogledd Cymru, rhoddodd Lesley Griffiths, y Gweinidog iechyd ar y pryd, ateb i Darren Millar yn 2012 yn datgan y byddai adolygiad annibynnol yn dechrau cyn bo hir. Ar ôl i mi godi'r un pryderon gyda phrif weithredwr y bwrdd iechyd ar y pryd, cefais ateb ganddi yn 2012 ei bod wedi cychwyn ymchwiliad. Ond ni chafodd y bwrdd ei roi mewn mesurau arbennig tan fis Mehefin 2015, wedi i ymchwiliad allanol ddatgelu bod cleifion wedi dioddef camdriniaeth sefydliadol yn uned Ablett, uned iechyd meddwl acíwt Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. Dywedodd y bwrdd iechyd ei fod wedi cael gwybod am bryderon difrifol ynglŷn â gofal cleifion ar ward Tawel Fan yn uned Ablett ym mis Rhagfyr 2013, ond roedd y pryderon am y ward hon yn mynd yn ôl lawer ymhellach. Er enghraifft, yn 2009, tynnais sylw Llywodraeth Cymru a'r bwrdd iechyd at bryderon gan etholwr a ddywedodd fod y driniaeth a gafodd ei gŵr yn uned Ablett bron â bod wedi'i ladd, fod tri chlaf arall a gafodd eu derbyn tua'r un adeg â'i gŵr wedi cael profiadau tebyg, a'i bod bellach yn poeni am y driniaeth y gallai eraill ei chael yn yr uned hon.
Cyn cyhoeddi adroddiad Holden, roeddwn yn un o bum Aelod i dderbyn gohebiaeth gan swyddog gweithredol GIG wedi ymddeol ar ôl iddo weld yr adroddiad a'r atodiad. Dywedodd fod y bwrdd iechyd, hyd hynny, wedi protestio bod yn rhaid i brif destun adroddiad Holden a'i atodiad, a gwblhawyd ym mis Rhagfyr 2013 ac a oedd yn cynnwys darnau o ddatganiadau damniol 40 o chwythwyr chwiban, barhau ynghudd o olwg y cyhoedd er mwyn diogelu cyfrinachedd y chwythwyr chwiban, a bod y penderfyniad i atal tystiolaeth o esgeulustod ar sail mor annilys yn un bwriadol. Roedd y bwrdd iechyd, meddai, wedi rhoi'r gorau i'r esgus hwn o'r diwedd drwy dderbyn dyfarniad y comisiynydd gwybodaeth, a wnaed yn gyntaf dros 16 mis yn ôl, y dylid cyhoeddi'r adroddiad yn llawn. Mae'n gwbl glir bellach fod y prif gorff o dystiolaeth a ddarparwyd gan y chwythwyr chwiban—pob un ohonynt yn aelodau allweddol o staff yn uned Hergest—wedi'i gadw ynghudd yn fwriadol. Nid i ddiogelu chyfrinachedd y chwythwyr chwiban y gwnaed hyn ond yn hytrach i guddio gweithredoedd ac esgeulustod eu huwch reolwyr a oedd yn achosi i staff gael eu bwlio a chleifion i gael eu hesgeuluso.
Gwnaeth y bwrdd iechyd grynodeb byr, meddai, o'r adroddiad i'r Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus ym mis Tachwedd 2015, ond mae cyhoeddi'r adroddiad yn llawn yn datgelu bellach faint o fanylion a guddiwyd rhag y Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus ar y pryd. Fel y gofynnodd ef, sut felly roedd hi'n bosibl, yn 2014, fod yr uchaf ei statws o'r rheolwyr hyn wedi cael caniatâd i wneud adroddiadau i'r bwrdd iechyd a'i bwyllgor ansawdd a oedd yn cuddio ei ran ei hun ym mhroses Holden, ac a yw'r bwrdd iechyd bellach yn fodlon fod yr uwch swyddogion a oedd yn gyfrifol am y llanastr hwn ac am ei gadw ynghudd am gymaint o amser bellach i gyd wedi'u symud o unrhyw gyfrifoldeb am ofal cleifion iechyd meddwl sy'n agored i niwed?
Speaking here in September, the health Minister said it was important to note that a summary report was published in 2015, including the Holden recommendations. But this is the very brief summary report referred to above, which did not describe the 31 concerns listed by staff. Throughout my time as a Member of the Senedd, since 2003, I have supported a succession of principled whistleblowers who have been threatened, bullied, denigrated or damaged for daring to tell the truth in Wales. An event that led directly to Holden involved two senior nursing staff who had raised safety concerns being summarily marched out of the building on a trumped-up basis. In the case of Tawel Fan, two members of the medical staff were put on restricted duties and referred to the General Medical Council. One of them had raised safety concerns with management, but was told that doing so indicated he was not a team player.
A letter I received from Professor Healy in 2019 stated, 'Several of my patients have died, in part because of difficulties in getting them input. I wrote to the health board about one patient—now dead—who was getting more care co-ordination from the north Wales police than from the mental health services, but I do not get even acknowledgement or receipt of letters.' False allegations were made against him; he was exonerated each time, and finally accepted a job offer in Canada. However, a letter received from him this week states, 'A merger of health boards across north Wales put Wrexham-based staff in charge of the entire service. Bullying, thuggery, summary dismissals based on trumped-up charges, invented sexual abuse allegations became par for the course; staff who raised safety concerns were told they were not team players and were dismissed. Some politicians at least acknowledge the receipt of letters from senior staff drawing their attention to these issues. Mr Drakeford never did. His recent comments on what happened have been jaw-droppingly wrong.'
Responding here to the 2018 statement by the then health Secretary Vaughan Gething on the Health and Social Care Advisory Service report on the Tawel Fan ward, I stated:
'in 2015, Welsh Government, the health board and Healthcare Inspectorate Wales all accepted the findings of Donna Ockenden's 2015 report.'
So, why now, when many serious allegations are peppered throughout the HASCAS report, has it come to the bizarre conclusion that care was good and that institutional abuse didn't happen? The 2018 Ockenden review found that the systems, structures and processes of governance, management and leadership introduced by the health board from 2009 were wholly inappropriate and significantly flawed. In January 2019, Donna Ockenden revealed that staff had told her services were going backwards. Two patients in north Wales mental health units have died from hanging and attempted hanging over the last year. Last month, a Public Services Ombudsman for Wales report revealed that the health board had made a fulsome apology to the son of a lady who had received treatment on the Hergest ward, David Graves, for the failings identified and injustice caused to him and his family. In a letter to the Older People's Commissioner for Wales, the health board's executive director of nursing and midwifery stated that Mr Graves had at times been verbally aggressive and made expressions that have forced the health board to consider the safety of the individual. In response, Donna Ockenden wrote, 'I have always found you, Mr Graves, polite and courteous.'
Yesterday, North Wales Community Health Council's chief officer wrote to me ahead of this debate, stating that when it comes to implementing recommendations of challenging reports, Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board have been slow to act, some may say reluctant. Our motion therefore calls on the Welsh Government to apologise to staff, patients and the families of those adversely affected and to undertake a fundamental review of mental health services across Wales with patients, families, professionals and other stakeholders. This whole episode has been a disgrace, and a stain on the reputation of this establishment and the Government of Wales.
Wrth siarad yma ym mis Medi, dywedodd y Gweinidog iechyd ei bod yn bwysig nodi bod adroddiad cryno wedi'i gyhoeddi yn 2015, yn cynnwys argymhellion Holden. Ond dyma'r adroddiad cryno byr iawn y cyfeirir ato uchod, nad oedd yn disgrifio'r 31 o bryderon a restrwyd gan staff. Drwy gydol fy amser fel Aelod o'r Senedd, ers 2003, rwyf wedi cefnogi rhes o chwythwyr chwiban egwyddorol sydd wedi cael eu bygwth, eu bwlio, eu difrïo neu eu niweidio am fentro dweud y gwir yng Nghymru. Mewn digwyddiad a arweiniodd yn uniongyrchol at Holden cafodd dau uwch aelod o staff nyrsio a oedd wedi mynegi pryderon ynglŷn â diogelwch eu tywys allan o'r adeilad ar sail ffug. Yn achos Tawel Fan, rhoddwyd dau aelod o'r staff meddygol ar ddyletswyddau cyfyngedig a'u cyfeirio at y Cyngor Meddygol Cyffredinol. Roedd un ohonynt wedi mynegi pryderon ynglŷn â diogelwch wrth y rheolwyr, ond dywedwyd wrtho fod gwneud hynny'n dangos nad oedd yn gallu gweithio mewn tîm.
Nododd llythyr a gefais gan yr Athro Healy yn 2019, 'Mae nifer o fy nghleifion wedi marw, yn rhannol oherwydd anawsterau i'w cael i mewn. Ysgrifennais at y bwrdd iechyd am un claf—sydd bellach wedi marw—a oedd yn cael mwy o gydgysylltu gofal gan heddlu gogledd Cymru na chan y gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl, ond ni chaf gydnabyddiaeth fod fy llythyrau'n cael eu derbyn hyd yn oed.' Gwnaed honiadau ffug yn ei erbyn; fe'i cafwyd yn ddieuog bob tro, ac yn y pen draw derbyniodd gynnig swydd yng Nghanada. Fodd bynnag, mae llythyr a ddaeth ganddo yr wythnos hon yn datgan, 'Mae uno byrddau iechyd ar draws gogledd Cymru wedi rhoi staff sy'n gweithio yn Wrecsam yng ngofal y gwasanaeth cyfan. Daeth bwlio, ymosodiadau, diswyddiadau diannod yn seiliedig ar gyhuddiadau ffug, honiadau ffug o gam-drin rhywiol yn ddigwyddiadau cyffredin; dywedwyd wrth staff a fynegodd bryderon ynglŷn â diogelwch nad oeddent yn gallu gweithio mewn tîm a chawsant eu diswyddo. Mae rhai gwleidyddion o leiaf yn cydnabod eu bod wedi derbyn llythyrau gan uwch staff yn tynnu eu sylw at y materion hyn. Ni wnaeth Mr Drakeford gydnabod hynny erioed. Mae ei sylwadau diweddar ar yr hyn a ddigwyddodd wedi bod yn syfrdanol o anghywir.'
Wrth ymateb yma i ddatganiad 2018 gan yr Ysgrifennydd iechyd ar y pryd, Vaughan Gething, ar adroddiad y Gwasanaeth Cynghori ar Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol ar ward Tawel Fan, dywedais:
'yn 2015, derbyniodd Llywodraeth Cymru, y bwrdd iechyd ac Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru ganfyddiadau adroddiad Donna Ockenden a gyhoeddwyd y flwyddyn honno.'
Felly, yn awr, pan fo llawer o honiadau difrifol yn britho adroddiad y Gwasanaeth Cynghori ar Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol, pam ei fod wedi dod i'r casgliad rhyfedd fod y gofal yn dda ac na ddigwyddodd unrhyw cam-drin sefydliadol? Canfu adolygiad Ockenden yn 2018 fod y systemau, y strwythurau a'r prosesau llywodraethu, y drefn reoli a'r arweinyddiaeth a gyflwynwyd gan y bwrdd iechyd o 2009 ymlaen yn gwbl amhriodol ac yn ddiffygiol iawn. Ym mis Ionawr 2019, datgelodd Donna Ockenden fod staff wedi dweud wrthi fod gwasanaethau'n mynd tuag yn ôl. Mae dau glaf yn unedau iechyd meddwl gogledd Cymru wedi marw drwy grogi ac ymgais i grogi dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf. Y mis diwethaf, datgelodd adroddiad gan Ombwdsmon Gwasanaethau Cyhoeddus Cymru fod y bwrdd iechyd wedi ymddiheuro'n annidwyll i fab dynes a oedd wedi cael triniaeth ar ward Hergest, David Graves, am y methiannau a nodwyd a'r anghyfiawnder a achoswyd iddo ef a'i deulu. Mewn llythyr at Gomisiynydd Pobl Hŷn Cymru, dywedodd cyfarwyddwr gweithredol nyrsio a bydwreigiaeth y bwrdd iechyd fod Mr Graves wedi bod yn ymosodol ar lafar ar brydiau ac wedi gwneud datganiadau sydd wedi gorfodi'r bwrdd iechyd i ystyried diogelwch yr unigolyn. Mewn ymateb, ysgrifennodd Donna Ockenden, 'Rwyf bob amser wedi eich ystyried chi, Mr Graves, yn gwrtais ac yn foesgar.'
Ddoe, ysgrifennodd prif swyddog Cyngor Iechyd Cymuned Gogledd Cymru ataf cyn y ddadl hon, i ddweud, pan ddaw'n fater o weithredu argymhellion adroddiadau heriol, fod Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr wedi bod yn araf i weithredu, a gallai rhai ddweud, yn amharod i weithredu. Felly, mae ein cynnig yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i ymddiheuro i staff, cleifion a theuluoedd y rhai yr effeithiwyd arnynt yn andwyol ac i gynnal adolygiad sylfaenol o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl ledled Cymru gyda chleifion, teuluoedd, gweithwyr proffesiynol a rhanddeiliaid eraill. Mae'r holl hanes hwn wedi bod yn warthus, ac yn staen ar enw da'r sefydliad hwn a Llywodraeth Cymru.
Rwyf wedi dethol y gwelliant i'r cynnig. Galwaf ar y Dirprwy Weinidog Iechyd Meddwl a Llesiant, Lynne Neagle, i gynnig yn ffurfiol y gwelliant a gyflwynwyd yn enw Lesley Griffiths.
I have selected the amendment to the motion. I call on the Deputy Minister for Mental Health and Well-being, Lynne Neagle, to formally move the amendment tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths.
Gwelliant 1—Lesley Griffiths
Dileu popeth ar ôl pwynt 1 a rhoi yn ei le:
2, Yn nodi’r cynnydd a wnaed i wella ansawdd gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl ym Mwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr ac i’w gwneud yn fwy diogel, ers cyhoeddi argymhellion Holden yn 2015.
3. Yn cydnabod yr heriau mawr sy’n parhau yn y gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl ym Mwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr a’r gwelliannau sydd eu hangen i fynd i’r afael â nhw.
Amendment 1—Lesley Griffiths
Delete all after point 1 and replace with:
2. Notes the progress being made to improve the quality and safety of mental health services in Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board since the Holden recommendations were published in 2015.
3. Recognises the significant challenges that remain in mental health services in Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board and the improvements needed to address them.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 1.
Amendment 1 moved.
Formally.
Yn ffurfiol.
Thank you. Rhun ap Iorwerth.
Diolch. Rhun ap Iorwerth.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. I very much welcome the opportunity today to debate the Holden report and build on the discussion we had as part of the short debate led by Llyr Gruffydd a few weeks ago. It's notable that, despite a few weeks passing now since the release, finally, of this damning report, the Government still hasn't used its own Senedd time to allow the Senedd to debate the report and scrutinise the Government's response.
Now that the report is out in the open at long last, work has to begin on restoring the trust of the people of the north of Wales, and that starts with the health board and Welsh Government acknowledging the enormity of what that report reveals, recognising the erosion of trust, the deep, deep erosion of trust in the system, and committing to learning each and every difficult lesson that will come out of this. We mustn't forget that this report was one of the factors in placing Betsi Cadwaladr health board in special measures in the first place, and the Welsh Government had direct responsibility for the health board up until last year, and even after it came out of special measures, patients continued to die, and questions persist in my mind and in the minds of many others about how that decision could have been made, to remove the board out of special measures when so many questions remained unanswered.
But this now is about far more than releasing a desperately overdue report; it's about accountability from all in charge of the health board, directly and indirectly, now and in recent years, during this most terrible episode. We will support the motion as it stands and reject the Government's amendment, the Government refusing to recognise the need for more transparency and the need for better resourcing to tackle the issues raised here. It will be of deep, deep concern, I know, and disappointment to many staff members and patients and their families that Welsh Government here is choosing to remove from the original motion the need for everybody involved to regret that lack of accountability, and to regret the devastating impact of the failings that we saw on staff and patients and their loved ones. They will be angered by the rejection of Welsh Government to calls for an apology, for timely production of reports in future, for the delivery of radical improvements in services, for that fundamental review of mental health services. For the establishment of a network of mental health walk-in centres—Plaid Cymru has asked for four years for such measures. I've discussed with the Deputy Minister plans that she also has to put measures in place, but we need to see those measures, of course, being put in place as part of wide-ranging changes to mental health provision throughout the whole of Wales.
But here with Hergest and what happened there, we have catastrophic events that led to the loss of life and to enduring pain for many, many family members who have grieved the loss of loved ones. Patients, families and many staff, many of whom I've had deep and distressing conversations with over the years, they will be listening intently to what the Deputy Minister is saying today, because the publication of the report itself mustn't be seen as the end of a campaign for the publication of the report. It must be seen and it must be evidenced that it is, in fact, the beginning of a new chapter after the sorry, sorry story that we have seen in Hergest and in mental health in the north of Wales in recent years.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle heddiw i drafod adroddiad Holden ac adeiladu ar y drafodaeth a gawsom fel rhan o'r ddadl fer dan arweiniad Llyr Gruffydd ychydig wythnosau'n ôl. Er bod ychydig wythnosau wedi mynd heibio bellach ers rhyddhau'r adroddiad damniol hwn o'r diwedd, mae'n werth nodi bod y Llywodraeth yn dal i fod heb ddefnyddio ei hamser Senedd ei hun i ganiatáu i'r Senedd drafod yr adroddiad a chraffu ar ymateb y Llywodraeth.
Gan fod yr adroddiad wedi'i gyhoeddi o'r diwedd, mae'n rhaid i waith ddechrau ar adfer ymddiriedaeth pobl gogledd Cymru, ac mae hynny'n dechrau gyda'r angen i'r bwrdd iechyd a Llywodraeth Cymru gyfaddef pa mor fawr yw'r hyn y mae'r adroddiad hwnnw'n ei ddatgelu, cydnabod bod ymddiriedaeth yn y system wedi erydu'n helaeth iawn, ac ymrwymo i ddysgu pob gwers anodd sy'n deillio o hyn. Rhaid inni beidio ag anghofio mai'r adroddiad hwn oedd un o'r ffactorau a arweiniodd at osod bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr mewn mesurau arbennig yn y lle cyntaf, ac roedd gan Lywodraeth Cymru gyfrifoldeb uniongyrchol dros y bwrdd iechyd hyd at y llynedd, a hyd yn oed ar ôl iddo ddod allan o fesurau arbennig, roedd cleifion yn dal i farw, ac mae cwestiynau'n parhau yn fy meddwl i ac ym meddyliau llawer o bobl eraill sut y gellid bod wedi gwneud y penderfyniad i dynnu'r bwrdd allan o fesurau arbennig pan oedd cynifer o gwestiynau heb eu hateb.
Ond mae hyn yn awr yn ymwneud â llawer mwy na rhyddhau adroddiad hirddisgwyliedig; mae'n ymwneud ag atebolrwydd pawb sy'n gyfrifol am y bwrdd iechyd, yn uniongyrchol ac yn anuniongyrchol, yn awr ac yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf, dros y cyfnod mwyaf ofnadwy hwn. Byddwn yn cefnogi'r cynnig fel y mae ac yn gwrthod gwelliant y Llywodraeth, gan fod y Llywodraeth yn gwrthod cydnabod yr angen am fwy o dryloywder a'r angen am ddyrannu gwell adnoddau i fynd i'r afael â'r problemau a godwyd yma. Bydd yn destun pryder dwfn, rwy'n gwybod, ac yn siom i lawer o aelodau o staff a chleifion a'u teuluoedd fod Llywodraeth Cymru yma yn dewis dileu o'r cynnig gwreiddiol yr angen i bawb sydd ynghlwm wrth y mater resynu at y diffyg atebolrwydd, ac i resynu at effaith ddinistriol y methiannau a welsom ar staff a chleifion a'u hanwyliaid. Cânt eu cythruddo gan y ffordd y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwrthod y galwadau am ymddiheuriad, am gynhyrchu adroddiadau mewn modd amserol yn y dyfodol, am gyflawni gwelliannau radical yn y modd y darperir gwasanaethau, am adolygiad sylfaenol o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Am sefydlu rhwydwaith o ganolfannau iechyd meddwl galw i mewn—mae Plaid Cymru wedi gofyn am fesurau o'r fath ers pedair blynedd. Rwyf wedi trafod gyda'r Dirprwy Weinidog y cynlluniau sydd ganddi hithau hefyd i roi mesurau ar waith, ond mae angen inni weld y mesurau hynny'n cael eu rhoi ar waith fel rhan o newidiadau eang i ddarpariaeth iechyd meddwl ledled Cymru.
Ond yma gyda Hergest a'r hyn a ddigwyddodd yno, mae gennym ddigwyddiadau trychinebus a arweiniodd at golli bywydau ac at ddioddefaint i lawer iawn o aelodau teuluol sydd wedi bod yn galaru yn sgil colli anwyliaid. Bydd cleifion, teuluoedd a llawer o staff y cefais sgyrsiau dwfn a thrallodus gyda llawer ohonynt dros y blynyddoedd yn gwrando'n astud ar yr hyn y mae'r Dirprwy Weinidog yn ei ddweud heddiw, oherwydd ni ddylid ystyried cyhoeddi'r adroddiad ei hun yn ddiwedd ar ymgyrch dros gyhoeddi'r adroddiad. Rhaid ei weld fel dechrau pennod newydd, a rhaid iddo ddangos ei fod yn ddechrau pennod newydd ar ôl yr hanes diflas iawn a welsom yn Hergest ac yn y gwasanaeth iechyd meddwl yng ngogledd Cymru yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf.
Thanks to my colleague Darren Millar for submitting this extremely important debate here today. As outlined by my colleague Mark Isherwood in opening today's debate, the findings of the Holden report are deeply concerning. In fact, they're absolutely shocking and make for very difficult reading for the residents that I represent in north Wales. As Mr Isherwood outlined, the long-awaited report, that was prevented from being published for years, revealed a culture of bullying and of low morale amongst staff in the Hergest ward, which is said to have been in serious trouble, according to the report. And relationships between staff and managers at matron level and above had broken to such an extent that patient care was undoubtedly affected. And it is devastating to hear that patients have come to harm and been neglected because of these issues. With these extreme failures, of course, are staff, patients and families who've had to endure these devastating events.
As we all know—it has already been pointed out—Welsh Labour Government have had oversight of this failing health board, and leading this oversight for much of this time was the First Minister, Mr Drakeford, who was then health Minister. As the First Minister outlined to me in questions last week, and I quote,
'I agree that it is important to make sure that there is proper trust between people who use services and the provision of those services in north Wales'.
And this Government, Deputy Presiding Officer, has a huge amount of work to do, as currently many of my residents across north Wales simply don't feel that trust when it comes to mental health services in my region.
As our motion states, staff, patients and families affected first of all need a simple apology from the Welsh Government. I don't think that's a difficult thing to ask for. Aside from words, what my residents also want are radical improvements in the provision of mental health services across the region of North Wales, including the establishment of a 24-hour mental health walk-in centre, and meaningful information on the performance and quality of mental health services across Wales that they use being published. Yet, despite this, the board is still experiencing difficulties with mental health provision. The latest figures show that the health board in north Wales has some of the worst waiting times in Wales, and what have we seen the Labour Government here do? Taking this failing health board out of special measures just months before May's Senedd elections, which I'm sure some would say was simply a political decision.
So, aside from some of the action or inaction we are experiencing from Government at the moment in this regard, we've seen today, in this motion we've put forward, Welsh Government's amendments to delete parts of our motion that point to the regret of the tragedies, and remove our proposals for practical and robust solutions to fix some of the issues that are in place, ensuring patients receive the best possible treatment and, as I said earlier, looking to, really importantly, regain their trust.
I was really pleased to hear Plaid Cymru's contribution supporting our motion unamended. It's really important that we send the right message to all those who have suffered. So, to conclude, Deputy Presiding Officer, the Holden report and its findings are truly disturbing, a very sad state of affairs, and it's just another failure in two decades of poor decisions and management from the Labour-run health service in north Wales, and behind these failures are sadly people suffering unnecessarily. It's time for the Welsh Government to learn from their mistakes and put patients first. I urge all Members to support this important motion. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Diolch i fy nghyd-Aelod, Darren Millar, am gyflwyno'r ddadl hynod bwysig hon yma heddiw. Fel yr amlinellwyd gan fy nghyd-Aelod, Mark Isherwood, wrth agor y ddadl heddiw, mae canfyddiadau adroddiad Holden yn peri pryder mawr. Yn wir, maent yn gwbl frawychus ac yn anodd iawn i'r trigolion rwy'n eu cynrychioli yng ngogledd Cymru eu darllen. Fel yr amlinellodd Mr Isherwood, datgelodd yr adroddiad hirddisgwyliedig, a gafodd ei atal rhag cael ei gyhoeddi am flynyddoedd, ddiwylliant o fwlio a morâl isel ymhlith staff ar ward Hergest, ward y dywedir ei bod wedi bod mewn trafferthion difrifol yn ôl yr adroddiad. Ac roedd y berthynas rhwng staff a rheolwyr ar lefel matron ac uwch wedi chwalu i'r fath raddau fel bod gofal cleifion yn ddi-os yn cael ei effeithio. Ac mae'n ddinistriol clywed bod cleifion wedi cael niwed ac wedi cael eu hesgeuluso oherwydd y problemau hyn. Gyda'r methiannau eithafol hyn wrth gwrs, mae staff, cleifion a theuluoedd wedi gorfod dioddef yn sgil y digwyddiadau dinistriol hyn.
Fel y gwyddom i gyd—mae eisoes wedi'i nodi—Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru sydd wedi bod â throsolwg dros y bwrdd iechyd hwn a'i fethiannau, a'r Prif Weinidog, Mr Drakeford a fu'n arwain y trosolwg hwn am ran helaeth o'r amser, pan oedd ar y pryd yn Weinidog iechyd. Fel yr amlinellodd y Prif Weinidog wrthyf mewn cwestiynau yr wythnos diwethaf, a dyfynnaf,
'rwy'n cytuno ei bod hi'n bwysig gwneud yn siŵr bod ymddiriedaeth briodol rhwng pobl sy'n defnyddio gwasanaethau a'r ddarpariaeth o'r gwasanaethau hynny yn y gogledd'.
Ac mae gan y Llywodraeth hon lawer iawn o waith i'w wneud, Ddirprwy Lywydd, gan nad yw llawer o fy nhrigolion ledled gogledd Cymru ar hyn o bryd yn teimlo'r ymddiriedaeth honno yn y gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl yn fy rhanbarth.
Fel y dywed ein cynnig, yn gyntaf oll mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru ymddiheuro'n syml i staff, cleifion a theuluoedd yr effeithiwyd arnynt. Nid wyf yn meddwl bod hynny'n beth anodd i ofyn amdano. Ar wahân i eiriau, yr hyn y mae fy nhrigolion hefyd am ei weld yw gwelliannau radical yn y modd y darperir gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl ar draws rhanbarth Gogledd Cymru, gan gynnwys sefydlu canolfan iechyd meddwl galw i mewn 24 awr, a chyhoeddi gwybodaeth ystyrlon am berfformiad ac ansawdd gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl y maent yn eu defnyddio ledled Cymru. Ac eto, er gwaethaf hyn, mae'r bwrdd yn dal i gael anawsterau gyda'r ddarpariaeth iechyd meddwl. Mae'r ffigurau diweddaraf yn dangos mai gan y bwrdd iechyd yng ngogledd Cymru y mae rhai o'r amseroedd aros gwaethaf yng Nghymru, a beth y gwelwyd y Llywodraeth Lafur yma yn ei wneud? Byddai rhai'n galw tynnu'r bwrdd iechyd hwn sy'n methu allan o fesurau arbennig ychydig fisoedd cyn etholiadau'r Senedd ym mis Mai yn benderfyniad gwleidyddol, rwy'n siŵr.
Felly, ar wahân i rai o'r camau gweithredu neu'r diffyg gweithredu a welsom gan y Llywodraeth yn y mater hwn yn awr, yn y cynnig a gyflwynwyd gennym heddiw, gwelsom welliannau Llywodraeth Cymru i ddileu rhannau o'n cynnig sy'n cyfeirio at resynu at y trychinebau, a dileu ein cynigion ar gyfer atebion ymarferol a chadarn i ddatrys rhai o'r problemau a brofir, i sicrhau bod cleifion yn cael y driniaeth orau bosibl a cheisio adennill eu hymddiriedaeth, sy'n bwysig iawn, fel y dywedais yn gynharach.
Roeddwn yn falch iawn o glywed cyfraniad Plaid Cymru yn cefnogi ein cynnig heb ei ddiwygio. Mae'n bwysig iawn ein bod yn anfon y neges gywir at bawb sydd wedi dioddef. Felly, i gloi, Ddirprwy Lywydd, mae adroddiad Holden a'i ganfyddiadau yn peri gofid mawr, yn darlunio sefyllfa drist iawn, ac mae'n fethiant arall mewn dau ddegawd o benderfyniadau gwael a rheolaeth wael gan y gwasanaeth iechyd dan Lafur yng ngogledd Cymru, a'r tu ôl i'r methiannau hyn, yn anffodus, mae pobl yn dioddef yn ddiangen. Mae'n bryd i Lywodraeth Cymru ddysgu o'u camgymeriadau a rhoi cleifion yn gyntaf. Rwy'n annog yr holl Aelodau i gefnogi'r cynnig pwysig hwn. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
I wanted to speak in this debate as a Member from south Wales who doesn't have a detailed knowledge of the workings of the Betsi Cadwaladr health board, but has had constituents contacting me with mental health problems in my constituency who are looking for support from the Aneurin Bevan University Health Board and associated health boards in my community. So, I take at face value some of the reassurances that we've had from the health Minister, and I'd like to hear more from the Deputy Minister today about how the Holden report has been responded to, and those issues that will be noted by the Welsh Government as a series of improvements that are being made as a result. So, I think that's important to have my support for the Welsh Government's amendment—for the Minister to make that clear in her response. But the clear point of part 3(d) onwards of the motion identifies things that can be done across Wales. Now, I can't see directly where—. It's quite a great leap from the Holden report to the whole of Wales, is the point I'm trying to make here, and I can't see where that leap can be made. So, I would say that from point (d) onwards, to undertake a fundamental review of mental health services, publish meaningful information on the performance and quality of health services across Wales, establish the walk-in centres, and deliver a new mental health Act, I think that is a deeper piece of work that needs to be undertaken by a committee investigation rather than simply be voted through in this Chamber today, because it seems to be quite an extrapolation from the Holden report itself.
Roeddwn am siarad yn y ddadl hon fel Aelod o dde Cymru nad oes ganddo wybodaeth fanwl ynglŷn â sut y mae bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr yn gweithio, ond sydd wedi cael etholwyr yn cysylltu â mi gyda phroblemau iechyd meddwl yn fy etholaeth sy'n chwilio am gymorth gan Fwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Aneurin Bevan a byrddau iechyd cysylltiedig yn fy nghymuned. Felly, rwy'n cymryd y geiriau o sicrwydd a gawsom gan y Gweinidog iechyd fel rhai didwyll, a hoffwn glywed mwy gan y Dirprwy Weinidog heddiw ynglŷn â sut yr ymatebwyd i adroddiad Holden, a'r materion a gaiff eu nodi gan Lywodraeth Cymru fel cyfres o welliannau a wneir o ganlyniad iddo. Felly, credaf fod hynny'n bwysig er mwyn cael fy nghefnogaeth i welliant Llywodraeth Cymru—i'r Gweinidog wneud hynny'n glir yn ei hymateb. Ond mae pwynt clir rhan 3(d) o'r cynnig ymlaen yn nodi pethau y gellir eu gwneud ledled Cymru. Nawr, ni allaf weld yn uniongyrchol ble—. Mae'n naid go fawr o adroddiad Holden i Gymru gyfan, yw'r pwynt rwy'n ceisio ei wneud yma, ac ni allaf weld lle gellir gwneud y naid honno. Felly, byddwn yn dweud, o bwynt (d) ymlaen, i gynnal adolygiad sylfaenol o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl, cyhoeddi gwybodaeth ystyrlon am berfformiad ac ansawdd gwasanaethau iechyd ledled Cymru, sefydlu'r canolfannau galw i mewn, a chyflawni Deddf iechyd meddwl newydd, credaf fod hwnnw'n waith mwy helaeth y mae angen i ymchwiliad pwyllgor ei gyflawni yn hytrach na dim ond pleidleisio o'i blaid yn y Siambr hon heddiw, oherwydd mae'n ymddangos bod yna gryn dipyn o allosod o adroddiad Holden ei hun.
That said, the First Minister did respond yesterday—I was listening to First Minister's questions—about mental health services, and he said care navigation is really important in reducing the pressure on mental health services. The problem with care navigation is that it creates a bottleneck, and the bottleneck happens at the point you approach primary care. And when you approach primary care, it can be very difficult to get to the right mental health service. I've actually written—. So, I do have a lot of sympathy for some of the reforms that are suggested, including a fundamental review of mental health services, because I've written to the health Minister to ask for an expert-led review into care navigation. I didn't get a response in the affirmative, but I did get an explanation of the work that's been done with GP services to improve access to care navigation, which has been introduced, which should see a reduction in the 8 a.m. type queues that happen on the phone, first thing on a Monday or Tuesday morning. The Welsh Government has taken steps in that regard. Nonetheless, the proof on that will be in the evidence that occurs after those measures are introduced. So, bottlenecks to care are important, and what often happens with people who are seeking mental health support is that, rather than going for talking therapy, the waiting list for such services is so long that they go for medication. And medication should not be the first option when it comes to mental health support. It should be talking therapy, exercise, lifestyle change. All of these things can support better than an immediate option to drugs and that kind of solution. So, those bottlenecks don't help, and I think the Welsh Government are taking steps to address that.
Finally, I'd like to identify specific issues that have been raised by me in my constituency. A constituent of mine who has attention deficit hyperactivity disorder and Tourette's syndrome has contacted me. She came as part of a campaign organised by a south Wales Tourette's society, and specifically there is no clinical pathway for Tourette's in Wales, which means difficulties in terms of securing a diagnosis and accessing further support. Those of you who've been in this Chamber for some time will know I have a daughter who is severely autistic, and I can see a pathway for her, and the treatment she needs. But those with Tourette's and ADHD don't have the same pathway and don't have the same access to mental health services. And I know the Deputy Minister knows this in depth and is working on this. In response to a BBC Wales story on this issue, the Welsh Government said,
'Regional Partnership Boards are rolling out a new framework to improve access to the right support'
and that it was,
'reviewing all children's and adults neurodevelopmental services, to identify where there are gaps in provision and the demand, capacity and design of services for children, young people and adults'
can be improved. Can the Minister therefore confirm whether or not those regional partnership boards have completed their roll-out of this new framework? And can she confirm if the Welsh Government is still on track to complete its review of children's and adults' neurodevelopmental services by March as intended, which would go some way to answering some of the questions in the motion?
Finally, it would be remiss of me, when we're talking about mental health, not to welcome back Andrew R.T. Davies to the Chamber. I thought, yesterday, his contribution yesterday was the contribution of someone who's taken some time out of politics, because he was very reasonable, very measured, and I think there's a lesson for us now over Christmas to take that step back, and probably come back in the new year with a spirit of kindness and mutual support.
Wedi dweud hynny, ymatebodd y Prif Weinidog ddoe—roeddwn yn gwrando ar y cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog—am wasanaethau iechyd meddwl, a dywedodd fod llywio gofal yn bwysig iawn i leihau'r pwysau ar wasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Y broblem gyda llywio gofal yw ei fod yn creu tagfa, ac mae'r tagfeydd yn digwydd ar y pwynt rydych yn mynd at ofal sylfaenol. A phan fyddwch yn mynd at ofal sylfaenol, gall fod yn anodd iawn cyrraedd y gwasanaeth iechyd meddwl cywir. Rwyf wedi ysgrifennu—. Mae gennyf lawer o gydymdeimlad â rhai o'r diwygiadau a awgrymir, gan gynnwys adolygiad sylfaenol o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl, oherwydd ysgrifennais at y Gweinidog iechyd i ofyn am adolygiad dan arweiniad arbenigwyr i lywio gofal. Ni chefais ymateb cadarnhaol, ond cefais esboniad o'r gwaith sydd wedi'i wneud gyda gwasanaethau meddygon teulu i wella mynediad at lywio gofal, sydd wedi'i gyflwyno, ac a ddylai arwain at ostyngiad yn y ciwiau am 8 a.m. a'r math o beth sy'n digwydd ar y ffôn, y peth cyntaf ar fore Llun neu fore Mawrth. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi rhoi camau ar waith mewn perthynas â hynny. Er hynny, daw'r prawf ynghylch hynny yn y dystiolaeth sy'n digwydd ar ôl cyflwyno'r mesurau. Felly, mae tagfeydd i ofal yn bwysig, a'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn aml gyda phobl sy'n chwilio am gymorth iechyd meddwl yw bod y rhestr aros am wasanaethau fel therapi siarad mor hir fel eu bod yn mynd am feddyginiaeth yn lle hynny. Ac ni ddylai meddyginiaeth fod yn opsiwn cyntaf ar gyfer cymorth iechyd meddwl. Dylai fod yn therapi siarad, ymarfer corff, newid ffordd o fyw. Gall yr holl bethau hyn gefnogi'n well nag opsiwn uniongyrchol i gyffuriau a'r math hwnnw o ateb. Felly, nid yw'r tagfeydd hyn yn helpu, a chredaf fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhoi camau ar waith i fynd i'r afael â hynny.
Yn olaf, hoffwn nodi materion penodol a dynnwyd i fy sylw yn fy etholaeth. Cysylltodd un o fy etholwyr sydd ag anhwylder diffyg canolbwyntio a gorfywiogrwydd a syndrom Tourette â mi. Daeth ataf fel rhan o ymgyrch a drefnwyd gan gymdeithas syndrom Tourette yn ne Cymru, ac yn benodol nid oes llwybr clinigol ar gyfer syndrom Tourette yng Nghymru, sy'n golygu anawsterau i sicrhau diagnosis a dod o hyd i gymorth pellach. Bydd y rheini ohonoch sydd wedi bod yn y Siambr hon ers peth amser yn gwybod bod gennyf ferch sy'n awtistig iawn, a gallaf weld llwybr iddi hi, a'r driniaeth y mae hi ei hangen. Ond nid oes gan y rhai sydd â syndrom Tourette ac anhwylder diffyg canolbwyntio a gorfywiogrwydd lwybr tebyg ac nid oes ganddynt fynediad tebyg at wasanaethau iechyd meddwl. A gwn fod y Dirprwy Weinidog yn gwybod y manylion am hyn ac mae'n gweithio ar hyn. Mewn ymateb i stori gan BBC Wales ar y mater, dywedodd Llywodraeth Cymru,
'Mae Byrddau Partneriaeth Rhanbarthol yn cyflwyno fframwaith newydd i wella'r mynediad at y cymorth cywir'
a'i bod,
'yn adolygu'r holl wasanaethau niwroddatblygiadol i blant ac oedolion, i nodi lle mae bylchau yn y ddarpariaeth a'r galw, y capasiti a chynllun gwasanaethau i blant, pobl ifanc ac oedolion'
er mwyn eu gwella. A all y Gweinidog gadarnhau felly p'un a yw'r byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol hynny wedi cwblhau'r broses o gyflwyno'r fframwaith newydd hwn ai peidio? Ac a all gadarnhau a yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn dal ar y trywydd iawn i gwblhau ei hadolygiad o wasanaethau niwroddatblygiadol plant ac oedolion erbyn mis Mawrth fel y bwriadwyd, a fyddai'n mynd beth o'r ffordd tuag at ateb rhai o'r cwestiynau yn y cynnig?
Yn olaf, gan ein bod yn sôn am iechyd meddwl, byddwn ar fai'n peidio â chroesawu Andrew R.T. Davies yn ôl i'r Siambr. Roeddwn yn credu bod ei gyfraniad ddoe yn gyfraniad rhywun sydd wedi cymryd hoe o'r byd gwleidyddol, oherwydd roedd yn rhesymol iawn, yn bwyllog iawn, a chredaf fod gwers i ni yn awr dros y Nadolig i gymryd cam yn ôl, a dychwelyd yn y flwyddyn newydd, mae'n debyg, mewn ysbryd o garedigrwydd a chyd-gefnogaeth.
The harrowing testimony of overworked front-line staff in this report and some of the scandalous content should give all officials and Government Ministers pause for thought. It is plainly unacceptable that a report of this importance, formed from 700 pages of testimony, provided by 45 members of staff, was kept out of the public domain for so long.
Now, during a meeting with the chairman and chief executive of the health board last week, I raised my concerns in relation to this particular report, and I was reassured that future reports where things have been found to go intensely wrong will now be written with publication in mind. I think, to be fair, the health board have acknowledged that this is not the way that reports like this should be just left lingering, and families in agonising waits. However, given that the Betsi Cadwaladr health board now is currently at the second stage of an important report into vascular services, and the urology department, these too will also be subject to review. Minister, I hope that you will use your reply to confirm that the Welsh Government will look to require all health boards to publish reports routinely and in a timely manner so as to improve transparency and patient trust.
The findings of the Holden report, which include expansive notes on the understaffing of wards to the point that basic physical care and attention to personal hygiene were neglected, as well as concerns over fractured management structures, are merely reflective of enshrined issues at the health board. Indeed, the Ockenden review found that, from early 2013, Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board was being told that their management and investigation of concerns, including serious incidents and never events, were not fit for purpose. Moreover, front-line staff within older people's mental health services have consistently reported significant concerns around staffing levels and lack of engagement with the senior management teams within mental health. Taken together, these findings only support the justification for a further inquiry into the workings and management of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board.
Despite the fifth Senedd's Public Accounts Committee report in May 2019 noting that there were doubts as to whether the board would be able to get out of special measures within 12 months, after nearly five and a half years languishing in special measures, in November 2020, the former health Minister made a surprise move to lift the board out of special measures, and, as Sam Rowlands, my colleague, said, this was just before a Senedd election. So, it is vital that any inquiries examine whether this political decision has had a negative impact on the health board, particularly as it is still suffering from a lack of staff, spending £180 million on agency staff in the last five years, and the fact that around 40,242 patients are waiting longer than a year for their treatment.
Returning to the issue of mental health services, the latest figures show that this board has the second worst waiting times in Wales, with just 56.3 per cent waiting less than 28 days for an assessment in September 2021. Constructively, alongside a refreshed 10-year mental health strategy, I am standing with my Welsh Conservative colleagues to call for a new mental health Act, which would update legislation and include the latest thinking around mental health provision in Wales. My hope is that such an Act will help to establish a network of 24-hour mental health walk-in centres for those experiencing a mental health crisis, as well as support the return of trained nurses to GP surgeries.
So, Minister, I trust that your reply will commit to working on a cross-party basis to deliver a new mental health Act so that we can urgently develop radical improvements in the provision of mental health services in the Betsi board and across Wales. And never again do I ever want to rise to speak in this Senedd to debate such serious findings as this report found. And I really do—. The points that my colleague Mark Isherwood said today: as Members who've been here more than one term, this really is probably the saddest day that I've even had to stand up in this Senedd. Diolch.
Dylai tystiolaeth dorcalonnus staff rheng flaen sydd wedi'u gorlethu â gwaith yn yr adroddiad hwn a pheth o'r cynnwys gwarthus wneud i bob swyddog a Gweinidog y Llywodraeth feddwl yn ofalus. Mae'n amlwg yn annerbyniol fod adroddiad mor bwysig â hwn, sy'n cynnwys 700 tudalen o dystiolaeth gan 45 aelod o staff, wedi'i gadw rhag y cyhoedd am amser mor hir.
Nawr, mewn cyfarfod â chadeirydd a phrif weithredwr y bwrdd iechyd yr wythnos diwethaf, lleisiais fy mhryderon mewn perthynas â'r adroddiad penodol hwn, a chefais sicrwydd y bydd adroddiadau yn y dyfodol lle canfyddir bod pethau wedi mynd o chwith yn ddifrifol yn cael eu hysgrifennu gyda'r bwriad o'u cyhoeddi. A bod yn deg, credaf fod y bwrdd iechyd wedi cydnabod na ddylid oedi yn y fath fodd gydag adroddiadau fel hyn, a gadael i deuluoedd boeni am amser maith wrth aros i'w gweld. Fodd bynnag, o gofio bod bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr bellach ar ail gam adroddiad pwysig ar wasanaethau fasgwlaidd, a'r adran wroleg, bydd y rhain hefyd yn destun adolygiad. Weinidog, rwy'n gobeithio y byddwch yn defnyddio'ch ateb i gadarnhau y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ceisio'i gwneud yn ofynnol i bob bwrdd iechyd gyhoeddi adroddiadau fel mater o drefn ac mewn modd amserol er mwyn gwella tryloywder ac ymddiriedaeth cleifion.
Mae canfyddiadau adroddiad Holden, sy'n cynnwys nodiadau helaeth ar brinder staff ar wardiau i'r graddau fod gofal corfforol sylfaenol a sylw i hylendid personol wedi cael eu hesgeuluso, yn ogystal â phryderon ynghylch strwythurau rheoli gwallus, yn adlewyrchu problemau yn y bwrdd iechyd. Yn wir, canfu adolygiad Ockenden fod Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr, ers dechrau 2013, yn cael clywed nad oedd eu rheolaeth a’u hymdrechion i ymchwilio i bryderon, gan gynnwys digwyddiadau difrifol a digwyddiadau 'byth', yn addas at y diben. Yn ychwanegol at hynny, mae staff rheng flaen ym maes gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl pobl hŷn wedi adrodd yn gyson am bryderon sylweddol ynghylch lefelau staffio a diffyg ymgysylltiad â'r uwch dimau rheoli iechyd meddwl. At ei gilydd, mae'r canfyddiadau hyn yn cefnogi'r cyfiawnhad dros ymchwiliad pellach i waith a rheolaeth Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr.
Er gwaethaf adroddiad Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus y pumed Senedd ym mis Mai 2019, a oedd yn nodi amheuon ynglŷn ag a fyddai’r bwrdd yn gallu dod allan o fesurau arbennig o fewn 12 mis, ar ôl bron i bum mlynedd a hanner mewn mesurau arbennig, ym mis Tachwedd 2020, cymerodd y cyn-Weinidog iechyd y cam annisgwyl i ddod â'r bwrdd allan o fesurau arbennig, ac fel y dywedodd Sam Rowlands, fy nghyd-Aelod, roedd hyn ychydig cyn etholiad Senedd. Felly, mae'n hanfodol fod unrhyw ymholiadau yn archwilio a yw'r penderfyniad gwleidyddol hwn wedi cael effaith negyddol ar y bwrdd iechyd, yn enwedig gan ei fod yn dal i ddioddef yn sgil prinder staff, ac wedi gwario £180 miliwn ar staff asiantaeth dros y pum mlynedd diwethaf, a'r ffaith bod oddeutu 40,242 o gleifion yn aros yn hwy na blwyddyn am eu triniaeth.
Gan ddychwelyd at fater gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl, mae'r ffigurau diweddaraf yn dangos mai gan y bwrdd hwn y mae'r amseroedd aros gwaethaf ond un yng Nghymru, gyda 56.3 y cant yn unig yn aros llai na 28 diwrnod am asesiad ym mis Medi 2021. Mewn ysbryd adeiladol, ynghyd â strategaeth iechyd meddwl 10 mlynedd newydd, rwy’n sefyll gyda fy nghyd-Aelodau o blith y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig i alw am Ddeddf iechyd meddwl newydd, a fyddai’n diweddaru'r ddeddfwriaeth ac yn cynnwys y syniadau diweddaraf ynghylch y ddarpariaeth iechyd meddwl yng Nghymru. Fy ngobaith yw y bydd Deddf o'r fath yn helpu i sefydlu rhwydwaith o ganolfannau iechyd meddwl galw i mewn 24 awr ar gyfer pobl mewn argyfwng iechyd meddwl, yn ogystal â chefnogi cael nyrsys hyfforddedig yn ôl i feddygfeydd teulu.
Felly, Weinidog, rwy'n gobeithio y bydd eich ateb yn ymrwymo i weithio ar sail drawsbleidiol i gyflwyno Deddf iechyd meddwl newydd fel y gallwn ddatblygu gwelliannau radical ar frys i'r ddarpariaeth o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl ym mwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr a ledled Cymru. Ac nid wyf yn dymuno codi i siarad yn y Senedd hon byth eto i drafod canfyddiadau mor ddifrifol ag y canfu'r adroddiad hwn. Ac rwy'n—. Y pwyntiau a ddywedodd fy nghyd-Aelod, Mark Isherwood, heddiw: fel Aelodau sydd wedi bod yma ers mwy nag un tymor, mae'n debyg dyma'r diwrnod tristaf i mi orfod codi yn y Senedd hon. Diolch.
Diolch am y cyfle unwaith eto i gael trafod y mater yma. Rŷn ni wedi cael sawl cyfle dros yr wythnosau a'r misoedd, yn wir y blynyddoedd, diwethaf i drafod sgandal yr uned Hergest a'r sgandal, wrth gwrs, o beidio â chyhoeddi adroddiad Holden yn llawn. A bob tro dwi'n codi i drafod y mater yma, dwi'n dal i fethu â chredu bod y bwrdd wedi trio osgoi atebolrwydd yn y modd y gwnaethon nhw—trio gwrthod bod yn dryloyw ar y mater yma—ac, wrth gwrs, sut dŷn ni'n dal heb weld pobl yn cael eu dal i gyfrif am y methiannau difrifol sydd wedi'u gweld mewn perthynas â'r achos yma.
Os ŷch chi'n nyrs neu'n ddoctor a rŷch chi'n methu yn eich dyletswydd, yna rŷch chi'n cael eich taro oddi ar y gofrestr; rŷch chi'n cael eich gwahardd rhag gweithredu o fewn eich proffesiwn. Os ŷch chi'n rheolwr yn y gwasanaeth iechyd, sydd yn methu, yna rŷch chi'n cael cario ymlaen ac, yn aml iawn, rŷch chi jest yn symud ymlaen i swydd wahanol debyg yn rhywle arall. Mae'n rhaid i hynny stopio, ac mae yna gyfrifoldeb ar y Llywodraeth i sicrhau dyw hynny ddim yn gallu cario ymlaen i ddigwydd yn y dyfodol.
Thank you for the opportunity to once again discuss this issue. We've had a number of opportunities over recent weeks and months, and indeed recent years, to discuss the scandal of the Hergest unit and the scandal of not publishing the Holden report in full. And every time I get up to speak about this issue, I still can't believe that the board tried to evade accountability in the way that they did—they tried to avoid transparency on this issue—and, of course, how we have still not seen people held to account for the serious failings in relation to this case.
If you're a nurse or a doctor and you fail in your duties, then you're struck off the register; you are excluded from operating within your profession. If you're a manager in the health service who fails, then you get to carry on and, very often, you just move on to a different role, a similar role, somewhere else. That has to change, and there is a responsibility on the Government to ensure that that can't continue to happen in the future.
The culture of resistance to scrutiny, to change and challenge led, of course, to Betsi's hierarchy refusing to release this report, despite, even, the requests of the information commissioner. Grieving relatives had to wait unnecessarily due to a bureaucracy that didn't put people first—it put its own interests and its own reputation first, and, of course, in doing so, tarnished that reputation even further. And it's not just grieving relatives of victims at Hergest, of course—think of the Tawel Fan scandal and the many, many families affected there. The alarm was raised in Hergest, and had it been heeded across the health board with the timely publication of the Holden report, then we might not have had Tawel Fan.
Now, I'm heartened by the acceptance at the very top of Betsi Cadwaladr health board in recent months that things must change—that's a very positive step and, of course, it's to be welcomed. But I'm not naïve. We've been here before; we've had these false dawns in the past—promises made to learn lessons and to be more open. But Betsi Cadwaladr can't afford to make any more promises and not deliver. So, the proof will be in the pudding, because we all accept that running the largest health board in Wales with such challenging demographics is difficult, and mental health care particularly is an ongoing challenge across all health boards, as we heard earlier, and I'm afraid that those challenges are, of course, only increasing.
I can't accept the amendment proposed by the Government. This Government has a direct responsibility for the failings at Betsi Cadwaladr due to the time it spent, as we heard, in special measures. It would be better for the Government to reflect on its complicity in the problems that blighted the health board during the past decade. Where was the leadership from Government when it was under its direct control? Why didn't you get rid of that cover-up culture and drag the health board out of this mess? So, we now move forward and we need far more transparency and accountability from those charged with running our public services.
Now, I want to touch on children and adolescent mental health services particularly. We know of the completely unacceptable backlogs in dealing with acute cases of child mental illnesses and I know that the Deputy Minister is painfully aware of that, and they are problems that have had traumatic impacts on youngsters, their families and the wider community. And the pandemic, as we know, has intensified these issues, so we have to look at intensifying the support as well. And that's why I am glad that the Plaid Cymru co-operation agreement with the Government commits to looking at how we can test community facilities, involving the third sector particularly, to try and develop the clear referral pathways into NHS services that can help support young people in crisis, or those with urgent mental health or emotional well-being issues.
The failings at Hergest should never have happened, and, of course, the whole farce around the initial non-full publication of the Holden report should certainly never have happened. So, let's hope now that Betsi Cadwaladr health board has finally learned its lesson and will finally start getting to grips with the serious failings in mental health services in north Wales. Now, that would at least be a belated but a positive and hopefully lasting legacy for all those who were so tragically failed.
Arweiniodd y diwylliant o wrthwynebiad i graffu, i newid a her, wrth gwrs, at hierarchaeth bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr yn gwrthod rhyddhau'r adroddiad hwn, er gwaethaf ceisiadau'r comisiynydd gwybodaeth, hyd yn oed. Bu'n rhaid i berthnasau mewn galar aros yn ddiangen oherwydd biwrocratiaeth nad oedd yn rhoi pobl yn gyntaf—rhoi ei fuddiannau ei hun a'i enw da ei hun yn gyntaf a wnaeth, ac wrth gwrs, wrth wneud hynny, roedd yn maeddu'r enw da hwnnw ymhellach fyth. Ac mae'n ymwneud â mwy na pherthnasau'n galaru am ddioddefwyr yn Hergest yn unig, wrth gwrs—meddyliwch am sgandal Tawel Fan a'r nifer fawr o deuluoedd yr effeithiwyd arnynt yn y fan honno. Seiniwyd y larwm yn Hergest, a phe byddai'r bwrdd iechyd wedi talu sylw iddo drwy gyhoeddi adroddiad Holden yn amserol, efallai na fyddem wedi cael digwyddiadau Tawel Fan.
Nawr, rwy'n falch o weld rheolwyr bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr yn derbyn dros y misoedd diwethaf fod yn rhaid i bethau newid—mae hwnnw'n gam cadarnhaol iawn, ac wrth gwrs, mae i'w groesawu. Ond nid wyf yn naïf. Rydym wedi bod yma o'r blaen; rydym wedi cael y gwawriau ffug hyn yn y gorffennol—addo dysgu gwersi ac i fod yn fwy agored. Ond ni all bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr fforddio gwneud mwy o addewidion a pheidio â chadw atynt. Felly, wrth ei flas y bydd profi'r pwdin, gan fod pob un ohonom yn derbyn ei bod yn anodd rhedeg y bwrdd iechyd mwyaf yng Nghymru, gyda demograffeg mor heriol, ac mae gofal iechyd meddwl yn arbennig yn her barhaus ar draws pob bwrdd iechyd, fel y clywsom yn gynharach, ac mae arnaf ofn fod yr heriau hynny'n cynyddu wrth gwrs.
Ni allaf dderbyn y gwelliant a gynigiwyd gan y Llywodraeth. Mae gan y Llywodraeth hon gyfrifoldeb uniongyrchol am y methiannau ym mwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr oherwydd yr amser a dreuliodd, fel y clywsom, mewn mesurau arbennig. Byddai'n well pe bai'r Llywodraeth yn ystyried y rhan a chwaraeodd yn y problemau sydd wedi amharu ar y bwrdd iechyd dros y degawd diwethaf. Ble roedd arweinyddiaeth y Llywodraeth pan oedd y bwrdd o dan ei rheolaeth uniongyrchol? Pam na wnaethoch chi gael gwared ar y diwylliant o gelu a llusgo'r bwrdd iechyd allan o'r llanastr hwn? Felly, rydym bellach yn symud ymlaen, ac mae angen llawer mwy o dryloywder ac atebolrwydd gan y rhai sy'n gyfrifol am redeg ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus.
Nawr, hoffwn sôn yn benodol am wasanaethau iechyd meddwl plant a'r glasoed. Gwyddom am yr ôl-groniadau cwbl annerbyniol wrth ymdrin ag achosion acíwt o salwch meddwl mewn plant, a gwn fod y Dirprwy Weinidog yn boenus o ymwybodol o hynny, ac maent yn broblemau sydd wedi cael effeithiau trawmatig ar bobl ifanc, eu teuluoedd a'r gymuned ehangach. Ac mae'r pandemig, fel y gwyddom, wedi dwysáu'r problemau hyn, felly mae'n rhaid inni ystyried dwysáu'r cymorth hefyd. A dyna pam fy mod yn falch fod cytundeb cydweithio Plaid Cymru gyda’r Llywodraeth yn ymrwymo i edrych ar sut y gallwn brofi cyfleusterau cymunedol, gan gynnwys y trydydd sector yn arbennig, i geisio datblygu’r llwybrau atgyfeirio clir at wasanaethau’r GIG a all helpu i gefnogi pobl ifanc mewn argyfwng, neu'r rheini sydd â phroblemau iechyd meddwl brys neu broblemau lles emosiynol.
Ni ddylai'r methiannau yn Hergest fod wedi digwydd, ac yn sicr, ni ddylai'r holl ffars o beidio â chyhoeddi adroddiad Holden yn llawn fod wedi digwydd. Felly, gadewch inni obeithio yn awr fod bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr wedi dysgu ei wers o'r diwedd ac y bydd yn dechrau mynd i'r afael â'r methiannau difrifol mewn gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl yng ngogledd Cymru. Nawr, byddai hynny'n waddol hwyr ond yn un cadarnhaol a pharhaol, gobeithio, i bawb a gafodd gam mewn modd mor drasig.
It's a pleasure to take part in this debate this afternoon, as I worked in Betsi Cadwaladr for 11 years and I worked for four years in mental health as a support worker, so I'd like to consider this topic of debate fairly close to my heart. Although the Holden report is focused on the failings of the Hergest unit at Ysbyty Gwynedd, it has implications for patients right across north Wales, and it serves as a chilling reminder for many of my constituents of the failings at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd in Bodelwyddan and the Royal Alexandra in Rhyl.
It has been 11 years since the first inspections at the Glan Traeth ward at the Royal Alex and seven years since the publication of the Ockenden review, which was triggered as a result of serious failings on the Ablett unit at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, yet many of my constituents feel that, despite a string of reviews and years in special measures, Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board management are failing patients and staff who work for the health board.
Just before the pandemic, the Senedd's Public Accounts Committee highlighted staffing issues at the health board. They flagged the lack of progress on implementing the recommendations of both the Health and Social Care Advisory Service review and the Ockenden review. The committee also cast doubt on the ability to get the health board out of special measures. However, at the height of the pandemic, and months before the Senedd elections, the health board was taken out of special measures, as Janet Finch-Saunders and Sam Rowlands alluded to, much to the surprise of patients and staff across north Wales—so, read between the lines on that one.
There continue to be grave concerns about mental health provision across the health board. Three quarters of children and young people across the region wait longer than the recommended 28 days for an assessment. We know only too well that the pandemic has had a shocking impact on the mental health of young people across Wales, yet those living in my constituency continue to be served by a failing service, one that has been talked about for decades but continues to fail those it serves despite the best efforts of our amazing NHS staff, who go above and beyond their duties on a daily basis—staff who continue to be overworked and undervalued by senior management, and, sadly, it's not just mental health services in north Wales that are suffering. Staff shortages continue to put patient safety at risk—so much so that doctors at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd were forced to write to the health board warning about overcrowding and day-long waits for patients to be seen. Doctors warned that emergency departments were so crowded that time-critical interventions in sepsis, stroke, cardiac care, major trauma and resuscitation are compromised.
My constituents are rightly concerned about how the NHS is being run in north Wales. The serious failures at the mental health unit are just the tip of the iceberg, unfortunately. We need urgent reform of mental health care across Betsi Cadwaladr, and I urge Members to support our motion, but I also ask the Welsh Government this afternoon to get to grips with the growing crisis in our accident and emergency departments. Thank you.
Mae'n bleser cymryd rhan yn y ddadl hon y prynhawn yma, gan fy mod wedi gweithio ym mwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr am 11 mlynedd, a bûm yn gweithio am bedair blynedd ym maes iechyd meddwl fel gweithiwr cymorth, felly hoffwn feddwl bod y pwnc trafod hwn yn weddol agos at fy nghalon. Er bod adroddiad Holden yn canolbwyntio ar fethiannau uned Hergest yn Ysbyty Gwynedd, mae ganddo oblygiadau i gleifion ledled gogledd Cymru, ac mae'n atgoffa llawer o fy etholwyr yn rhy glir o'r methiannau yn Ysbyty Glan Clwyd ym Modelwyddan ac Ysbyty Brenhinol Alexandra yn y Rhyl.
Mae 11 mlynedd wedi bod ers yr arolygiadau cyntaf ar ward Glan Traeth yn Ysbyty Brenhinol Alexandra, a saith mlynedd ers cyhoeddi adolygiad Ockenden, a gynhaliwyd o ganlyniad i fethiannau difrifol yn uned Ablett yn Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, ond mae llawer o fy etholwyr yn teimlo, er gwaethaf cyfres o adolygiadau a blynyddoedd mewn mesurau arbennig, fod rheolwyr Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr yn esgeuluso cleifion a staff sy'n gweithio i'r bwrdd iechyd.
Ychydig cyn y pandemig, nododd Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus y Senedd broblemau staffio yn y bwrdd iechyd. Fe wnaethant dynnu sylw at y diffyg cynnydd ar weithredu argymhellion adolygiad y Gwasanaeth Cynghori ar Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol ac adolygiad Ockenden. Fe wnaeth y pwyllgor fwrw amheuon hefyd ar y gallu i ddod â'r bwrdd iechyd allan o fesurau arbennig. Fodd bynnag, ar anterth y pandemig, ac ychydig fisoedd cyn etholiadau’r Senedd, daethpwyd â'r bwrdd iechyd allan o fesurau arbennig, fel y nododd Janet Finch-Saunders a Sam Rowlands, er mawr syndod i gleifion a staff ledled gogledd Cymru—felly, darllenwch rhwng y llinellau ar hynny.
Mae pryderon difrifol yn parhau ynghylch y ddarpariaeth iechyd meddwl ar draws y bwrdd iechyd. Mae tri chwarter y plant a'r bobl ifanc ledled y rhanbarth yn aros yn hwy na'r 28 diwrnod a argymhellir am asesiad. Gwyddom yn rhy dda fod y pandemig wedi cael effaith aruthrol ar iechyd meddwl pobl ifanc ledled Cymru, ond er hynny, mae'r rheini sy'n byw yn fy etholaeth yn parhau i gael eu gwasanaethu gan wasanaeth sy'n methu, un y bu sôn amdano ers degawdau ond sy'n parhau i wneud tro gwael â'r rheini y mae'n eu gwasanaethu er gwaethaf ymdrechion gorau staff anhygoel y GIG, sy'n mynd y tu hwnt i'w dyletswyddau bob dydd—staff sy'n parhau i gael eu gorlethu â gwaith gan uwch reolwyr nad ydynt yn eu gwerthfawrogi'n llawn, ac yn anffodus, nid gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl yn unig sy'n dioddef yng ngogledd Cymru. Mae prinder staff yn parhau i roi diogelwch cleifion mewn perygl—i'r graddau fod meddygon yn Ysbyty Glan Clwyd wedi teimlo rheidrwydd i ysgrifennu at y bwrdd iechyd i rybuddio am orlenwi a chleifion yn aros drwy'r dydd i gael eu gweld. Rhybuddiodd meddygon fod adrannau brys mor orlawn fel bod ymyriadau brys ar gyfer sepsis, strôc, gofal y galon, trawma mawr a dadebru yn cael eu peryglu.
Mae fy etholwyr yn bryderus iawn ynglŷn â sut y mae'r GIG yn cael ei redeg yng ngogledd Cymru, a hynny'n briodol. Rhan fach o'r broblem yw'r methiannau difrifol yn yr uned iechyd meddwl, yn anffodus. Mae angen diwygio gofal iechyd meddwl ar frys ar draws bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr, ac rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i gefnogi ein cynnig, ond rwy'n gofyn hefyd y prynhawn yma i Lywodraeth Cymru fynd i’r afael â’r argyfwng cynyddol yn ein hadrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys. Diolch.
Samuel Kurtz.
Samuel Kurtz.
Sorry, Dirprwy Lywydd, I was under the impression that I wasn't in this debate; apologies.
Mae'n ddrwg gennyf, Ddirprwy Lywydd, roeddwn o dan yr argraff nad oeddwn yn y ddadl hon; rwy'n ymddiheuro.
That's okay. Your name is here. If you don't want to speak, that's no problem.
Mae'n iawn. Mae eich enw yma. Os nad ydych yn dymuno siarad, nid yw hynny'n broblem.
No, sorry, it was my understanding that it was withdrawn.
Na, mae'n ddrwg gennyf, fy nealltwriaeth i oedd ei fod wedi'i dynnu'n ôl.
Ocê. Galwaf ar y Dirprwy Weinidog Iechyd Meddwl a Llesiant, Lynne Neagle.
I call on the Deputy Minister for Mental Health and Well-being, Lynne Neagle.
Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer, for the opportunity to respond to this debate and to place on my record my recognition of the commitment of Betsi Cadwaladr health board to continue to improve mental health services. I'd like to acknowledge the dedication of the staff on the ground in north Wales, who work hard to deliver high-quality and compassionate care for patients who need mental health support.
Members will recall that we debated this subject on 29 September, before the legal process around the freedom of information request for the full Holden report was completed. It was also the subject of a number of questions to the First Minister in recent weeks, following the release of the full report by the health board. But here we are again, debating a motion that seeks to apportion blame for events from eight years ago and does little to acknowledge that, whilst there is no doubt that significant challenges remain, the health board has taken steps to address the issues highlighted in the Holden report and, indeed, other failings in their mental health services.
On Holden itself, it is important to remember that the summary report that was published by the health board in 2015 included all of the recommendations made by Robin Holden. The health board took action at that time to address the issues raised, and commissioned work to ensure that the Holden recommendations had been implemented. This piece of work was reported to the health board’s quality, safety and experience committee in January this year, and is publicly available. This provided assurance that action was taken against each of the recommendations in the report. The chief executive has acknowledged that certain issues, including having older people with functional mental illness cared for in the same environment as acute adult mental health, have proved complex to resolve due to the design and layout of the Hergest unit and the staffing resources involved. This does not mean these issues are not being addressed. The needs of each patient are considered, and they are managed according to need. We are working with the health board around options for a longer term solution.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd, am y cyfle i ymateb i'r ddadl hon ac i gofnodi fy nghydnabyddiaeth o ymrwymiad bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr i barhau i wella gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Hoffwn gydnabod ymroddiad y staff ar lawr gwlad yng ngogledd Cymru, sy'n gweithio'n galed i ddarparu gofal tosturiol o ansawdd uchel i gleifion sydd angen cymorth iechyd meddwl.
Bydd yr Aelodau’n cofio inni drafod y pwnc hwn ar 29 Medi, cyn cwblhau’r broses gyfreithiol ynghylch y cais rhyddid gwybodaeth am adroddiad Holden yn llawn. Roedd hefyd yn destun nifer o gwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog yn ystod yr wythnosau diwethaf, ar ôl i'r bwrdd iechyd ryddhau'r adroddiad llawn. Ond dyma ni eto, yn trafod cynnig sy'n ceisio taflu bai am bethau a ddigwyddodd wyth mlynedd yn ôl ac nad yw'n gwneud llawer i gydnabod, er nad oes amheuaeth fod heriau sylweddol o hyd, fod y bwrdd iechyd wedi cymryd camau i fynd i'r afael â'r materion a amlygwyd yn adroddiad Holden, a methiannau eraill yn wir yn eu gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl.
Ar adroddiad Holden ei hun, mae'n bwysig cofio bod yr adroddiad cryno a gyhoeddwyd gan y bwrdd iechyd yn 2015 yn cynnwys yr holl argymhellion a wnaed gan Robin Holden. Rhoddodd y bwrdd iechyd gamau ar waith bryd hynny i fynd i'r afael â'r problemau a nodwyd, a chomisiynodd waith i sicrhau bod argymhellion Holden wedi'u gweithredu. Rhoddwyd adroddiad am y gwaith hwn wrth bwyllgor ansawdd, diogelwch a phrofiad y bwrdd iechyd ym mis Ionawr eleni, ac mae ar gael i'r cyhoedd. Roedd yn darparu sicrwydd fod camau wedi'u cymryd ar bob un o argymhellion yr adroddiad. Mae'r prif weithredwr wedi cydnabod bod rhai materion, gan gynnwys y ffaith bod pobl hŷn â salwch meddwl gweithredol yn derbyn gofal yn yr un amgylchedd â gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl acíwt i oedolion, wedi bod yn gymhleth i'w datrys oherwydd dyluniad a chynllun llawr uned Hergest a'r adnoddau staffio sydd ynghlwm wrth hynny. Nid yw hyn yn golygu nad yw'r materion hyn yn cael sylw. Mae anghenion pob claf yn cael eu hystyried, a chânt eu rheoli yn ôl yr angen. Rydym yn gweithio gyda'r bwrdd iechyd ar opsiynau ar gyfer ateb mwy hirdymor.
Some suggest there was some sort of delay between the report being produced and the health board being placed in special measures. However, as we know, the Holden report was one of a number of independent reviews commissioned by the health board in response to concerns about the quality of mental health care in north Wales, which led to its placement in special measures in 2015. There was no delay. In fact, the then health Minister asked the tripartite group of Welsh Government officials, Wales Audit Office and Healthcare Inspectorate Wales to review Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board’s escalation status in June 2015. On being advised that the health board had not made sufficient progress in addressing long-standing concerns about governance, leadership and progress, he made the immediate decision to place the board in special measures, and that was announced in this Chamber less than 24 hours later.
Since the time of the Holden report, the health board has made considerable progress. Feedback from Audit Wales, HIW, and Welsh Government officials following the latest mental health round-table, held as recently as 22 September, found that there has been significant improvement in the openness and transparency shown by the health board about its mental health services. A new chief executive has been appointed to steer the health board on its improvement journey. Governance arrangements have been strengthened to provide greater oversight and scrutiny of mental health services at board level, as well as systematic ways of identifying and reporting issues as they arise. There is far more stability at a management level within mental health services, and increased confidence in the service to deliver.
Whilst we know that, as with a number of health boards across Wales at the moment, there are some performance issues that have been exasperated by COVID, Betsi's CAMHS and adult services have been better aligned to provide a more integrated service. The way that the health board works with local authority and third sector partners to support the preventative and early intervention part of the mental health agenda has also seen major improvements. It is clear from my own meetings with the health board, and those of my officials, that it is using the significant Welsh Government oversight and challenge in a positive way, and in line with its desire to be a learning organisation.
The targeted intervention framework is being used by the health board, and four maturity matrices have been developed with staff to drive improvements. The matrices are owned by the health board, developed with the staff on the ground, who’ve shown real insight into the difficulties they face and the challenges ahead. A key element of the matrices is that they are explicit about the need for the health board to demonstrate that it is responding to the recommendations from external reviews, and implementing new ways of working in response to these recommendations. Officials are meeting regularly with the health board to review progress against the matrices, and I welcome the transparency and openness demonstrated by the health board as part of this process. I myself have had the opportunity to discuss the mental heath matrix directly with the chair and chief executive, as well as the person in charge of mental health services. In its own self-assessment, the board has recognised there is much work to do. Whilst I acknowledge the baseline scores are low, they reflect an honest appraisal of the position the health board is in. It is important to note that these scores are not reflective of the whole area, but of those areas that are in targeted intervention, and they set a baseline against which we can track progress through the matrices.
Recovery and transformation will take time, but we have consistently made it clear to the health board that being able to evidence service improvement is key to progressing across the matrices with a view to further de-escalation. I do not shy away from the fact that there is much more work to be done to ensure mental health services in Wales reach a standard people expect and deserve. From my discussions with the chair and chief executive of Betsi, this is something that is abundantly clear to staff at the health board. We need to recognise, though, that progress has been made and continues to be made. There's a growing sense of confidence, that the building blocks are in place to enable the health board to push on from here and address the outstanding issues. Importantly, we are getting the sense that the staff themselves believe the organisation is committed to learning and growing. This sense of an organisation that they can be proud to be part of is crucial for attracting and retaining staff at all levels, and it's vital we support the health board in measures to raise staff morale rather than constantly attacking them.
Turning to the asks in the motion, I would like to point out that the health board have already apologised. We regret that people have had these bad experiences, and they have already apologised. The health board has already committed to making public every report it commissions. Staff had been informed they could speak to Holden in confidence, and the health board was concerned the identities of individuals would be revealed without appropriate redactions, and that doing so would undermine staff confidence in raising concerns in future. The health board, though, has learned from this process and now has a policy in place for significant reports that will be commissioned with a view to them being made public to prevent such issues arising in the future. We are asked to deliver radical improvements to the provision of mental health services in north Wales. We are already doing this.
Turning to the 24-hour crisis mental health centres, as I have said many times in this Senedd, our approach to improve the mental health and well-being of children and young people is to ensure that mental health support is embedded across settings where they live their lives, including schools, colleges and communities. The roll-out of our NEST framework will be a key part of this approach, and our learning will inform our work to develop a NEST framework for adults. I hope that our prevention work will stop issues from escalating to crisis point, but we know that there is a need to improve access to crisis support for children and adults. This includes our implementation of all-age single points of contact for mental health via 111, and further development of alternatives to admission. As part of the co-operation agreement with Plaid Cymru, we are also committed to testing sanctuary-type provision for young people as part of this broader pathway to improve—
Mae rhai'n awgrymu y bu rhyw fath o oedi rhwng cynhyrchu'r adroddiad a rhoi'r bwrdd iechyd mewn mesurau arbennig. Fodd bynnag, fel y gwyddom, roedd adroddiad Holden yn un o nifer o adolygiadau annibynnol a gomisiynwyd gan y bwrdd iechyd mewn ymateb i bryderon ynghylch ansawdd gofal iechyd meddwl yng ngogledd Cymru, a arweiniodd at ei roi mewn mesurau arbennig yn 2015. Ni fu unrhyw oedi. Mewn gwirionedd, gofynnodd y Gweinidog iechyd ar y pryd i'r grŵp teirochrog o swyddogion Llywodraeth Cymru, Swyddfa Archwilio Cymru ac Arolygiaeth Gofal Iechyd Cymru adolygu statws uwchgyfeirio Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr ym mis Mehefin 2015. Ar ôl cael gwybod nad oedd y bwrdd iechyd wedi gwneud cynnydd digonol wrth fynd i'r afael â phryderon hirsefydlog ynghylch llywodraethiant, arweinyddiaeth a chynnydd, penderfynodd roi'r bwrdd mewn mesurau arbennig ar unwaith, a chyhoeddwyd hynny yn y Siambr hon lai na 24 awr yn ddiweddarach.
Ers adeg adroddiad Holden, mae'r bwrdd iechyd wedi gwneud cryn dipyn o gynnydd. Canfu adborth gan Archwilio Cymru, AGIC, a swyddogion Llywodraeth Cymru yn dilyn y cyfarfod bord gron diweddaraf ar iechyd meddwl, a gynhaliwyd mor ddiweddar â 22 Medi, y bu gwelliant sylweddol yn nidwylledd a thryloywder y bwrdd iechyd ynglŷn â'i wasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Penodwyd prif weithredwr newydd i lywio'r bwrdd iechyd ar ei daith wella. Cryfhawyd trefniadau llywodraethu i ddarparu mwy o oruchwyliaeth a chraffu ar wasanaethau iechyd meddwl ar lefel y bwrdd, ynghyd â ffyrdd systematig o nodi a rhoi gwybod am faterion wrth iddynt godi. Mae llawer mwy o sefydlogrwydd ar y lefel reoli yn y gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl, a mwy o hyder yn y gwasanaeth i ddarparu.
Er y gwyddom, fel gyda nifer o fyrddau iechyd ledled Cymru ar hyn o bryd, fod rhai materion perfformiad wedi'u gwaethygu gan COVID, mae gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl plant a’r glasoed a gwasanaethau oedolion bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr wedi'u halinio'n well i ddarparu gwasanaeth mwy integredig. Bu gwelliannau mawr hefyd yn y ffordd y mae'r bwrdd iechyd yn gweithio gyda phartneriaid awdurdodau lleol a'r trydydd sector i gefnogi'r rhan o'r agenda iechyd meddwl sy'n ymwneud ag atal ac ymyrraeth gynnar. Mae'n amlwg, o fy nghyfarfodydd fy hun gyda'r bwrdd iechyd, a chyfarfodydd fy swyddogion, ei fod yn defnyddio goruchwyliaeth a her sylweddol Llywodraeth Cymru mewn ffordd gadarnhaol, ac yn unol â'i ddyhead i fod yn sefydliad sy'n dysgu.
Mae'r fframwaith ymyrraeth wedi'i thargedu yn cael ei ddefnyddio gan y bwrdd iechyd, ac mae pedwar matrics aeddfedrwydd wedi'u datblygu gyda staff i ysgogi gwelliannau. Y bwrdd iechyd sy'n berchen ar y matricsau, a chawsant eu datblygu gyda'r staff ar lawr gwlad sydd wedi dangos gwir ddealltwriaeth o'r anawsterau sy'n eu hwynebu a'r heriau sydd o'u blaenau. Elfen allweddol o'r matricsau yw eu bod yn eglur ynglŷn â'r angen i'r bwrdd iechyd ddangos ei fod yn ymateb i argymhellion adolygiadau allanol, ac yn gweithredu ffyrdd newydd o weithio mewn ymateb i'r argymhellion hyn. Mae swyddogion yn cyfarfod yn rheolaidd â'r bwrdd iechyd i adolygu cynnydd yn erbyn y matricsau, ac rwy'n croesawu'r tryloywder a'r didwylledd a ddangoswyd gan y bwrdd iechyd fel rhan o'r broses hon. Rwyf wedi cael cyfle fy hun i drafod y matrics iechyd meddwl yn uniongyrchol gyda'r cadeirydd a'r prif weithredwr, yn ogystal â'r unigolyn sy'n gyfrifol am wasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Yn ei hunanasesiad ei hun, mae'r bwrdd wedi cydnabod bod llawer o waith i'w wneud. Er fy mod yn cydnabod bod y sgoriau sylfaenol yn isel, maent yn adlewyrchu arfarniad gonest o sefyllfa'r bwrdd iechyd. Mae'n bwysig nodi nad yw'r sgoriau hyn yn adlewyrchu'r maes cyfan, dim ond y meysydd sy'n destun ymyrraeth wedi'i thargedu, ac maent yn gosod llinell sylfaen y gallwn olrhain cynnydd yn ei herbyn drwy'r matricsau.
Bydd adfer a thrawsnewid yn cymryd amser, ond rydym wedi dweud wrth y bwrdd iechyd yn gyson ac yn glir fod gallu dangos tystiolaeth o welliannau yn y gwasanaeth yn allweddol i wneud cynnydd ar draws y matricsau gyda'r bwriad o isgyfeirio ymhellach. Nid wyf yn celu rhag y ffaith bod llawer mwy o waith i'w wneud i sicrhau bod gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl yng Nghymru yn cyrraedd safon y mae pobl yn ei disgwyl ac yn ei haeddu. O fy nhrafodaethau gyda chadeirydd a phrif weithredwr bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr, mae hyn yn rhywbeth sy'n amlwg iawn i staff y bwrdd iechyd. Fodd bynnag, mae angen inni gydnabod bod cynnydd wedi'i wneud ac yn parhau i gael ei wneud. Ceir ymdeimlad cynyddol o hyder, fod y blociau adeiladu yn eu lle i alluogi'r bwrdd iechyd i symud ymlaen o'r sefyllfa hon a mynd i'r afael â'r materion sydd heb eu datrys. Yn bwysig, cawn ymdeimlad fod y staff eu hunain yn credu bod y sefydliad wedi ymrwymo i ddysgu a thyfu. Mae'r ymdeimlad hwn o sefydliad y gallant fod yn falch o fod yn rhan ohono yn hanfodol ar gyfer denu a chadw staff ar bob lefel, ac mae'n hanfodol ein bod yn cefnogi'r bwrdd iechyd mewn mesurau i godi ysbryd staff yn hytrach nag ymosod arnynt o hyd.
Gan droi at yr hyn y mae'r cynnig yn galw amdano, hoffwn nodi bod y bwrdd iechyd eisoes wedi ymddiheuro. Mae'n ddrwg gennym fod pobl wedi cael y profiadau gwael hyn, ac maent eisoes wedi ymddiheuro. Mae'r bwrdd iechyd eisoes wedi ymrwymo i gyhoeddi pob adroddiad y mae'n ei gomisiynu. Roedd staff wedi cael gwybod y gallent siarad â Holden yn gyfrinachol, ac roedd y bwrdd iechyd yn pryderu y byddai enwau unigolion yn cael eu datgelu heb y golygiadau priodol, ac y byddai gwneud hynny'n tanseilio hyder staff wrth godi pryderon yn y dyfodol. Mae'r bwrdd iechyd, serch hynny, wedi dysgu o'r broses hon, ac erbyn hyn, mae ganddo bolisi ar waith ar gyfer adroddiadau sylweddol a fydd yn cael eu comisiynu gyda'r bwriad o'u cyhoeddi i atal materion o'r fath rhag codi yn y dyfodol. Gofynnir inni gyflawni gwelliannau radical yn y modd y darperir wasanaethau iechyd meddwl yng ngogledd Cymru. Rydym eisoes yn gwneud hyn.
Gan droi at ganolfannau argyfwng iechyd meddwl 24 awr, fel rwyf wedi'i ddweud sawl tro yn y Senedd hon, ein dull o wella iechyd meddwl a llesiant plant a phobl ifanc yw sicrhau bod cymorth iechyd meddwl wedi'i ymgorffori ar draws y lleoliadau lle maent yn byw eu bywydau, gan gynnwys ysgolion, colegau a chymunedau. Bydd cyflwyno ein fframwaith NYTH yn rhan allweddol o'r dull hwn, a bydd ein dysgu yn llywio ein gwaith ar ddatblygu fframwaith NYTH i oedolion. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd ein gwaith atal yn rhwystro problemau rhag gwaethygu'n argyfyngau, ond gwyddom fod angen gwella mynediad at gymorth mewn argyfwng i blant ac oedolion. Mae hyn yn cynnwys darparu un pwynt cyswllt iechyd meddwl ar gyfer pob oedran drwy wasanaeth 111, a datblygu mwy o ddewisiadau yn lle derbyn i'r ysbyty. Fel rhan o'r cytundeb cydweithio â Phlaid Cymru, rydym hefyd wedi ymrwymo i brofi darpariaeth noddfa i bobl ifanc fel rhan o'r llwybr ehangach hwn i wella—
Deputy Minister, you need to conclude now.
Ddirprwy Weinidog, mae angen i chi ddirwyn i ben.
—the response to crisis. However, most people presenting with emotional distress do not need specialist mental health support. Often it is support for wider social and welfare needs that is required, and I am committed to driving a multi-agency and cross-Government approach to this.
This motion asks us to deliver a new mental health Act for Wales. We have signed up to the reforms of the Mental Health Act 1983 being taken forward by the UK Government, and I would remind Members that these stem from an extensive in-depth review by Sir Simon Wessely, which was well received by professionals and stakeholders alike. We are working closely with the UK Government on these reforms and it has promised to ensure the reforms work for Wales. I have no reason to doubt that promise, even if others clearly have.
—yr ymateb i argyfwng. Fodd bynnag, nid oes angen cymorth iechyd meddwl arbenigol ar y rhan fwyaf o bobl mewn trallod emosiynol. Yn aml, cymorth ar gyfer anghenion cymdeithasol a lles ehangach sydd ei angen arnynt, ac rwyf wedi ymrwymo i arwain dull amlasiantaethol a thrawslywodraethol o wneud hyn.
Mae'r cynnig hwn yn gofyn inni sicrhau Deddf iechyd meddwl newydd i Gymru. Rydym wedi cytuno i ddiwygiadau sy'n cael eu gwneud gan Lywodraeth y DU i Ddeddf Iechyd Meddwl 1983, a hoffwn atgoffa'r Aelodau fod y rhain yn deillio o adolygiad manwl helaeth gan Syr Simon Wessely, a gafodd ei groesawu gan weithwyr proffesiynol a rhanddeiliaid fel ei gilydd. Rydym yn gweithio'n agos gyda Llywodraeth y DU ar y diwygiadau hyn ac mae wedi addo sicrhau bod y diwygiadau'n gweithio i Gymru. Nid oes gennyf unrhyw reswm i amau’r addewid hwnnw, hyd yn oed os oes rhesymau gan bobl eraill, yn amlwg, dros wneud hynny.
Minister, you do need to conclude.
Weinidog, mae angen i chi ddirwyn i ben.
This motion fails to acknowledge any of the work over the last few years, but instead looks to assign blame. It fails to support the organisation. It fails to support the hard-working and determined staff on the ground—the same staff we clapped on our doorsteps not so long ago. It fails to recognise improvements in services made in the years since Holden. Most of all, it fails to recognise the huge efforts made by the countless staff who go the extra mile to deliver their best day in, day out. For those reasons, we cannot support it, and I urge Members to support the Government amendment.
The hard-working and caring staff in BCU deserve support from us in this Chamber, and we do the people of north Wales no favours by continually seeking some sort of respective trawl to see who can be blamed for past events. We all owe it to the people of north Wales to support the health board and its new management as it moves forward, and help it to deliver for them.
Nid yw'r cynnig hwn yn cydnabod y gwaith a wnaed dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf, ond yn hytrach, mae'n ceisio taflu bai. Nid yw'n cefnogi'r sefydliad. Nid yw'n cefnogi'r staff gweithgar a phenderfynol ar lawr gwlad—y staff y buom yn eu cymeradwyo ar garreg y drws heb fod mor bell yn ôl â hynny. Nid yw'n cydnabod y gwelliannau a wnaed yn y gwasanaethau yn y blynyddoedd ers adroddiad Holden. Yn bennaf, nid yw'n cydnabod ymdrechion enfawr y staff dirifedi sy'n mynd y tu hwnt i'r galw i wneud eu gorau bob dydd. Am y rhesymau hynny, ni allwn ei gefnogi, ac rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i gefnogi gwelliant y Llywodraeth.
Mae staff gweithgar a gofalgar bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr yn haeddu ein cefnogaeth yn y Siambr hon, ac nid ydym yn gwneud unrhyw gymwynas â phobl gogledd Cymru drwy barhau i geisio rhyw fath o helfa ôl-weithredol i weld pwy y gellir eu beio am ddigwyddiadau'r gorffennol. Ein dyletswydd i bobl gogledd Cymru yw cefnogi'r bwrdd iechyd a'i reolwyr newydd wrth iddo symud ymlaen, a'i helpu i gyflawni ar eu rhan.
Galwaf ar Darren Millar i ymateb i'r ddadl.
I call on Darren Miller to reply to the debate.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I very much regret the tone of the Deputy Minister's response to this debate today. These are serious issues before the Senedd. It is not right that we are being critical of staff. In fact, we've called upon the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board, and indeed the Welsh Government, to apologise to staff for not addressing the failings. I think that indicates a great deal of support and sympathy for the front-line staff who've been working hard trying to deliver improvements.
But there is no doubt whatsoever that the Holden report exposed, as far back as 2013, serious failings in mental health care in north Wales: a culture of bullying and intimidation, staff shortages, patients being neglected, some coming to harm. And it's just a matter of fact that it then took a further period, until June 2015, in spite of the Minister's assertions that swift action was taken, for the health board to be placed in special measures, when another report was effectively saying the same things were happening in the Tawel Fan ward, further down the road at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, that were also problematic and there were serious failings and institutional neglect.
I don't think that that was sufficiently rapid action. And in that intervening period, I'm afraid to say, Deputy Minister, that your Government allowed further patients to come to harm, to be neglected and to be subjected to that institutional abuse. That is a matter or fact, whether you like it or not. And for that, I would have thought it would have been decent enough of the Government today to offer an apology to the patients affected, some of whom have now passed away, their loved ones and, indeed, the staff, who were severely let down by the leadership of the Betsi Cadwaladr health board, and indeed the Welsh Government and the decision making of the Welsh Government at that particular time.
When the health board was placed into special measures, we were told, with great fanfare, that within 100 days there would be significant improvements in that health board in terms of the mental health care in the region. But that was not the case. Five and a half years later, that health board was removed from special measures, in spite of the fact that there were still huge challenges waiting to be addressed in terms of mental health care, and many of the failings that had been identified in Holden, identified in Ockenden, identified in HASCAS—in spite of their atrocious conclusion in their report that there'd been no institutional abuse—had not been addressed. These are just statements and matters of fact.
So, to bury your head in the sand and say that everything is improving—there have been some 'major improvements' is what you said—when we've had two deaths in the Betsi Cadwaladr health board on these mental health units over the past 12 months, which could have been prevented if some of the action that was promised had actually been taken, I think, is frankly disgusting. Frankly, it's disgusting. And to not be able to wake up and smell the coffee and recognise when a service is failing and needs to improve is unacceptable.
When are we going to see these promised improvements? It's still got these huge challenges six years later after it was placed in special measures for its mental health services. You're letting down the people of north Wales. You're letting down the mental health patients. You're letting down these vulnerable people who desperately need our support. And for you to simply suggest that everything's hunky-dory, that everything has been significantly improved, I think, is a disgrace. There was a significant delay in the action being taken by the Welsh Government.
You talked about discussions with stakeholders. What about the feedback from patients? What about the feedback from families? I didn't hear you refer to them at all in your response. Because I can tell you from my own casework that people aren't happy. The situation isn't good. The situation still needs to improve significantly, and unless we have a Minister who can recognise that, we won't have anybody getting to grips with these challenges.
Now I will say this: I do have a lot of faith in the new chief executive and in the chair of the health board, and I believe that they really are determined to want to get to grips with this issue once and for all. I very much hope that you will be part of that team to turn this situation around, but I'm afraid that with the attitude and the unnecessarily politically hostile response that you've given today—and I'm not being political here; I'm simply making the point that we need a Government that recognises that these are challenges—and unless you're prepared to get alongside them, to invest, to make sure that this situation is turned around, we're going to have more deaths, more neglect and more people who are harmed as a result of the situation. I'll happily take the intervention.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n gresynu at gywair ymateb y Dirprwy Weinidog i’r ddadl hon heddiw. Mae'r rhain yn faterion difrifol gerbron y Senedd. Nid yw'n iawn ein bod yn feirniadol o staff. Mewn gwirionedd, rydym wedi galw ar Fwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr, ac yn wir, ar Lywodraeth Cymru, i ymddiheuro i staff am beidio â mynd i’r afael â’r methiannau. Credaf fod hynny'n dangos cryn dipyn o gefnogaeth a chydymdeimlad â'r staff ar y rheng flaen sydd wedi bod yn gweithio'n galed i geisio cyflawni gwelliannau.
Ond nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth fod adroddiad Holden wedi datgelu methiannau difrifol, mor bell yn ôl â 2013, ym maes gofal iechyd meddwl yng ngogledd Cymru: diwylliant o fwlio a bygwth, prinder staff, cleifion yn cael eu hesgeuluso, a rhai'n cael eu niweidio. Ac mae'n ffaith ei bod wedyn wedi cymryd mwy o amser, tan fis Mehefin 2015, er gwaethaf honiadau’r Gweinidog fod camau wedi'u rhoi ar waith yn gyflym, i roi'r bwrdd iechyd mewn mesurau arbennig, pan oedd adroddiad arall yn dweud, i bob pwrpas, fod yr un pethau'n digwydd ar ward Tawel Fan, i lawr y ffordd yn Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, pethau a oedd hefyd yn broblemus a lle cafwyd methiannau difrifol ac esgeulustod sefydliadol.
Ni chredaf fod gweithredu wedi digwydd yn ddigon cyflym. Ac yn y cyfamser, mae arnaf ofn, Ddirprwy Weinidog, fod eich Llywodraeth wedi caniatáu i gleifion pellach gael eu niweidio, eu hesgeuluso a wynebu'r gamdriniaeth sefydliadol honno. Mae hynny'n ffaith, p'un a ydych yn ei hoffi ai peidio. Ac am hynny, byddwn wedi meddwl y byddai wedi bod yn ddigon gweddus heddiw i'r Llywodraeth ymddiheuro i'r cleifion yr effeithiwyd arnynt, y mae rhai ohonynt wedi marw bellach, eu hanwyliaid, ac yn wir, y staff y gwnaed cam difrifol â hwy gan arweinyddiaeth bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr, a Llywodraeth Cymru yn wir, a phenderfyniadau Llywodraeth Cymru ar yr adeg honno.
Pan osodwyd y bwrdd iechyd mewn mesurau arbennig, dywedwyd wrthym, gyda chryn dipyn o ffanffer, y byddai gwelliannau sylweddol o fewn 100 diwrnod yn y bwrdd iechyd hwnnw mewn perthynas â gofal iechyd meddwl yn y rhanbarth. Ond ni ddigwyddodd hynny. Bum mlynedd a hanner yn ddiweddarach, cafodd y bwrdd iechyd ei dynnu o fesurau arbennig, er bod heriau enfawr heb gael eu datrys ym maes gofal iechyd meddwl, a llawer o'r methiannau a nodwyd yn Holden, a nodwyd yn Ockenden, a nodwyd yn adroddiad y Gwasanaeth Cynghori ar Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol—er gwaethaf eu casgliad gwarthus yn eu hadroddiad na fu unrhyw gam-drin sefydliadol—heb gael sylw. Datganiadau a ffeithiau yw'r rhain.
Felly, mae claddu eich pen yn y tywod a dweud bod popeth yn gwella—fe ddywedoch chi fod rhai 'gwelliannau mawr' wedi bod—a ninnau wedi cael dwy farwolaeth ym mwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr yn yr unedau iechyd meddwl hyn dros y 12 mis diwethaf, marwolaethau y gellid bod wedi eu hatal pe bai rhywfaint o'r camau a addawyd wedi'u cymryd, yn ffiaidd a dweud y gwir. A dweud y gwir, mae'n ffiaidd. Ac mae methu deall realiti'r sefyllfa a chydnabod pan fo gwasanaeth yn methu ac angen gwella yn annerbyniol.
Pryd y byddwn yn gweld y gwelliannau hyn a addawyd? Mae'r heriau enfawr hyn yn dal i fodoli chwe blynedd yn ddiweddarach ar ôl rhoi'r bwrdd mewn mesurau arbennig oherwydd ei wasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Rydych yn gwneud cam â phobl gogledd Cymru. Rydych yn gwneud cam â'r cleifion iechyd meddwl. Rydych yn gwneud cam â'r bobl fregus hyn sydd angen ein cymorth yn enbyd. A chredaf fod awgrymu bod popeth yn ardderchog, fod popeth wedi gwella'n sylweddol, yn gwbl warthus. Bu oedi sylweddol cyn i Lywodraeth Cymru weithredu.
Fe sonioch chi am drafodaethau â rhanddeiliaid. Beth am yr adborth gan gleifion? Beth am yr adborth gan deuluoedd? Ni chlywais unrhyw gyfeiriad gennych atynt yn eich ymateb. Oherwydd gallaf ddweud wrthych o fy ngwaith achos fy hun nad yw pobl yn hapus. Nid yw'r sefyllfa'n dda. Mae angen i'r sefyllfa wella'n sylweddol o hyd, ac oni bai fod gennym Weinidog a all gydnabod hynny, ni fydd gennym unrhyw un yn mynd i'r afael â'r heriau hyn.
Nawr, rwyf am ddweud hyn: mae gennyf lawer o ffydd yn y prif weithredwr newydd ac yng nghadeirydd y bwrdd iechyd, a chredaf eu bod yn wirioneddol benderfynol o fynd i'r afael â'r mater hwn unwaith ac am byth. Rwy’n mawr obeithio y byddwch yn rhan o’r tîm i wella'r sefyllfa, ond mae arnaf ofn, gyda’ch agwedd a’r ymateb gwleidyddol gelyniaethus diangen a roesoch heddiw—ac nid wyf yn bod yn wleidyddol yma; y pwynt rwy'n ei wneud yw bod angen Llywodraeth arnom sy'n cydnabod bod y rhain yn heriau—ac oni bai eich bod yn barod i'w hwynebu, i fuddsoddi, er mwyn sicrhau bod y sefyllfa hon yn gwella, rydym yn mynd i gael mwy o farwolaethau, mwy o esgeulustod a mwy o bobl yn cael eu niweidio o ganlyniad i'r sefyllfa. Rwy'n hapus i dderbyn yr ymyriad.
I'm very pleased to hear that you have faith in the new chief executive and the chair, but I just wondered if you would reflect on whether or not it is helpful to them, to improve the services that need to be improved in north Wales, by your shouting about things that occurred somewhere between six to eight years ago, when I have no doubt that the Welsh Government is working very closely with the health board to rectify these matters. But every time you stand up and go over the distressing things that took place in the past, you make it more difficult for them to attract new recruits into these services.
Rwy'n falch iawn o glywed bod gennych ffydd yn y prif weithredwr newydd a'r cadeirydd, ond tybed a fyddech yn ystyried a yw'n ddefnyddiol iddynt hwy ai peidio, i wella'r gwasanaethau y mae angen eu gwella yng ngogledd Cymru, eich clywed yn gweiddi am bethau a ddigwyddodd yn rhywle rhwng chwech ac wyth mlynedd yn ôl, pan nad oes gennyf unrhyw amheuaeth fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio’n agos iawn gyda’r bwrdd iechyd i unioni’r materion hyn. Ond bob tro y byddwch yn codi ar eich traed ac yn ailadrodd y pethau trallodus a ddigwyddodd yn y gorffennol, rydych yn ei gwneud yn anos iddynt ddenu recriwtiaid newydd i'r gwasanaethau hyn.
I'm afraid, Jenny Rathbone, we welcomed the fact that the Betsi Cadwaladr health board was placed into special measures back in June 2015. You can check the record. I was the shadow health Minister at the time and I was cheering on Mark Drakeford for taking that brave decision, because I believed, with all sincerity, that it was going to make the difference on the ground that we needed to see. It didn't. It didn't make the difference. That's why it's still got huge challenges, the Betsi Cadwaladr health board, in terms of the delivery of mental health care, even today.
I'm simply making statements of fact here. There has been no apology from the Welsh Government for its failure to respond to the Holden report back in 2013 when it was initially made available. There has been no explanation whatsoever as to why there was such a significant delay between that report being published and then the health board being placed in special measures. Essentially, the same things were happening on Hergest as happened at Tawel Fan. If the health board had been placed into special measures at the time that the Holden report was available to the Welsh Government back in 2013, then some of those things that happened on Tawel Fan could have been prevented. That is something that I believe that the Welsh Government ought to apologise for, because I think that if we could have avoided people coming to harm, then it's unacceptable simply to walk on by and to say that things have improved and not to acknowledge the harm that has been caused. And I'm afraid that's the situation we're in today in this Chamber.
I very much hope—[Interruption.] I very much hope, Deputy Minister, that you will be able to reflect on that position, on your inability to apologise to those patients and their loved ones for what's happened, and that you will continue, hopefully, to work with the health board's leadership to be able to turn this unacceptable situation, which has prevailed for far too long, around so that we can have a healthcare service for mental health patients in north Wales that we can be proud of. I want to be proud of it. I want it to be the best in the world, but the fact of the matter is it isn't.
Mae arnaf ofn, Jenny Rathbone, ein bod wedi croesawu'r ffaith bod bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr wedi'i roi mewn mesurau arbennig yn ôl ym mis Mehefin 2015. Gallwch wirio'r cofnod. Fi oedd Gweinidog iechyd yr wrthblaid ar y pryd ac roeddwn yn canmol Mark Drakeford am wneud y penderfyniad dewr hwnnw, oherwydd roeddwn yn credu'n ddiffuant y byddai'n gwneud gwahaniaeth ar lawr gwlad fel roedd angen inni ei weld. Ni wnaeth hynny. Ni wnaeth wahaniaeth. Dyna pam y mae bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr yn dal i wynebu heriau enfawr gyda darparu gofal iechyd meddwl, hyd yn oed heddiw.
Datgan ffeithiau a wnaf yma. Ni chafwyd ymddiheuriad gan Lywodraeth Cymru am ei methiant i ymateb i adroddiad Holden yn ôl yn 2013 pan ddaeth ar gael yn wreiddiol. Ni chafwyd unrhyw esboniad o gwbl pam y bu cymaint o oedi rhwng cyhoeddi'r adroddiad hwnnw a gosod y bwrdd iechyd mewn mesurau arbennig. Yn y bôn, roedd yr un pethau'n digwydd ar Hergest ag a ddigwyddodd ar ward Tawel Fan. Pe bai'r bwrdd iechyd wedi cael ei roi mewn mesurau arbennig ar yr adeg roedd adroddiad Holden ar gael i Lywodraeth Cymru yn ôl yn 2013, gellid bod wedi atal rhai o'r pethau a ddigwyddodd ar ward Tawel Fan. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth y credaf y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru ymddiheuro amdano, oherwydd pe baem wedi atal niwed i bobl, credaf ei bod yn annerbyniol inni gerdded yn ein blaenau a dweud bod pethau wedi gwella a pheidio â chydnabod y niwed a achoswyd. Ac mae arnaf ofn mai dyna'r sefyllfa rydym ynddi heddiw yn y Siambr hon.
Rwy'n gobeithio'n fawr—[Torri ar draws.] Rwy'n gobeithio'n fawr, Ddirprwy Weinidog, y byddwch yn gallu ystyried hynny, eich anallu i ymddiheuro i'r cleifion hynny a'u hanwyliaid am yr hyn sydd wedi digwydd, ac y byddwch yn parhau, gobeithio, i weithio gydag arweinyddiaeth y bwrdd iechyd i allu gwella'r sefyllfa annerbyniol hon, sydd wedi parhau'n rhy hir o lawer, fel y gallwn gael gwasanaeth gofal iechyd y gallwn fod yn falch ohono i gleifion iechyd meddwl yng ngogledd Cymru. Rwyf eisiau bod yn falch ohono. Rwyf eisiau iddo fod y gorau yn y byd, ond y gwir amdani yw nad felly y mae pethau.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [Gwrthwynebiad.] Oes. Felly, gohiriaf y bleidlais ar y cynnig tan y cynnig pleidleisio.
The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Yes. I will therefore defer voting on this motion until voting time.
Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Voting deferred until voting time.
Detholwyd y gwelliannau canlynol: gwelliannau 1, 2 a 3 yn enw Darren Millar.
The following amendments have been selected: amendments 1, 2 and 3 in the name of Darren Millar.
Yr eitem nesaf heddiw yw dadl Plaid Cymru ar dlodi bwyd. Galwaf ar Luke Fletcher i wneud y cynnig.
The next item this afternoon is the Plaid Cymru debate on food poverty. I call on Luke Fletcher to move the motion.
Cynnig NDM7862 Siân Gwenllian
Cynnig bod y Senedd hon:
1. Yn nodi bod bron i chwarter y bobl yng Nghymru mewn tlodi.
2. Yn nodi ymhellach yr oedd y defnydd o fanciau bwyd yn cynyddu cyn pandemig COVID-19, ei fod wedi dyblu i bob pwrpas yn ystod y pandemig a'r holl arwyddion yw y bydd y sefyllfa hon yn parhau i waethygu.
3. Yn cydnabod ganlyniadau dwys, dinistriol a pharhaus ansicrwydd bwyd ar iechyd, lles a bywoliaeth pobl.
4. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i gefnogi'r ymgyrch hawl i fwyd, sy'n arbennig o feirniadol o ystyried yr argyfwng costau byw a wynebir gan gynifer ledled Cymru.
5. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i archwilio pob opsiwn er mwyn sicrhau bod yr hawl i fwyd yn rhan annatod o sut yr ymdrinir â thlodi o fewn polisi ar sail trawslywodraethol.
Motion NDM7862 Siân Gwenllian
To propose that the Senedd:
1. Notes that almost a quarter of people in Wales are in poverty.
2. Further notes that the use of food banks was increasing before the COVID-19 pandemic, has effectively doubled during the pandemic and all indications are that this situation will continue to get worse.
3. Acknowledges the profound, devastating and enduring consequences of food insecurity on the health, wellbeing and livelihoods of people.
4. Calls on the UK Government to support the right to food campaign, which is particularly critical given the cost of living crisis faced by so many across Wales.
5. Calls on the Welsh Government to explore all options on ensuring that the right to food is embedded in cross-governmental policy approaches to poverty.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Yet again, we have another debate tabled around poverty, a long-standing issue for this Senedd, and there are known and undeniable links between poverty and food insecurity. Given that almost a quarter of people in Wales are in poverty, it is no surprise that food insecurity is a prominent issue facing many households in Wales. There are, of course, positive actions on the horizon: free school meals for all primary school children, for example, something that, as a former recipient of free school meals, I'm immensely proud of. Knowing that, soon enough, every primary school pupil will be in receipt of free school meals and that my party and the Government came together, despite our differences, is very much something that truly moves me. And when it happens, it will no doubt be one of the proudest moments of my political career.
But I'm sure it won't surprise Members to learn that I think we still need to go further. Free school meals didn't end for me in primary school, but we have taken the first step in enshrining food and access to food as vital parts of the education experience, and that, of course, at its base level, is what we are trying to achieve with our motion. The right to food should be an inalienable right for all citizens, not just in Wales, but globally. We can't survive or thrive without it. That's why the right to food should be embedded in all policies relating to poverty.
Poverty is one of the clearest and largest factors contributing to food insecurity, and poverty has only been increasing in Wales following years of austerity, stilted economic growth following COVID-19 and Brexit, and increasing prices. We are seeing a crisis of food poverty born out of the political choices and systemic failings created over the past four decades that have brought us to a tipping point in so many of our communities. This, of course, when Wales finds itself part of the UK, one of the richest countries in the world.
In 2017 and 2018, nearly one in 10 people in Wales experienced low food security, and 14 per cent of people ran out of food before they could afford to buy more. The south Wales food poverty alliance found that households with incomes in the bottom 20 per cent in Wales would need to spend 36 per cent of their income to meet the UK Government's Eatwell guide. More people in Wales have to change their eating and buying habits for financial reasons than the UK average, and marginal food insecurity is also higher in Wales than in any other UK country. Our welfare system, our social protection system, is clearly failing to protect the most vulnerable in society by not providing enough for the necessity of food to those who need it. To truly tackle food poverty, there must be systemic change. Increasing welfare payments or support for food banks does not tackle the root cause of the issue or provide people with the dignity they're entitled to.
If I could turn briefly to the Conservative amendments for one moment, simply getting more people into work will not solve the issue if this employment is not good or fair. More than a fifth of workers in Wales are earning less than the real living wage, and in some areas in south Wales this rises to a quarter or even a third. The majority of people living in poverty in Wales currently are in work, and one in six people referred to the Trussell Trust foodbanks in the UK were in work, which demonstrates that employment is not a guarantee out of poverty. The amendment also mentions the UK Government's Kickstart scheme for 16 to 24-year-olds who are on universal credit. It provides funding to employers to cover the national minimum wage for six months, but the national minimum wage for 18 to 20-year-olds is £6.56 an hour. How is this supposed to help a care leaver, for example, set themselves up on their own and not be worried about where their next meal will come from? It's nowhere near enough.
On the topic of children and young people, I wanted to raise the issue of child poverty and the impact of food poverty on children. Households in Wales with children will experience more financial pressures from rising food costs and poverty than those without children. The Food Foundation estimated that there are roughly 160,000 children in Wales for whom a healthy diet is increasingly unaffordable. Three weeks ago, on 17 November, I raised the issue of Welsh child poverty in this Chamber, where I noted that, over the last financial year, 54,000 foodbank parcels went to children in Wales, compared to only 35,000 during 2017 and 2018. At that same rate, as of today, more than 3,000 food parcels would have gone to children in Wales since I made that statement. And this, of course, assuming the situation hasn't worsened, which many indicators suggest it will continue to do.
Dirprwy Lywydd, I hope that my comments have been taken by the Conservative benches as constructive and not party political, and I say this because I think this is an issue that transcends party politics. Indeed, it is a cross-party issue. Everyone should have secure access to quality, nutritious food. I think that's something all of us can agree on, no matter our political persuasions. It's very much the philosophy of Baobab Bach in Bridgend, for example, it's the philosophy of Bridgend College, who provide free school breakfasts to their students, and it's the philosophy of other community organisations working on food poverty across Wales, many of whom we have all visited and previously mentioned in this very Chamber.
In my closing remarks, I want to illustrate the importance of the Right to Food campaign and its cross-party nature, and pay tribute to the work already under way in Westminster by both Beth Winter MP and Ian Byrne MP, who I first met virtually at a People's Assembly panel on this very issue. Both have been working across parties to get this on the agenda in Westminster, gaining the support of Plaid MPs, SNP MPs, Labour MPs, Conservative MPs, Lib Dem MPs—and I'll stop at that point, because I think Members will get the picture there. I hope this, of course, can be replicated here in the Senedd. The fact is, we owe it to all of our constituents who live in food poverty every day of their lives to come together here and solve this issue. Diolch.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Unwaith eto, mae gennym ddadl arall wedi'i chyflwyno ar dlodi, problem hirsefydlog i'r Senedd hon, ac mae cysylltiadau hysbys na ellir eu gwadu rhwng tlodi ac ansicrwydd bwyd. O gofio bod bron i chwarter y bobl yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi, nid yw'n syndod bod ansicrwydd bwyd yn broblem fawr sy'n wynebu llawer o aelwydydd yng Nghymru. Wrth gwrs, ceir camau cadarnhaol ar y gorwel: prydau ysgol am ddim i bob plentyn ysgol gynradd, er enghraifft, rhywbeth rwyf fi, fel rhywun a arferai gael prydau ysgol am ddim, yn hynod falch ohono. Mae gwybod y bydd pob disgybl ysgol gynradd, cyn bo hir, yn cael prydau ysgol am ddim a bod fy mhlaid i a'r Llywodraeth wedi dod at ei gilydd, er gwaethaf ein gwahaniaethau, yn gwneud i mi deimlo'n emosiynol iawn. A phan fydd yn digwydd, mae'n siŵr y bydd yn un o adegau mwyaf balch fy ngyrfa wleidyddol.
Ond rwy'n siŵr na fydd yn syndod i'r Aelodau glywed fy mod yn credu bod angen inni fynd ymhellach eto. Ni ddaeth prydau ysgol am ddim i ben i mi yn yr ysgol gynradd, ond rydym wedi cymryd y cam cyntaf tuag at gynnwys bwyd a mynediad at fwyd yn rhannau hanfodol o'r profiad addysg, ac wrth gwrs, ar ei lefel sylfaenol, dyna rydym yn ceisio'i gyflawni gyda'n cynnig. Dylai'r hawl i fwyd fod yn hawl ddiymwad i bob dinesydd, nid yn unig yng Nghymru, ond yn fyd-eang. Ni allwn oroesi na ffynnu hebddo. Dyna pam y dylid ymgorffori'r hawl i fwyd ym mhob polisi sy'n ymwneud â thlodi.
Tlodi yw un o'r ffactorau cliriaf a mwyaf sy'n cyfrannu at ansicrwydd bwyd, ac mae tlodi wedi bod ar gynnydd yng Nghymru yn dilyn blynyddoedd o gyni, twf economaidd wedi'i lesteirio yn sgil COVID-19 a Brexit, a phrisiau cynyddol. Rydym yn gweld argyfwng tlodi bwyd yn deillio o'r dewisiadau gwleidyddol a'r methiannau systemig a grëwyd dros y pedwar degawd diwethaf gan ddod â ni at ymyl y dibyn mewn cynifer o'n cymunedau. A hyn, wrth gwrs, er bod Cymru'n rhan o'r DU, un o'r gwledydd cyfoethocaf yn y byd.
Yn 2017 a 2018, profodd bron i un o bob 10 o bobl yng Nghymru lefel isel o ddiogelwch bwyd, ac aeth 14 y cant o bobl yn brin o fwyd cyn y gallent fforddio prynu mwy. Canfu cynghrair tlodi bwyd de Cymru y byddai angen i aelwydydd ag incwm yn yr 20 y cant isaf yng Nghymru wario 36 y cant o'u hincwm i fodloni canllaw Bwyta'n Iach Llywodraeth y DU. Mae'n rhaid i fwy o bobl yng Nghymru newid eu harferion bwyta a phrynu am resymau ariannol na'r cyfartaledd yn y DU, ac mae lefelau ansicrwydd bwyd ymylol hefyd yn uwch yng Nghymru nag unrhyw wlad arall yn y DU. Mae ein system les, ein system ddiogelwch cymdeithasol, yn amlwg yn methu diogelu'r rhai mwyaf agored i niwed mewn cymdeithas drwy fethu darparu digon ar gyfer bwyd angenrheidiol i'r rhai sydd ei angen. Er mwyn mynd i'r afael yn iawn â thlodi bwyd, rhaid cael newid systemig. Nid yw cynyddu taliadau lles neu gymorth i fanciau bwyd yn mynd i'r afael ag achos sylfaenol y broblem nac yn rhoi'r urddas y mae ganddynt hawl iddo i bobl.
Os caf droi'n fyr at welliannau'r Ceidwadwyr am eiliad, ni fydd cael mwy o bobl mewn gwaith yn datrys y broblem os nad yw'r gwaith hwnnw'n dda neu'n deg. Mae mwy nag un rhan o bump o weithwyr Cymru yn ennill llai na'r cyflog byw go iawn, ac mewn rhai ardaloedd yn ne Cymru mae hyn yn codi i chwarter neu hyd yn oed i draean. Mae'r rhan fwyaf o bobl sy'n byw mewn tlodi yng Nghymru mewn gwaith ar hyn o bryd, ac roedd un o bob chwech o bobl a gafodd eu cyfeirio at fanciau bwyd Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yn y DU mewn gwaith, sy'n dangos nad yw cyflogaeth yn gallu gwarantu ffordd allan o dlodi. Mae'r gwelliant hefyd yn sôn am gynllun Kickstart Llywodraeth y DU ar gyfer pobl ifanc 16 i 24 oed sydd ar gredyd cynhwysol. Mae'n darparu cyllid i gyflogwyr i dalu'r isafswm cyflog cenedlaethol am chwe mis, ond yr isafswm cyflog cenedlaethol ar gyfer pobl ifanc 18 i 20 oed yw £6.56 yr awr. Sut y mae hyn i fod i helpu rhywun sy'n gadael gofal, er enghraifft, i ddechrau byw ar eu pen eu hunain a pheidio â phoeni o ble y daw eu pryd nesaf? Nid yw'n agos digon.
Ar fater plant a phobl ifanc, roeddwn am godi mater tlodi plant ac effaith tlodi bwyd ar blant. Bydd aelwydydd yng Nghymru sydd â phlant yn profi mwy o bwysau ariannol o gostau bwyd cynyddol a thlodi na'r rhai heb blant. Amcangyfrifodd y Sefydliad Bwyd fod deiet iach yn fwyfwy anfforddiadwy yn achos oddeutu 160,000 o blant yng Nghymru. Dair wythnos yn ôl, ar 17 Tachwedd, codais fater tlodi plant Cymru yn y Siambr hon, lle nodais fod 54,000 o barseli banciau bwyd wedi mynd i blant yng Nghymru dros y flwyddyn ariannol ddiwethaf, o'i gymharu â dim ond 35,000 yn ystod 2017 a 2018. Ar yr un gyfradd, o heddiw ymlaen, byddai mwy na 3,000 o barseli bwyd wedi mynd i blant yng Nghymru ers imi wneud y datganiad hwnnw. Ac mae hyn, wrth gwrs, yn rhagdybio nad yw'r sefyllfa wedi gwaethygu, ac mae llawer o ddangosyddion yn awgrymu y bydd yn parhau i wneud hynny.
Ddirprwy Lywydd, rwy'n gobeithio bod fy sylwadau wedi'u cymryd gan feinciau'r Ceidwadwyr fel rhai adeiladol ac nid fel rhai pleidiol, a dywedaf hyn oherwydd credaf fod hwn yn fater sy'n trosgynnu gwleidyddiaeth plaid. Yn wir, mae'n fater trawsbleidiol. Dylai pawb gael mynediad diogel at fwyd maethlon o safon. Credaf fod hynny'n rhywbeth y gall pob un ohonom gytuno arno, ni waeth beth fo'n credoau gwleidyddol. Dyna'n bendant yw athroniaeth Baobab Bach ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr, er enghraifft, ac athroniaeth Coleg Pen-y-bont ar Ogwr, sy'n darparu brecwast am ddim mewn ysgolion i'w myfyrwyr, a dyna yw athroniaeth sefydliadau cymunedol eraill sy'n gweithio ar dlodi bwyd ledled Cymru, ac mae pawb ohonom wedi ymweld â sawl un ohonynt ac wedi eu crybwyll cyn hyn yn y Siambr hon.
I gloi, rwyf am ddangos pwysigrwydd yr ymgyrch Hawl i Fwyd a'i natur drawsbleidiol, a thalu teyrnged i'r gwaith sydd eisoes ar y gweill yn San Steffan gan Beth Winter AS ac Ian Byrne AS, y cyfarfûm ag ef yn rhithwir mewn panel Cynulliad y Bobl ar yr union fater hwn. Mae'r ddau wedi bod yn gweithio ar draws y pleidiau i gael hyn ar yr agenda yn San Steffan, gan ennill cefnogaeth ASau Plaid Cymru, ASau'r SNP, ASau Llafur, ASau Ceidwadol, ASau'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol—ac rwy'n rhoi'r gorau iddi yn y fan honno gan fy mod yn credu bod yr Aelodau'n deall. Rwy'n gobeithio y gellir efelychu hynny yma yn y Senedd wrth gwrs. Y gwir amdani yw bod arnom ddyletswydd i'n holl etholwyr sy'n byw mewn tlodi bwyd bob dydd o'u bywydau i ddod at ein gilydd yma i ddatrys y broblem. Diolch.
Rwyf wedi dethol y tri gwelliant i'r cynnig. Galwaf ar Mark Isherwood i gynnig gwelliannau 1, 2 a 3, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Darren Millar.
I have selected the three amendments to the motion, and I call on Mark Isherwood to move amendments 1, 2 and 3, tabled in the name of Darren Millar.
Gwelliant 1—Darren Millar
Dileu pwynt 2 a rhoi yn ei le:
Yn credu bod gan bob person hawl i gyflenwad bwyd maethlon a digonol.
Amendment 1—Darren Millar
Delete point 2 and replace with:
Believes that every human being has a right to a nutritious and adequate food supply.
Gwelliant 2—Darren Millar
Dileu pwynt 4 a rhoi yn ei le:
Yn cydnabod ymhellach bod Llywodraeth y DU wedi cynyddu'r cyflog byw ac yn gwario dros £111 biliwn ar gymorth lles i bobl o oedran gweithio yn 2021/22.
Amendment 2—Darren Millar
Delete point 4 and replace with:
Further acknowledges that the UK Government has increased the living wage and is spending over £111 billion on welfare support for people of working age in 2021/22.
Gwelliant 3—Darren Millar
Ychwanegu pwynt newydd ar ddiwedd y cynnig:
Yn galw ymhellach ar Lywodraeth Cymru i weithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU i gyflawni ei chynllun swyddi gan gynnwys y rhaglen kickstart, gyda'r nod o greu swyddi llawn amser i leihau'r risg o dlodi.
Amendment 3—Darren Millar
Add as new point at end of motion:
Further calls on the Welsh Government to work with the UK Government in delivering its Plan for Jobs including the kickstart programme, aiming to create full-time jobs to reduce the risk of poverty.
Cynigiwyd gwelliannau 1, 2 a 3.
Amendments 1, 2 and 3 moved.
I move amendments 1, 2 and 3. As our amendment 1 states, every human being has a right to a nutritious and adequate food supply. Every day, people in Wales go hungry because they're in crisis. There are many reasons for this, including low income, debt, access to benefits, substance misuse and mental health.
As foodbank network the Trussell Trust state, statutory organisations are often not able to respond quickly enough to these needs, yet a short-term crisis can easily escalate into difficult and costly long-term problems such as housing loss or criminal activity. Having been made aware of the problem of hidden hunger by a local mother, the trust founders, Paddy and Carol Henderson, launched the first Trussell Trust foodbank from their garden shed in 2000. They went on to develop the principles that still hold firm today: all food should be donated, and volunteers should be entitled to administer the food and provide non-judgmental emotional support. The first associated foodbank was launched in Gloucester in 2004.
When I first met the Trussell Trust, well over a decade ago, they told me that their goal was to open new foodbanks in every UK town. I attended the opening of the Flintshire foodbank in Mold, the first Trussell Trust foodbank in Wales, nearly a decade ago. In 2014, the Trussell Trust launched an essential new programme, More Than Food, which brings other support services into foodbanks, partnering with other charities and services to offer advice on benefits, housing, budgeting, even legal advice. Alongside the Trussell Trust, the Independent Food Aid Network includes over 500 UK independent foodbanks, committed to a future in which good food is accessible to all. Bringing together the charitable, public and business sectors with communities, foodbanks provide a co-productive solution to an enduring issue.
In five months' time, Labour will have been running Wales for a quarter of a century. The Joseph Rowntree report on UK poverty published in December 2018 stated that of the four countries of the UK, Wales has consistently had the highest poverty rate for the past 20 years. Last November, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation's 'Poverty in Wales' report stated that
'Wales has lower pay for people in every sector than the rest of the UK'
and that
'Even before coronavirus, almost a quarter of people in Wales were in poverty.'
Research carried out for the UK End Child Poverty coalition published this May found that Wales has the worst child poverty rate of all the UK nations. Successive Labour Welsh Governments have failed to close the gap between the richest and poorest parts of Wales and between Wales and the rest of UK, despite having spent billions entrusted to them to tackle this on top-down programmes that did not do so. Had they done so, of course, they would have disqualified themselves from further funding.
In 2014, after another meeting with the Trussell Trust, I stated here that the trust
'told me that foodbanks are an expression of something that has been going on in the churches forever, namely feeding the hungry.'
But food poverty has been with us forever. It asked that we all worked together, putting aside whatever party political differences we may have, to focus on those in need. They told me that they would be putting this message to all parties and all agents. I pledged my support and I said to the Minister then, 'I urge you to do the same.'
UK Government measures, of course, include increasing the living wage, spending over £111 billion on welfare support for people of working age this financial year and delivering its plan for jobs, including the Kickstart programme aiming to create full-time jobs to reduce the risk of poverty. Our amendment 3 calls on the Welsh Government to work with the UK Government to deliver this in Wales. In addition, UK Research and Innovation, sponsored by the UK Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, has commissioned a research project on co-production of healthy, sustainable food systems for disadvantaged communities, led by Reading university. Working together with disadvantaged communities, this will establish effective methods for co-creation of policy, products and supply chains that can be implemented across the UK nations. As a result, every citizen will have the potential to make decisions about their food and will have access to a diet that is affordable, attractive, healthy and environmentally sustainable. We therefore call on the Welsh Government to ensure that the right to food is embedded in cross-governmental approaches to poverty. Diolch.
Rwy'n cynnig gwelliannau 1, 2 a 3. Fel y dywed ein gwelliant 1, mae gan bob person hawl i gyflenwad bwyd maethlon a digonol. Bob dydd, mae pobl yng Nghymru yn mynd yn llwglyd am eu bod mewn argyfwng. Mae llawer o resymau dros hyn, gan gynnwys incwm isel, dyled, mynediad at fudd-daliadau, camddefnyddio sylweddau ac iechyd meddwl.
Fel y mae rhwydwaith banciau bwyd Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yn datgan, yn aml ni fydd sefydliadau statudol yn gallu ymateb yn ddigon cyflym i'r anghenion hyn, ac eto gall argyfwng tymor byr waethygu'n hawdd i fod yn broblemau hirdymor anodd a chostus fel colli tai neu weithgaredd troseddol. Ar ôl cael gwybod am broblem newyn cudd gan fam leol, lansiodd sylfaenwyr yr ymddiriedolaeth, Paddy a Carol Henderson, fanc bwyd cyntaf Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell o'u sied yn yr ardd yn 2000. Aethant ymlaen i ddatblygu'r egwyddorion sy'n dal i fod yn gadarn heddiw: dylai'r holl fwyd fod wedi'i roi, a dylai gwirfoddolwyr fod â hawl i weinyddu'r bwyd a darparu cymorth emosiynol anfeirniadol. Lansiwyd y banc bwyd cysylltiedig cyntaf yng Nghaerloyw yn 2004.
Pan gyfarfûm ag Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell am y tro cyntaf, ymhell dros ddegawd yn ôl, roeddent yn dweud wrthyf mai eu nod oedd agor banciau bwyd newydd ym mhob tref yn y DU. Mynychais agoriad banc bwyd sir y Fflint yn yr Wyddgrug, banc bwyd cyntaf Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yng Nghymru, bron i ddegawd yn ôl. Yn 2014, lansiodd Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell raglen newydd hanfodol, More Than Food, sy'n dod â gwasanaethau cymorth eraill i mewn i fanciau bwyd, gan weithio mewn partneriaeth ag elusennau a gwasanaethau eraill i gynnig cyngor ar fudd-daliadau, tai, cyllidebu, a chyngor cyfreithiol hyd yn oed. Ochr yn ochr ag Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell, mae'r Rhwydwaith Cymorth Bwyd Annibynnol yn cynnwys dros 500 o fanciau bwyd annibynnol y DU, sydd wedi ymrwymo i ddyfodol lle mae bwyd da yn hygyrch i bawb. Gan ddod â'r sectorau elusennol, cyhoeddus a busnes ynghyd â chymunedau, mae banciau bwyd yn cynnig ateb cydgynhyrchiol i broblem barhaus.
Ymhen pum mis, bydd Llafur wedi bod yn rhedeg Cymru ers chwarter canrif. Nododd adroddiad Joseph Rowntree ar dlodi yn y DU a gyhoeddwyd ym mis Rhagfyr 2018 mai Cymru yw'r wlad sydd â'r gyfradd tlodi uchaf o bedair gwlad y DU a hynny'n gyson dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf. Fis Tachwedd diwethaf, nododd adroddiad 'Tlodi yng Nghymru' Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree fod
'cyflogau Cymru'n is i bobl ym mhob sector o'u cymharu gyda gweddill y DU'
a
'Hyd yn oed cyn y coronafeirws, roedd bron i chwarter y bobl yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi.'
Canfu ymchwil a wnaed ar ran cynghrair Dileu Tlodi Plant y DU ym mis Mai mai Cymru sydd â'r gyfradd tlodi plant waethaf o holl wledydd y DU. Mae Llywodraethau Llafur olynol yng Nghymru wedi methu cau'r bwlch rhwng y rhannau cyfoethocaf a thlotaf o Gymru a rhwng Cymru a gweddill y DU, er iddynt wario biliynau a roddwyd iddynt i fynd i'r afael â hyn ar raglenni o'r brig i lawr na lwyddodd i wneud hynny. Pe baent wedi gwneud hynny, wrth gwrs, byddent wedi anghymhwyso eu hunain rhag cael cyllid pellach.
Yn 2014, ar ôl cyfarfod arall gydag Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell, dywedais yma fod yr ymddiriedolaeth wedi dweud wrthyf
'fod banciau bwyd yn fynegiant o rywbeth sydd wedi bod yn digwydd yn yr eglwysi erioed, sef bwydo’r newynog.'
Ond mae tlodi bwyd wedi bod gyda ni erioed. Roedd yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i bob un ohonom weithio gyda'n gilydd, gan anghofio unrhyw wahaniaethau gwleidyddol a allai fod gennym, i ganolbwyntio ar y rhai mewn angen. Roeddent yn dweud wrthyf y byddent yn rhoi'r neges hon i bob plaid a phob asiant. Fe addawais eu cefnogi a dywedais wrth y Gweinidog ar y pryd, 'Rwy'n eich annog chi i wneud yr un peth.'
Mae mesurau Llywodraeth y DU, wrth gwrs, yn cynnwys cynyddu'r cyflog byw, gwario dros £111 biliwn ar gymorth lles i bobl oedran gweithio yn y flwyddyn ariannol hon a chyflawni ei chynllun swyddi, gan gynnwys y rhaglen Kickstart sy'n anelu at greu swyddi llawnamser i leihau'r risg o dlodi. Mae ein gwelliant 3 yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i weithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU i gyflawni hyn yng Nghymru. Yn ogystal, mae Ymchwil ac Arloesi yn y DU, a noddir gan Adran Busnes, Ynni a Strategaeth Ddiwydiannol y DU, wedi comisiynu prosiect ymchwil ar gydgynhyrchu systemau bwyd iach a chynaliadwy ar gyfer cymunedau difreintiedig, dan arweiniad Prifysgol Reading. Gan gydweithio â chymunedau difreintiedig, bydd hyn yn sefydlu dulliau effeithiol o gyd-greu polisïau, cynhyrchion a chadwyni cyflenwi y gellir eu gweithredu ledled gwledydd y DU. O ganlyniad, bydd gan bob dinesydd botensial i wneud penderfyniadau am eu bwyd a bydd ganddynt fynediad at ddeiet sy'n fforddiadwy, yn ddeniadol, yn iach ac yn amgylcheddol gynaliadwy. Felly, rydym yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i sicrhau bod yr hawl i fwyd yn rhan annatod o ddulliau trawslywodraethol o fynd i'r afael â thlodi. Diolch.
This is a terribly timely debate as we are in the grips of what is already a difficult winter. Citizens Advice figures show that one in five people have already cut back on their food shop in the last three months to save money. One in 10 anticipate having to access crisis support this winter, like foodbanks or fuel vouchers. Crisis support, that is, to help them have things that they need to stay alive, because food isn't a luxury, it's a fundamental necessity.
I'd like to focus a little on the mental health toll taken by hunger, because hunger doesn't just mark people physically, it isn't only measured in stunted growth or empty bellies; hunger starves people of happiness, it warps their self-esteem and it eats away at their potential. Hunger traps people in panic and distress as the constant worry about where the next meal is going to come from weighs down on a person's state of mind. It scars people psychologically and it can trigger exhaustion, embarrassment, guilt and shame.
This is a reality faced by frightening numbers of people in Wales. The 'Food Security in Wales' report showed that a fifth of our population worried about running out of food. In the past 12 months, 14 per cent of our population had run out of food before they could afford to buy more. Now, this debate focuses on the right to food, and along with food I'd package in the right to dignity and a life free from the worry about food. As the Trussell Trust's Susan Lloyd-Selby has said, no-one should face the indignity of needing emergency food. But too often in our society, poverty is instead paraded almost as a punishment.
Let's cast our minds back to last year, when the societal debate around free school meals in England made headlines, and pictures of the measly portions afforded to children in some local authorities were shared on social media. We saw halved peppers in clingfilm, handfuls of tuna or pasta in paltry little plastic bags. It seemed for all the world as though the people putting the packages together must have been instructed to limit any chance that other people in the child's family could benefit from those packages. Why else put in part of a vegetable, or open a tin of tuna and scoop out only half? It would have taken an effort to be that cruel. It would have taken time to methodically measure the exact amount of compassion and support that was afforded to each child with those parcels, limiting everything, keeping a cap on that kindness. And what message did it send? Because free school meals and food generally isn't just about nutrition. As important as that is, it should also be about a sense of plenty, of not scraping through and getting just enough to just about manage. It should be about delighting in food—not gorging or gluttony, but having enough, feeling complete.
Our relationships with food are complicated. It can be a comfort when there's enough, but it can be a menace and a torment when there isn't. The children's future food inquiry quotes Siobhan Clifford, a headteacher, in saying that children tell you about
'pains in their stomach…about going to bed hungry...headaches…tiredness…and the distorted relationship with food that that creates'.
Some children end up stealing food from the bins that other children have thrown away. There shouldn't be that dividing line that sets out that some people can have more food than they need whilst others struggle to be sustained. Environmentally, economically, socially and morally it makes no sense. It results perversely in both food waste and wanton food scarcity. Those children stealing from bins.
Dirprwy Lywydd, we need to look at our supply chains, create an affordable, sustainable food system fit for future generations, supporting local markets, co-operatives, community retailers, processors, distributors that work together to ensure high quality food standards. But whilst we're developing those supply chains, let's look as well at the links that bind us, the stock we keep of decency. No-one should go to bed hungry or driven to despair through worrying about where their meals come from. In twenty-first century Wales or in any country, it's a blight that shouldn't exist.
Mae hon yn ddadl ofnadwy o amserol gan ein bod yng nghrafangau gaeaf anodd eisoes. Mae ffigurau Cyngor ar Bopeth yn dangos bod un o bob pump o bobl eisoes wedi torri'n ôl ar eu siopa bwyd yn ystod y tri mis diwethaf i arbed arian. Mae un o bob 10 yn rhagweld y bydd yn rhaid cael cymorth argyfwng y gaeaf hwn, fel banciau bwyd neu dalebau tanwydd. Cymorth argyfwng, hynny yw, i'w helpu i gael pethau y maent eu hangen i aros yn fyw, oherwydd nid moethusrwydd yw bwyd, ond anghenraid sylfaenol.
Hoffwn ganolbwyntio ychydig ar yr effaith a gaiff newyn bwyd ar iechyd meddwl, oherwydd nid yn gorfforol yn unig y mae newyn yn effeithio ar bobl, nid yn unig drwy gyfyngu ar dwf pobl neu drwy stumog wag; mae newyn yn llwgu pobl o hapusrwydd, mae'n crebachu eu hunan-barch ac mae'n erydu eu potensial. Mae newyn yn caethiwo pobl mewn panig a gofid wrth i'r pryder cyson ynglŷn ag o ble y daw'r pryd nesaf bwyso ar gyflwr meddwl person. Mae'n creithio pobl yn seicolegol a gall sbarduno blinder, embaras, euogrwydd a chywilydd.
Dyma'r realiti sy'n wynebu niferoedd brawychus o bobl yng Nghymru. Dangosodd adroddiad 'Food Security in Wales' fod un rhan o bump o'n poblogaeth yn poeni ynglŷn â rhedeg allan o fwyd. Yn ystod y 12 mis diwethaf, roedd 14 y cant o'n poblogaeth wedi rhedeg allan o fwyd cyn y gallent fforddio prynu mwy. Nawr, mae'r ddadl hon yn canolbwyntio ar yr hawl i fwyd, ac ynghyd â bwyd, byddwn yn cynnwys yr hawl i urddas a bywyd heb bryder am fwyd. Fel y dywedodd Susan Lloyd-Selby o Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell, ni ddylai neb wynebu'r diffyg urddas a ddaw yn sgil bod angen bwyd argyfwng. Ond yn rhy aml yn ein cymdeithas, yn lle hynny, mae tlodi'n cael ei ddarlunio bron fel cosb.
Gadewch inni atgoffa ein hunain am y llynedd, pan oedd y ddadl gymdeithasol ynghylch prydau ysgol am ddim yn Lloegr yn y penawdau, a rhannwyd lluniau o'r dognau tila a roddwyd i blant mewn rhai awdurdodau lleol ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol. Gwelsom bupurau wedi'u torri yn hanner mewn cling ffilm, dyrnaid o diwna neu basta mewn bagiau plastig bach pitw. Roedd yn ymddangos i'r byd i gyd fel pe bai'r bobl a roddai'r pecynnau at ei gilydd wedi cael cyfarwyddyd i gyfyngu ar unrhyw obaith y gallai pobl eraill yng nheulu'r plentyn elwa o'r pecynnau hynny. Pa reswm arall dros roi rhan o lysieuyn, neu agor tun o diwna a thynnu dim ond ei hanner allan? Byddai wedi galw am ymdrech i fod mor greulon â hynny. Byddai wedi cymryd amser i fesur yn drefnus union faint o dosturi a chymorth a gâi pob plentyn gyda'r parseli hynny, gan gyfyngu ar bopeth, cadw cap ar y caredigrwydd hwnnw. A pha neges a roddai hynny? Oherwydd nid mater o faeth yn unig yw prydau ysgol a bwyd am ddim fel y cyfryw. Er mor bwysig yw hynny, dylai hefyd ymwneud ag ymdeimlad o ddigon, o beidio crafu byw a chael dim ond digon i allu ymdopi'n unig. Dylai ymwneud â chael mwynhad o fwyd—nid gorfwyta na thrachwant, ond cael digon, teimlo'n gyflawn.
Mae ein perthynas â bwyd yn gymhleth. Mae'n gallu bod yn gysur pan fydd digon, ond gall fod yn fygythiad ac yn artaith pan nad oes digon. Mae'r ymchwiliad i fwyd plant yn y dyfodol yn dyfynnu Siobhan Clifford, pennaeth, sy'n dweud bod plant yn dweud wrthych am
'boenau yn eu stumog... am fynd i'r gwely'n teimlo'n llwglyd... cur pen... blinder... a'r berthynas wyrdroëdig â bwyd y mae hynny'n ei greu'.
Mae rhai plant yn dwyn bwyd o finiau y mae plant eraill wedi taflu bwyd iddynt. Ni ddylid cael llinell sy'n rhannu rhwng pobl sy'n gallu cael mwy o fwyd nag sydd ei angen arnynt tra bod eraill yn ei chael hi'n anodd cael digon i'w cynnal. Yn amgylcheddol, yn economaidd, yn gymdeithasol ac yn foesol nid yw'n gwneud unrhyw synnwyr. Mae'n arwain yn wrthnysig at wastraff bwyd ac at brinder bwyd direswm. Y plant hynny sy'n dwyn o finiau.
Ddirprwy Lywydd, mae angen inni edrych ar ein cadwyni cyflenwi, creu system fwyd fforddiadwy a chynaliadwy sy'n addas ar gyfer cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, cefnogi marchnadoedd lleol, cwmnïau cydweithredol, manwerthwyr cymunedol, proseswyr, dosbarthwyr sy'n gweithio gyda'i gilydd i sicrhau safonau bwyd o ansawdd uchel. Ond tra byddwn yn datblygu'r cadwyni cyflenwi hynny, gadewch inni edrych hefyd ar y cysylltiadau sy'n ein rhwymo, y sylw a roddwn i urddas. Ni ddylai neb fynd i'r gwely'n llwglyd na chael eu gyrru i anobaith drwy boeni o ble y daw eu prydau bwyd. Yng Nghymru, neu mewn unrhyw wlad yn yr unfed ganrif ar hugain, mae'n falltod na ddylai fodoli.
Food poverty exists. It certainly exists in east Swansea. What has surprised me has been foodbanks starting up in what I always thought of as the rich suburbs of west Swansea. Of the eight wards in Swansea East, six of them have foodbanks. The two that do not are very close to foodbanks in the neighbouring areas. The use of foodbanks was increasing before the COVID-19 pandemic, has effectively doubled during the pandemic, and all indications are that this situation will continue to get worse. Foodbanks in Swansea are recent; that is, mainly post 2010. Most are run by religious organisations—churches, chapels and the mosque—and others are run by people in the community who care for those around them. They have no other need than to try and help those less fortunate than themselves.
Since 2010, there's been a huge growth in foodbanks and the numbers attending. Part of this is driven by the gig economy and irregular hours. When you're working 30 and 40 hours a week and you're just about managing, when you go down to seven hours a week you're just about not managing. Of course, being ill is not allowed. That's why so many people have been unwilling to isolate during COVID. Their children would go hungry if they isolated, and that's been a problem that has not been addressed.
If I had, 40 years ago, told my 21-year-old self that people would be going hungry in Wales, and that foodbanks were coming as the new soup kitchens, I would not have believed that could happen. I'd have said, 'Really, you don't mean 2021—you mean 1821'. People going hungry; remember those on the right who said, 'We didn't have poverty in this country, everything was okay, no-one is going hungry'. Well, that's changed, hasn't it? People are now food hungry. The cruel cut in universal benefit has made matters a lot worse for many families. I'll record a few examples of food poverty. The mother who had not eaten for three days so that her children could eat, who on being given food at a foodbank immediately opened and ate a tin of beans. The woman who told me that a way to keep your stomach full was to eat toilet paper, or other paper, which would then fill you up. Or someone asking at the foodbank for no food that needs heating because they cannot afford to heat it up. Welcome to twenty-first century Wales.
It could have been different if the Lib Dems had decided to side with Labour and not the Conservatives in 2010, bringing in a decade of austerity. And 'austerity' is such a neutral word. What is has meant is many going cold and hungry. That's why many of us have been asking for free school meals to be expanded into the summer holiday. That's why many of us have been asking for the expansion of free school meals to primary school pupils, except those in fee-paying schools.
Finally, I donate and collect for the local foodbanks, and I thank the South Wales Evening Post for publishing my requests, and can I also thank all those people who give to help others? However, I look forward to a society where foodbanks are not needed, where no-one goes hungry. I've been told that this is a bizarre new utopia. I have said it isn't—it was what the 1960s and 1970s Wales that I grew up in was like, and I hope that we move back to that as soon as possible.
Mae tlodi bwyd yn bodoli. Mae'n sicr yn bodoli yn nwyrain Abertawe. Yr hyn sydd wedi fy synnu yw banciau bwyd yn dechrau yn yr hyn roeddwn i bob amser yn meddwl amdanynt fel maestrefi cyfoethog gorllewin Abertawe. O'r wyth ward yn Nwyrain Abertawe, mae gan chwech ohonynt fanciau bwyd. Mae'r ddwy sydd heb rai yn agos iawn at fanciau bwyd yn yr ardaloedd cyfagos. Roedd y defnydd o fanciau bwyd yn cynyddu cyn y pandemig COVID-19, mae wedi dyblu i bob pwrpas yn ystod y pandemig, ac mae'r holl arwyddion yn awgrymu y bydd y sefyllfa hon yn parhau i waethygu. Mae banciau bwyd yn Abertawe yn bethau diweddar; hynny yw, ar ôl 2010 yn bennaf. Mae'r rhan fwyaf yn cael eu rhedeg gan sefydliadau crefyddol—eglwysi, capeli a'r mosg—ac mae eraill yn cael eu rhedeg gan bobl yn y gymuned sy'n gofalu am y bobl o'u cwmpas. Eu hunig gymhelliad yw ceisio helpu'r rhai sy'n llai ffodus na hwy eu hunain.
Ers 2010, bu twf enfawr yn nifer y banciau bwyd a'r niferoedd sy'n eu mynychu. Caiff peth o hyn ei yrru gan yr economi gìg ac oriau afreolaidd. Pan fyddwch chi'n gweithio 30 a 40 awr yr wythnos a'ch bod chi'n llwyddo i ymdopi o drwch blewyn, pan ewch i lawr i saith awr yr wythnos ni fyddwch yn llwyddo i ymdopi. Wrth gwrs, ni chaniateir i chi fod yn sâl. Dyna pam y mae cynifer o bobl wedi bod yn amharod i hunanynysu yn ystod COVID. Byddai eu plant yn mynd yn llwglyd pe baent yn hunanynysu, ac mae hynny wedi bod yn broblem nad yw wedi cael sylw.
Pe bawn i, 40 mlynedd yn ôl, wedi dweud wrthyf fy hun yn 21 oed y byddai pobl yn mynd yn llwglyd yng Nghymru, a bod banciau bwyd yn dod fel y ceginau cawl newydd, ni fyddwn wedi credu y gallai hynny ddigwydd. Byddwn wedi dweud, 'O ddifrif, nid 2021 rydych chi'n ei feddwl—1821 rydych chi'n ei feddwl'. Pobl yn mynd yn llwglyd; cofiwch y rhai ar y dde a ddywedodd, 'Nid oedd gennym dlodi yn y wlad hon, roedd popeth yn iawn, nid oes neb yn mynd yn llwglyd'. Wel, mae hynny wedi newid, onid yw? Mae pobl bellach yn llwglyd o eisiau bwyd. Mae'r toriad creulon yn y credyd cynhwysol wedi gwneud pethau'n llawer gwaeth i lawer o deuluoedd. Fe gofnodaf rai enghreifftiau o dlodi bwyd. Y fam nad oedd wedi bwyta ers tridiau fel y gallai ei phlant fwyta, a ddechreuodd agor a bwyta tun o ffa pob ar unwaith wedi iddi ei gael mewn banc bwyd. Y fenyw a ddywedodd wrthyf mai un ffordd o gadw'ch stumog yn llawn oedd bwyta papur toiled, neu bapur arall, a fyddai wedyn yn eich llenwi. Neu rywun yn gofyn yn y banc bwyd am fwyd nad oedd angen ei gynhesu am na allent fforddio ei gynhesu. Croeso i Gymru'r unfed ganrif ar hugain.
Gallai fod wedi bod yn wahanol pe bai'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol wedi penderfynu ochri gyda Llafur ac nid y Ceidwadwyr yn 2010, a chyflwyno degawd o gyni. Ac mae 'cyni' yn air mor niwtral. Yr hyn y mae wedi'i olygu yw llawer o bobl yn oer ac yn llwglyd. Dyna pam y mae llawer ohonom wedi bod yn gofyn am ymestyn y ddarpariaeth o brydau ysgol am ddim dros wyliau'r haf. Dyna pam y mae llawer ohonom wedi bod yn gofyn am ymestyn y ddarpariaeth o brydau ysgol am ddim i ddisgyblion ysgol gynradd, ac eithrio'r rhai mewn ysgolion sy'n talu ffioedd.
Yn olaf, rwy'n rhoi ac yn casglu i'r banciau bwyd lleol, ac rwy'n diolch i'r South Wales Evening Post am gyhoeddi fy ngheisiadau, ac a gaf fi ddiolch hefyd i'r holl bobl sy'n rhoi er mwyn helpu eraill? Fodd bynnag, edrychaf ymlaen at gymdeithas lle nad oes angen banciau bwyd, lle nad oes neb yn mynd yn llwglyd. Dywedwyd wrthyf mai iwtopia newydd rhyfedd yw hynny. Rwyf wedi dweud nad yw hynny'n wir—dyma sut oedd hi yng Nghymru'r 1960au a'r 1970au y cefais fy magu ynddynt, ac rwy'n gobeithio y byddwn yn symud yn ôl at hynny cyn gynted â phosibl.
It's a desperate situation where access to food is out of reach for many people in one of the wealthiest countries in the world. I welcome the commitment to free school meals in the co-operation agreement. I also welcome the commitment of the Government to universal basic income. A report published by the Future Generations Commissioner for Wales found that universal basic income would decrease overall poverty rates in Wales by 50 per cent, and child poverty would decrease by 64 per cent, bringing it to a rate of under 10 per cent. That's down from its current position at 28 per cent.
In preparing for this debate, I learned about food deserts, which actually describe one in five communities in Wales. If you live in a food desert, you will find it difficult to access affordable, fresh food. That could be because you're reliant on smaller shops which are local, which are obviously known to charge more for the same products. That's because you can't access reliable public transport. And that's the same in rural areas like Pembrokeshire or Ceredigion as it is in urban Cardiff.
And food poverty and food insecurity will be all the worse because of Brexit. Our farmers and our food producers are committed to producing good quality food, but they need support, not deals with Australia, which will deliver poor quality food. The situation is not just about food poverty. It's also a combination of Brexit, COVID and also climate change, and deep social inequalities, regional insecurities, and economic austerity and recession. This all means that those families already facing huge financial pressures, reliant on foodbanks, without access to fresh food, paying more in small local shops, will be hit hardest by the Conservatives' bad Brexit deal. It's going to spell trouble for families facing a cost-of-living crisis already; and for our food systems, it means that they are being undermined; for our retailers, who have had to have their calls to building greater stability ignored by Westminster. So, like last week, I'm going to urge the Welsh Government to go further and faster on ideas like universal basic income and a debt bonfire, to ease immediate pressures on families, as well as looking at what can be done to build food security and access to food into policies and planning in the longer term. I welcome the cross-governmental policy approach, in this motion, to food poverty, and I would also welcome a cross-party approach. The Trussell Trust's phrase is,
'We will create a UK without the need for food banks'.
And that's what we should all aim for. Thank you. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Mae'n sefyllfa enbyd lle mae mynediad at fwyd allan o gyrraedd llawer o bobl yn un o wledydd cyfoethocaf y byd. Rwy'n croesawu'r ymrwymiad i brydau ysgol am ddim yn y cytundeb cydweithio. Rwyf hefyd yn croesawu ymrwymiad y Llywodraeth i incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol. Canfu adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd gan Gomisiynydd Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol Cymru y byddai incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol yn gostwng cyfraddau tlodi cyffredinol yng Nghymru 50 y cant, a byddai tlodi plant yn gostwng 64 y cant, gan ddod â'r gyfradd islaw 10 y cant, i lawr o'i lefel bresennol, sef 28 y cant.
Wrth baratoi ar gyfer y ddadl hon, dysgais am anialwch bwyd, sy'n disgrifio un o bob pum cymuned yng Nghymru mewn gwirionedd. Os ydych chi'n byw mewn anialwch bwyd, byddwch yn ei chael hi'n anodd cael gafael ar fwyd fforddiadwy, ffres. Gallai hynny fod oherwydd eich bod yn ddibynnol ar siopau llai sy'n lleol, y gwyddys eu bod yn codi mwy am yr un cynhyrchion wrth gwrs, a hynny am na allwch gael mynediad at drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus ddibynadwy. Ac mae hynny yr un fath mewn ardaloedd gwledig fel sir Benfro neu Geredigion ag yng Nghaerdydd ddinesig.
A bydd tlodi bwyd ac ansicrwydd bwyd yn waeth byth oherwydd Brexit. Mae ein ffermwyr a'n cynhyrchwyr bwyd wedi ymrwymo i gynhyrchu bwyd o ansawdd da, ond maent angen cefnogaeth, nid cytundebau ag Awstralia, a fydd yn arwain at fwyd o ansawdd gwael. Nid yw'r sefyllfa'n ymwneud â thlodi bwyd yn unig. Mae hefyd yn gyfuniad o Brexit, COVID a newid hinsawdd, ac anghydraddoldebau cymdeithasol dwfn, ansicrwydd rhanbarthol, a chyni economaidd a dirwasgiad. Mae hyn i gyd yn golygu mai'r teuluoedd sydd eisoes yn wynebu pwysau ariannol enfawr, teuluoedd sy'n dibynnu ar fanciau bwyd, heb fynediad at fwyd ffres, sy'n talu mwy mewn siopau bach lleol, a fydd yn cael eu taro galetaf gan gytundeb Brexit gwael y Ceidwadwyr. Mae'n mynd i olygu trafferthion i deuluoedd sy'n wynebu argyfwng costau byw yn barod; i'n systemau bwyd, mae'n golygu eu bod yn cael eu tanseilio; i'n manwerthwyr, sydd wedi gorfod cael eu galwadau am adeiladu mwy o sefydlogrwydd wedi'u hanwybyddu gan San Steffan. Felly, fel yr wythnos diwethaf, rwy'n mynd i annog Llywodraeth Cymru i fynd ymhellach ac yn gyflymach ar syniadau fel incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol a choelcerth dyledion, er mwyn lleddfu'r pwysau uniongyrchol ar deuluoedd, yn ogystal ag edrych ar yr hyn y gellir ei wneud i adeiladu diogelwch bwyd a mynediad at fwyd i mewn i bolisïau a chynlluniau yn fwy hirdymor. Rwy'n croesawu'r dull o weithredu polisi trawslywodraethol, yn y cynnig hwn, ar dlodi bwyd, a byddwn hefyd yn croesawu dull trawsbleidiol o weithredu. Ymadrodd Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yw,
'Rydym yn mynd i greu DU lle nad oes angen banciau bwyd'.
A dyna y dylem i gyd anelu ato. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Daeth y Llywydd i’r Gadair.
The Llywydd took the Chair.
Hear hear, Jane Dodds. I completely agree with your final sentiment there. As we are all too aware from our own constituencies and regions, foodbank usage had been increasing for years prior to the pandemic, with the Trussell Trust reporting that the demand for foodbanks in their network increased 128 per cent between 2015 and 2020. During the pandemic, this has rapidly and significantly increased, with the Trussell Trust reporting an increase of 11 per cent in demand between 1 April 2021 and 30 September 2021, compared to the same period in 2019. In Wales, the Trussell Trust distributed over 145,828 emergency three-day food parcels to households in Wales over the past financial year. Let that figure sink in: 145,828 emergency three-day food parcels over the course of one year here in Wales.
In my own region of South Wales Central, I'd like to give just a few examples. Taff-Ely foodbank recently shared that from April to September, they gave out 1,163 foodbank parcels, and that 397 of these were for children. In October, the Vale foodbank noted that it had been open for 10 years, and during that time had provided 36,000 food parcels to local people in crisis. And please note the word 'noted', rather than 'celebrated' reaching this milestone, as there is nothing to celebrate in the fact that foodbanks have had to become so commonplace throughout Wales. I would hope that we are all united in the view that under no circumstances should foodbanks become an institutionalised fixture of Welsh society.
These figures alone do not fully explain the scale of foodbank use in Wales, as the figures only relate to foodbanks in the Trussell Trust network, and not the hundreds of independent food aid providers and community groups also providing support, such as Rhondda Foodshare and the community pantry in Cilfynydd. And isn't is cruelly ironic that whilst 200,000 children and their families go hungry in Wales, we simultaneously have a huge issue with food waste, with approximately 500,000 tonnes of food wasted here in Wales annually? Globally, it is estimated that this is 1.3 billion tonnes of food wasted or lost each year—a third of all the total food produced for humans. I was horrified to read in a recent article in The National by Leanne Wood that at a recent meeting held between UK Government Ministers and major supermarkets, Tesco admitted that 50 tonnes of edible food was being binned every week due to driver shortages.
Whilst previous Welsh Government initiatives have successfully helped to reduce food waste, I'm sure we all agree that there is more to do, and measures the Welsh Government could explore to tackle the issue include encouraging all Welsh businesses to commit to target, measure and act on food waste; urging businesses in Wales to demonstrate their social responsibility by signing the Courtauld 2024 commitment to tackle food waste and support redistribution; and also, we could include food waste as a factor in the Welsh Government's economic contract.
I'd like to conclude my contribution this afternoon with a reflection on why I'm supporting today's motion. Whilst dropping off a few donations to a foodbank—something all of us have undoubtedly done—can be a visible demonstration of support to tackle food insecurity and hunger, as politicians, this isn't enough. Today's motion commits all of us to do all that is in our power to ensure that everyone has access to nutritious food to eat. No-one should be going hungry in Wales in 2021. Neither should food aid be replacing the dignity and choice afforded to those on higher incomes, such as ourselves. Whilst thanking foodbanks and their volunteers for all that they do, let us also commit today to working to ensure that they do not need to exist. That will be a time to celebrate.
Clywch clywch, Jane Dodds. Cytunaf yn llwyr â'ch safbwynt terfynol yno. Fel rydym i gyd yn gwybod o'n hetholaethau a'n rhanbarthau ein hunain, roedd y defnydd o fanciau bwyd wedi bod yn cynyddu ers blynyddoedd cyn y pandemig, gydag Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yn dweud bod y galw am fanciau bwyd yn eu rhwydwaith wedi cynyddu 128 y cant rhwng 2015 a 2020. Yn ystod y pandemig, mae hyn wedi cynyddu'n gyflym ac yn sylweddol, gydag Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yn nodi cynnydd o 11 y cant yn y galw rhwng 1 Ebrill 2021 a 30 Medi 2021, o'i gymharu â'r un cyfnod yn 2019. Yng Nghymru, dosbarthodd Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell dros 145,828 o barseli bwyd argyfwng tri diwrnod i aelwydydd yng Nghymru dros y flwyddyn ariannol ddiwethaf. Gadewch i'r ffigur hwnnw suddo i mewn: 145,828 o barseli bwyd argyfwng tri diwrnod mewn un flwyddyn yma yng Nghymru.
Yn fy rhanbarth i yng Nghanol De Cymru, hoffwn roi rhai enghreifftiau. Rhannodd banc bwyd Taf-Elái yn ddiweddar eu bod wedi rhoi 1,163 o barseli banc bwyd allan, a bod 397 o'r rhain ar gyfer plant. Ym mis Hydref, nododd banc bwyd y Fro ei fod wedi bod ar agor ers 10 mlynedd, ac yn ystod y cyfnod hwnnw roedd wedi darparu 36,000 o barseli bwyd i bobl leol mewn argyfwng. A nodwch y gair 'nodi', yn hytrach na 'dathlu' cyrraedd y garreg filltir hon, gan nad oes dim i'w ddathlu yn y ffaith bod banciau bwyd wedi gorfod dod mor gyffredin ledled Cymru. Byddwn yn gobeithio ein bod i gyd yn unedig yn y farn na ddylai banciau bwyd, o dan unrhyw amgylchiadau, ddod yn rhan sefydliadol o gymdeithas Cymru.
Nid yw'r ffigurau hyn ar eu pen eu hunain yn egluro maint y defnydd o fanciau bwyd yng Nghymru yn llawn, gan fod y ffigurau ond yn ymwneud â banciau bwyd yn rhwydwaith Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell, ac nid y cannoedd o ddarparwyr cymorth bwyd annibynnol a grwpiau cymunedol sydd hefyd yn darparu cymorth, megis Rhondda Foodshare a'r pantri cymunedol yng Nghilfynydd. Ac er bod 200,000 o blant a'u teuluoedd yn mynd yn llwglyd yng Nghymru, onid yw'n greulon o eironig fod gennym broblem enfawr ar yr un pryd gyda gwastraff bwyd, gyda thua 500,000 tunnell o fwyd yn cael ei wastraffu yma yng Nghymru bob blwyddyn? Yn fyd-eang, amcangyfrifir bod hyn yn 1.3 biliwn tunnell o fwyd sy'n cael ei wastraffu neu ei golli bob blwyddyn—traean o gyfanswm y bwyd a gynhyrchir ar gyfer pobl. Roeddwn yn arswydo wrth ddarllen mewn erthygl ddiweddar yn The National gan Leanne Wood fod Tesco, mewn cyfarfod diweddar a gynhaliwyd rhwng Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU ac archfarchnadoedd mawr, wedi cyfaddef bod 50 tunnell o fwyd bwytadwy yn cael ei daflu bob wythnos oherwydd prinder gyrwyr.
Er bod mentrau blaenorol Llywodraeth Cymru wedi llwyddo i helpu i leihau gwastraff bwyd, rwy'n siŵr ein bod i gyd yn cytuno bod mwy i'w wneud, ac mae mesurau y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru eu harchwilio i fynd i'r afael â'r broblem yn cynnwys annog pob busnes yng Nghymru i ymrwymo i dargedu, mesur a gweithredu ar wastraff bwyd; annog busnesau yng Nghymru i ddangos eu cyfrifoldeb cymdeithasol drwy lofnodi ymrwymiad Courtauld 2024 i fynd i'r afael â gwastraff bwyd a chefnogi ailddosbarthu; a hefyd, gallem gynnwys gwastraff bwyd fel ffactor yng nghontract economaidd Llywodraeth Cymru.
Hoffwn gloi fy nghyfraniad y prynhawn yma drwy ystyried pam rwy'n cefnogi'r cynnig heddiw. Er y gall gollwng ychydig o roddion i fanc bwyd—rhywbeth y mae pob un ohonom wedi'i wneud yn ddi-os—fod yn arwydd gweladwy o gefnogaeth i fynd i'r afael ag ansicrwydd a newyn bwyd, fel gwleidyddion nid yw hyn yn ddigon. Mae'r cynnig heddiw yn ymrwymo pob un ohonom i wneud popeth yn ein gallu i sicrhau bod gan bawb fynediad at fwyd maethlon i'w fwyta. Ni ddylai neb fod yn llwglyd yng Nghymru yn 2021. Ni ddylai cymorth bwyd ychwaith ddisodli'r urddas a'r dewis a roddir i'r rhai ar incwm uwch, fel ni ein hunain. Wrth ddiolch i fanciau bwyd a'u gwirfoddolwyr am bopeth a wnânt, gadewch inni ymrwymo heddiw hefyd i weithio i sicrhau nad oes angen iddynt fodoli. Bydd honno'n adeg i ddathlu.
I speak in support of the main motion, backing the right to food. The right to food was set out in the United Nations international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights, which the UK Government ratified way back in 1976, and it says:
'The right to adequate food is realized when every man, woman and child, alone or in community with others, has physical and economic access at all times to adequate food or means for its procurement'.
It goes on to say that achieving food security for all is therefore a prerequisite for the realisation of this human right. On this definition—this legal definition—we are failing in the duties under the UN covenant on the right to food, as the growth in foodbanks is testament.
Back in 2010, when I was an MP, when Labour was then in Government, there was one foodbank operating in my constituency of Ogmore—one. It was in Bethel Baptist Church in Pontyclun. We now have foodbanks in every single community. Statistics from the Trussell Trust network highlight the growing demand for foodbanks since 2010 and the age of austerity. And over the past couple of years, it has deepened further by the impact of the pandemic. Some will say, as we've heard here today, that the growth in foodbanks in Ogmore and across the UK is, indeed, testimony to the generosity of volunteers and donations from the public. It undoubtedly is. But let's not hide from the fact that this is also a terrible, terrible, terrible indictment of a decade of punishing, punitive austerity and welfare policies that force the vulnerable, including working families, to rely on foodbanks. And it's a continuing failure, which has been made worse during the pandemic. Anyone who volunteers in a foodbank will say, 'This is a signal of failure by political leaders that they exist at all.' They have to be there; they do not want to be there.
Last year, the Trussell Trust provided its latest report, as has been referred to. It showed the deepening impact of the pandemic on those already devastated by a decade of austerity and social security cuts and diminished support for the low paid. It was bad enough through the 2010s, but foodbanks are now providing 130 per cent more emergency food parcels than they were five years ago. Distribution of emergency food parcels increased by a third on the previous year alone, with 2.5 million emergency food parcels in the twenty-first century distributed to people in crisis over the year. In Wales, the increase is up from nearly 88,000 five years ago to 146,000 emergency food parcels in Wales this year. It's an average of two parcels per minute distributed to families with children—a year-on-year increase of 36 per cent. In Wales, one parcel was given to a family every 10 minutes. This is a disgrace. And this is a tiny part of the whole sorry picture. Not included, as has been mentioned, are the additional over 500 independent food aid providers supported through the Independent Food Aid Network, as well as a range of community food providers also seeing similar patterns. Now, we don't have all the levers at our disposal in Welsh Government to solve this deepening problem, but we do have powerful tools that can help fill the hunger gap left by UK-wide policies.
The additional £52 million funding from Welsh Government to ensure that eligible pupils receive provision in lieu of their usual free school meals whilst not able to attend school during the pandemic—that really helped, and I saw it on the ground in my own constituency. The additional £5 million for the school holiday enrichment programme too—I've visited those schemes in my own patch; I've seen them work and I've seen the good they do. I recently visited Big Bocs Bwyd—the BBB project—which covers the Valleys taskforce area. It's helping children develop an early understanding of healthy food choices, whilst providing affordably priced food to families in communities in need of support. We can see this in places like Garth school in the Llynfi valley in my constituency; it's making a positive difference already.
Of course, as has been mentioned, we welcome the announcement in the co-operation agreement between the Welsh Government and Plaid Cymru to put in place arrangements over the next few years to provide a nutritious free school meal to all primary school pupils in Wales—all of them—so that no child should ever be at school hungry, and the Welsh Government's support in my own patch for the incredible food pantry initiative in my area and other parts of the Valleys, delivering thousands of bags of affordable food to residents in Bridgend.
We need the UK Government to play their part; otherwise, we are always swimming against a tide that sweeps away the vulnerable and the low paid. But there is no doubt that we can also do much ourselves through an active Welsh Government, focused on food poverty as well as overall poverty, and the support of this Senedd. Let's make the right to food real for all.
Rwy'n siarad i gefnogi'r prif gynnig, sy'n cefnogi'r hawl i fwyd. Nodwyd yr hawl i fwyd yng nghyfamod rhyngwladol y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar hawliau economaidd, cymdeithasol a diwylliannol, a gadarnhawyd gan Lywodraeth y DU yn ôl yn 1976, ac mae'n dweud:
'Gwireddir yr hawl i fwyd digonol pan fydd gan bob dyn, menyw a phlentyn, ar ei ben ei hun neu yn y gymuned gydag eraill, fynediad ffisegol ac economaidd bob amser at fwyd digonol neu fodd o'i gaffael'.
Mae'n mynd ymlaen i ddweud bod sicrhau diogelwch bwyd i bawb felly yn rhagofyniad ar gyfer gwireddu'r hawl ddynol hon. Ar y diffiniad hwn—y diffiniad cyfreithiol hwn—rydym yn methu yn y dyletswyddau o dan gyfamod y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar yr hawl i fwyd, fel y mae'r cynnydd yn nifer y banciau bwyd yn tystio.
Yn ôl yn 2010, pan oeddwn yn AS, pan oedd Llafur mewn grym, roedd un banc bwyd yn gweithredu yn fy etholaeth i, sef Ogwr—un. Roedd wedi'i leoli yn Eglwys y Bedyddwyr Bethel ym Mhont-y-clun. Erbyn hyn mae gennym fanciau bwyd ym mhob cymuned. Mae ystadegau o rwydwaith Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell yn tynnu sylw at y galw cynyddol am fanciau bwyd ers 2010 ac oes cyni. A thros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf, mae wedi dyfnhau ymhellach yn sgil effaith y pandemig. Bydd rhai'n dweud, fel y clywsom yma heddiw, fod y cynnydd mewn banciau bwyd yn Ogwr ac ar draws y DU yn wir, yn dyst i haelioni gwirfoddolwyr a rhoddion gan y cyhoedd. Yn sicr. Ond gadewch i ni beidio â chuddio rhag y ffaith bod hyn hefyd yn arwydd erchyll o ddegawd o gyni cosbol a pholisïau lles sy'n gorfodi'r rhai sy'n agored i niwed, gan gynnwys teuluoedd sy'n gweithio, i ddibynnu ar fanciau bwyd. Ac mae'n fethiant parhaus, a wnaed yn waeth yn ystod y pandemig. Bydd unrhyw un sy'n gwirfoddoli mewn banc bwyd yn dweud, 'Mae'n arwydd o fethiant arweinwyr gwleidyddol eu bod yn bodoli o gwbl.' Rhaid iddynt fod yno; nid ydynt eisiau bod yno.
Y llynedd, darparodd Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell ei hadroddiad diweddaraf, fel y nodwyd. Dangosodd effaith gynyddol y pandemig ar y rhai a oedd eisoes wedi'u dinistrio gan ddegawd o gyni a thoriadau i nawdd cymdeithasol a llai o gymorth i'r rhai ar gyflogau isel. Roedd yn ddigon drwg drwy'r 2010au, ond mae banciau bwyd bellach yn darparu 130 y cant yn fwy o barseli bwyd argyfwng na'r hyn a wnaent bum mlynedd yn ôl. Gwelwyd cynnydd o draean yn nifer y parseli bwyd argyfwng a ddosbarthwyd ers y flwyddyn flaenorol yn unig, gyda 2.5 miliwn o barseli bwyd argyfwng yn yr unfed ganrif ar hugain wedi'u dosbarthu i bobl mewn argyfwng dros y flwyddyn. Yng Nghymru, mae'r cynnydd wedi codi o bron i 88,000 bum mlynedd yn ôl i 146,000 o barseli bwyd argyfwng yng Nghymru eleni. Mae'n gyfartaledd o ddau barsel y funud yn cael eu dosbarthu i deuluoedd â phlant—cynnydd o 36 y cant o un flwyddyn i'r llall. Yng Nghymru, rhoddwyd un parsel i deulu bob 10 munud. Mae hyn yn warthus. A rhan fach iawn o'r darlun truenus yw hyn. Fel y soniwyd, ni chafodd dros 500 o ddarparwyr cymorth bwyd annibynnol ychwanegol a gefnogir drwy'r Rhwydwaith Cymorth Bwyd Annibynnol mo'u cynnwys, na'r amrywiaeth o ddarparwyr bwyd cymunedol sydd hefyd yn gweld patrymau tebyg. Nawr, nid oes gennym yr holl ysgogiadau at ein defnydd yn Llywodraeth Cymru i ddatrys y broblem gynyddol hon, ond mae gennym arfau pwerus a all helpu i lenwi'r bwlch newyn a adawyd gan bolisïau'r DU.
Y £52 miliwn ychwanegol o gyllid gan Lywodraeth Cymru i sicrhau bod disgyblion cymwys yn cael darpariaeth yn lle eu prydau ysgol am ddim arferol tra byddant yn methu mynychu'r ysgol yn ystod y pandemig—fe helpodd hynny'n fawr, a gwelais hynny ar lawr gwlad yn fy etholaeth i. Y £5 miliwn ychwanegol ar gyfer y rhaglen cyfoethogi gwyliau ysgol hefyd—rwyf wedi ymweld â'r cynlluniau hynny yn fy ardal i; rwyf wedi'u gweld yn gweithio ac rwyf wedi gweld y lles a wnânt. Yn ddiweddar ymwelais â Big Bocs Bwyd—prosiect BBB—yn ardal tasglu'r Cymoedd. Mae'n helpu plant i ddatblygu dealltwriaeth gynnar o ddewisiadau bwyd iach, tra'n darparu bwyd am bris fforddiadwy i deuluoedd mewn cymunedau sydd angen cymorth. Gallwn weld hyn mewn mannau fel ysgol Garth yng nghwm Llynfi yn fy etholaeth; mae'n gwneud gwahaniaeth cadarnhaol yn barod.
Wrth gwrs, fel y crybwyllwyd, rydym yn croesawu'r cyhoeddiad yn y cytundeb cydweithio rhwng Llywodraeth Cymru a Phlaid Cymru i roi trefniadau ar waith dros y blynyddoedd nesaf i ddarparu pryd ysgol maethlon am ddim i bob disgybl ysgol gynradd yng Nghymru—pob un ohonynt—fel na ddylai unrhyw blentyn byth fod yn yr ysgol yn llwglyd, a chefnogaeth Llywodraeth Cymru i fenter pantri bwyd anhygoel yn fy ardal i a rhannau eraill o'r Cymoedd, sy'n darparu miloedd o fagiau o fwyd fforddiadwy i drigolion ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr.
Mae angen i Lywodraeth y DU chwarae eu rhan; fel arall, rydym bob amser yn nofio yn erbyn llanw sy'n ysgubo'r rhai agored i niwed a'r rhai ar gyflogau isel ymaith. Ond nid oes amheuaeth y gallwn hefyd wneud llawer ein hunain drwy Lywodraeth Cymru weithredol, sy'n canolbwyntio ar dlodi bwyd yn ogystal â thlodi cyffredinol, a chefnogaeth y Senedd hon. Gadewch inni wneud yr hawl i fwyd yn real i bawb.
Thank you to Plaid Cymru and Luke Fletcher for introducing the debate today. If I may, I'd like to use my contribution to expand the scope of the original motion away from just the impact of the cost of living on food poverty. It's important that we consider the wide range of socioeconomic factors that can influence whether a person can access food and what food they can access, and it's the very last point I made that I'd like to focus on in particular. It's something that has been discussed as part of my food Bill proposal, discussed in here not too long ago, which I'm pleased Members supported.
I know we all agree that food poverty is totally unacceptable and it doesn't need to be. We need to see action by all Governments to deliver a more prosperous future for all people, not just here in Wales but the UK as a whole. But in Wales we can do more. We need to do more—and I'm not going to try to find lots of people to blame—because these things are in our gift. As people in this place, it's in our gift to make a difference and to do things. Fine words are fine, but actions are what makes a real difference, and we have the power to do these things.
It was back in 2016 that a report from the Public Policy Institute for Wales argued that, and I quote:
'The rise in food poverty, perhaps more than any other arena of food policy, demonstrates the multidimensional nature of food and the challenges this creates for policy makers.'
I think this is why we need an overarching, holistic food strategy for Wales—one that brings together the various approaches. There are many third sector organisations across the country doing some fantastic work, but we could bring them together into a unified approach that deals with the structural issues as well as the socioeconomic ones. Because food poverty takes many forms; it's not just about the ability to buy food, but what food a person can access. There's a stark difference between the ability to buy fast food and ready meals, for instance, and the ability to buy and use good quality, nutritious food. This is where we need to consider how things like schools and colleges can improve food education, so that people know how to use food in a beneficial way, as I raised earlier this afternoon with the Minister for education.
We also need to consider how food producers can take more responsibility to ensure that their produce meets the well-being goals, as well as how we get this local, healthy produce to market stalls and supermarket shelves. This is where things like local food plans can play a role. And, yes, we do need to consider how we make this food more affordable and attractive to people, as well as ensuring that people can buy the food in the first place.
To conclude, Llywydd, I welcome the opportunity to take part in this debate today, and I hope Members have found my comments to be constructive. Ultimately, every human being has a right to a nutritious and adequate food supply, as Mark Isherwood pointed out in starting, but the causes of food poverty are complex and inextricably linked to the form and function of the food industry itself. If we are finally to tackle food poverty, that's where I think we need to start. Diolch.
Diolch i Blaid Cymru a Luke Fletcher am gyflwyno'r ddadl heddiw. Os caf, hoffwn ddefnyddio fy nghyfraniad i ehangu cwmpas y cynnig gwreiddiol i ffwrdd o effaith costau byw ar dlodi bwyd yn unig. Mae'n bwysig ein bod yn ystyried yr ystod eang o ffactorau economaidd-gymdeithasol a all ddylanwadu ar allu person i gael gafael ar fwyd a pha fwyd y gallant ei gael, a'r pwynt olaf un a wneuthum yw'r un yr hoffwn ganolbwyntio arno'n benodol. Mae'n rhywbeth sydd wedi'i drafod fel rhan o fy nghynnig ar gyfer Bil bwyd, a drafodwyd yma heb fod yn rhy hir yn ôl, ac rwy'n falch fod yr Aelodau wedi ei gefnogi.
Gwn ein bod i gyd yn cytuno bod tlodi bwyd yn gwbl annerbyniol ac nad oes angen iddo fodoli. Mae angen inni weld gweithredu gan bob Llywodraeth i sicrhau dyfodol mwy llewyrchus i bawb, nid yn unig yma yng Nghymru ond yn y DU gyfan. Ond yng Nghymru gallwn wneud mwy. Mae angen inni wneud mwy—ac nid wyf am geisio dod o hyd i lawer o bobl i'w beio—oherwydd mae'r pethau hyn yn bethau y mae gennym bwerau i'w gwneud. Fel pobl yn y lle hwn, mae gallu gennym i wneud gwahaniaeth ac i wneud pethau. Mae geiriau cynnes yn iawn, ond gweithredoedd yw'r hyn sy'n gwneud gwahaniaeth go iawn, ac mae gennym bŵer i wneud y pethau hyn.
Yn ôl yn 2016, dadleuodd adroddiad gan Sefydliad Polisi Cyhoeddus Cymru, ac rwy'n dyfynnu:
'Mae'r cynnydd mewn tlodi bwyd, efallai'n fwy nag unrhyw faes polisi bwyd arall, yn dangos natur aml-ddimensiwn bwyd a'r heriau y mae hyn yn eu creu i lunwyr polisi.'
Credaf mai dyma pam y mae arnom angen strategaeth fwyd gyfannol, drosfwaol i Gymru—un sy'n dwyn ynghyd y dulliau gweithredu amrywiol. Mae llawer o sefydliadau trydydd sector ledled y wlad yn gwneud gwaith gwych, ond gallem ddod â hwy at ei gilydd mewn dull unedig sy'n ymdrin â'r problemau strwythurol yn ogystal â'r rhai economaidd-gymdeithasol. Oherwydd daw tlodi bwyd ar sawl ffurf; nid yw'n ymwneud â'r gallu i brynu bwyd yn unig, ond pa fwyd y gall person ei gael. Mae gwahaniaeth amlwg rhwng y gallu i brynu bwyd brys a phrydau parod, er enghraifft, a'r gallu i brynu a defnyddio bwyd maethlon o ansawdd da. Dyma lle mae angen inni ystyried sut y gall pethau fel ysgolion a cholegau wella addysg bwyd, fel bod pobl yn gwybod sut i ddefnyddio bwyd mewn ffordd fuddiol, fel y trafodais yn gynharach y prynhawn yma gyda'r Gweinidog addysg.
Mae angen inni hefyd ystyried sut y gall cynhyrchwyr bwyd ysgwyddo mwy o gyfrifoldeb dros sicrhau bod eu cynnyrch yn bodloni'r nodau llesiant, yn ogystal â sut yr awn â'r cynnyrch lleol, iach hwn i stondinau marchnad a silffoedd archfarchnadoedd. Dyma lle gall pethau fel cynlluniau bwyd lleol chwarae rhan. Ac oes, mae angen inni ystyried sut y gwnawn y bwyd yn fwy fforddiadwy a deniadol i bobl, yn ogystal â sicrhau bod pobl yn gallu prynu'r bwyd yn y lle cyntaf.
I gloi, Lywydd, rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i gymryd rhan yn y ddadl hon heddiw, ac rwy'n gobeithio bod yr Aelodau wedi teimlo bod fy sylwadau'n adeiladol. Yn y pen draw, mae gan bob person hawl i gyflenwad bwyd maethlon a digonol, fel y nododd Mark Isherwood wrth ddechrau, ond mae achosion tlodi bwyd yn gymhleth ac yn gysylltiedig yn anorfod â ffurf a swyddogaeth y diwydiant bwyd ei hun. Os ydym yn mynd i drechu tlodi bwyd o'r diwedd, dyna lle credaf fod angen inni ddechrau. Diolch.
Wrth i ni nesáu at y Nadolig, mae’r ddadl hon yn un amserol, ac rydym ni wedi clywed y geiriau yna lot heno. Ond mae’n ein hatgoffa ni o'r rhai fydd yn mynd heb ddim dros gyfnod yr ŵyl. I’r bobl yma, fydd dim anrhegion, fydd dim gwledda—fydd dim hyd yn oed partïon cudd iddyn nhw gael eu gwadu. Y gorau y gall llawer obeithio amdano ydy to uwch eu pennau, digon o wres i’w cadw nhw’n gynnes, a digon o fwyd yn eu boliau i leddfu rhywfaint ar y boen o fod yn llwglyd. Fel y noda’r ddadl hon, mae bron i chwarter o bobl Cymru mewn tlodi. Mae hynny’n gyhuddiad brawychus o’r status quo yn y wlad yn yr unfed ganrif ar hugain. Mae hefyd yn gymhelliant cryf inni alw am newid, ac annibyniaeth yn y pen draw, oherwydd gallwn ni wneud cymaint yn well na hyn. Mae pobl Cymru yn haeddu gwell na hyn.
As we approach Christmas, this debate is particularly timely, and we've heard those words a lot this evening. But it reminds us of those who will go with nothing over the festive period. For these people, there will be no gifts, no feasting—there won't even be hidden parties that they can deny they attended. The best that most can hope for is a roof over their heads, enough heat to keep them warm, and enough food in their stomachs to alleviate some of the pain of hunger. As this debate notes, almost a quarter of the people of Wales live in poverty. That is a frightening indictment of the status quo in this nation in the twenty-first century. It's also a strong motivation for us to call for change, and ultimately independence, because we can do so much better than this. The people of Wales deserve better than this.
The grim and meteoric rise of foodbanks has a Dickensian feel about it. It pains me that so many people in Wales are in poverty, and so many are unable to do anything about it. This is true of older people who are on a fixed income and have no opportunity to increase it. Foodbanks have been an important safety net for people on or under the breadline, but older people find it harder to access foodbanks due to mobility and accessibility issues. Hunger among our pensioner population is of particular concern to our health service, because undernutrition is one of the leading causes of functional decline and mortality among older people. Undernutrition in older people can lead to poorer health outcomes, falls and fractures, delays in recovery from illness, and longer periods in hospital to name but a few.
Mae'r cynnydd diflas a meteorig yn nifer y banciau bwyd yn atgoffa dyn o nofelau Dickens. Mae'n fy mhoeni bod cymaint o bobl yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi, ac nad yw cynifer ohonynt yn gallu gwneud unrhyw beth yn ei gylch. Mae hyn yn wir am bobl hŷn sydd ar incwm sefydlog a heb gyfle i'w gynyddu. Mae banciau bwyd wedi bod yn rhwyd ddiogelwch bwysig i bobl ar y llinell dlodi neu oddi tani, ond mae pobl hŷn yn ei chael hi'n anos cyrraedd banciau bwyd oherwydd problemau symudedd a hygyrchedd. Mae newyn ymysg pobl sydd ar eu pensiwn yn peri pryder arbennig i'n gwasanaeth iechyd, oherwydd bod diffyg maeth yn un o brif achosion dirywiad yng ngweithredoedd y corff a marwolaethau ymhlith pobl hŷn. Gall diffyg maeth mewn pobl hŷn arwain at ganlyniadau iechyd gwaeth, cwympiadau a thorri esgyrn, oedi wrth wella o salwch, a chyfnodau hirach yn yr ysbyty i enwi ond ychydig.
Nid yw'n syndod, felly, fod derbyniadau i ysbytai gyda diagnosis o ddiffyg maeth wedi mwy na dyblu yn y saith mlynedd i 2017, gyda chyfraddau uchel mewn pobl hŷn rhwng 60 a 69 mlwydd oed. Ers cyhoeddi’r ffigurau hynny, rydym wedi cael pedair blynedd arall o Lywodraeth Dorïaidd yn San Steffan. Mae eu diwygiadau yn y wladwriaeth les wedi arwain at doriadau sylweddol mewn gwariant cyhoeddus, gofal cymdeithasol i bobl hŷn, ac ar wasanaethau cymunedol. Mae hyn yn cael canlyniad gwariant uniongyrchol yma yng Nghymru. Unwaith eto, dyma enghraifft o’r Torïaid yn San Steffan yn dangos eu bod yn gwybod pris popeth a gwneud dim. Fel y gwelsom yn ystod y dyddiau diwethaf, dydyn nhw ddim hyd yn oed yn gwybod gwerth bod yn agored ac yn dryloyw chwaith.
It's no surprise, therefore, that those entering hospital with undernutrition more than doubled in the seven years to 2017, with high rates among older people between 60 and 69 years of age. Since the publication of those figures, we've had another four years of a Tory Government in Westminster. Their reforms in the welfare state have led to significant cuts in public expenditure, social care for older people and in community services. This is having a direct impact on spending here in Wales. Once again, this is an example of the Tories in Westminster showing that they know the price of everything, but do nothing. As we saw over the past few days, they don't even know the value of being open and transparent.
To return to foodbanks, one of the most upsetting aspects of this operation are the food parcels that are ready to eat straight away. Why, you might ask, is this upsetting or even necessary? It’s because some people do not have access to cooking facilities, or are unable to afford to turn the electric or gas on to cook the food. How many pensioners will be facing this problem this winter due exorbitant fuel costs that are set to increase yet again this year? We should do better than this. We can do better than this. We must do better than this. Diolch yn fawr.
I ddychwelyd at fanciau bwyd, un o'r agweddau mwyaf gofidus ar y gwaith hwn yw'r parseli bwyd sy'n barod i'w bwyta ar unwaith. Pam, gallech ofyn, y mae hyn yn peri gofid neu hyd yn oed yn angenrheidiol? Y rheswm amdano yw nad oes gan rai pobl fynediad at gyfleusterau coginio, neu ni allant fforddio cynnau'r trydan neu'r nwy i goginio'r bwyd. Faint o bensiynwyr fydd yn wynebu'r broblem hon y gaeaf hwn oherwydd costau tanwydd rhy uchel sydd i godi eto eleni? Dylem wneud yn well na hyn. Fe allwn wneud yn well na hyn. Rhaid inni wneud yn well na hyn. Diolch yn fawr.
Thank you very much. Thank you very much for mentioning these people who are unable to turn on the cooker, because that’s something that I was told about when I visited the Building Communities Trust project up in Trowbridge and St Mellons recently—that some people are having to spend so much money on heating their damp homes that they don’t have enough money to pay for the cooker. I’m really worried about that, but also wanting to know a great deal more, because I think, whilst the oven is very expensive, turning on a cooker really isn’t using up that much gas or electric, and I really want to unpick this problem, because, really, people are not feeding themselves properly in the winter months if they can’t cook and eat a hot meal.
It really is a very, very significant issue, and one that I feel we really do need to unpick, because fast food is very expensive when you actually consider its poor nutritional value. And you have to compare—. It gives instant gratification, but it doesn’t nourish people. So, I think there is a lot of complexity to this problem, which I think was very much recognised by Peter Fox. This isn't just the appalling cut in benefits and the deliberate policies of the UK Government to keep benefits at a much lower rate than the increase in the cost of living, but I think it really is about changing our relationship with food.
I have a constituent who works tirelessly with young people, and has done for about 30 years, on getting them to do sports. He's one of a family of 12, and he said, 'Well, we were always poor, but we were happy at Christmas so long as we had some apples and some tangerines.' And in those days, tangerines were a rarity, not a year-round thing; they were a treat. One of the problems here is that we live in a society where there's so much plenty all over the place, and it's described to us on our television screens every single night and everybody can see it. Everybody watches television, even if they can't afford to turn the cooker on. That is part of the problem.
One third of all our food in this country is wasted. We cannot say that we live in the same sort of food desert as they live in in Eritrea or other places that are affected by climate change; this problem is much more complicated than that. That doesn't mean to say that the benefits aren't set deliberately too low, and that people are in these short-term contracts, zero-hours contracts that make it really, really difficult for people to budget, and they inevitably get into debt. That is one of the reasons why they have to resort to foodbanks, because they genuinely have had to use whatever wages they've had that week in order to pay back the debts that they've acquired when they weren't in work. That's one of the problems with universal credit: it goes up and down like a yo-yo, and there's so little certainty to it.
I just want to home in a little bit on the amendment by the Conservatives, because you've asked to delete the second paragraph of the motion, which talks about the rise and rise of foodbanks. I just wonder why you're not prepared to accept that there has been this rise and rise of foodbanks, because we can all produce huge amounts of evidence to say that there has been. I also think it goes back to something that I challenged Gareth about yesterday, which is about does the UK Government do child rights impact assessments. I'm sure they don't, simply because you only have to look at the way in which they've reduced absolutely the value of child benefit, which is the final thing that all mothers can rely on, even when everything else has gone out the window, when their relationships have broken down and they've had to flee a violent household. In April 2010, it was £20.30 for the first child and £13.40 for any subsequent child; now, it's £21.15 for the first child and £14 for subsequent children. So, that's an 85p increase in 11 years for the first child, and 60p for any subsequent children. And anybody who goes shopping will know that food prices have gone up hugely—hugely—just in the last few months as a result of us leaving the European Union, mainly, and yet—. That is one of the main sources of poverty.
Diolch yn fawr iawn. Diolch yn fawr iawn am sôn am y bobl hyn nad ydynt yn gallu rhoi'r cwcer ymlaen, oherwydd roedd hynny'n rhywbeth y dywedwyd wrthyf amdano pan ymwelais â phrosiect yr Ymddiriedolaeth Adeiladu Cymunedau yn Trowbridge a Llaneirwg yn ddiweddar—fod rhai pobl yn gorfod gwario cymaint o arian ar wresogi eu cartrefi llaith fel nad oes ganddynt ddigon o arian i dalu am y cwcer. Rwy'n poeni'n fawr am hynny, ond rwyf hefyd eisiau gwybod llawer mwy, oherwydd er bod y ffwrn yn ddrud iawn, nid yw rhoi'r cwcer ymlaen yn defnyddio cymaint â hynny o nwy neu drydan, ac rwy'n awyddus iawn i edrych ar y broblem hon, oherwydd nid yw pobl yn bwydo eu hunain yn iawn ym misoedd y gaeaf os na allant goginio a bwyta pryd poeth.
Mae'n fater pwysig tu hwnt, ac yn un y teimlaf fod gwir angen inni edrych arno, oherwydd mae bwyd brys yn ddrud iawn pan ystyriwch ei werth maethol gwael. Ac mae'n rhaid i chi gymharu—. Mae'n rhoi boddhad ar unwaith, ond nid yw'n rhoi maeth i bobl. Felly, credaf fod llawer o gymhlethdod yn perthyn i'r broblem hon, a chredaf fod Peter Fox wedi cydnabod hynny. Mae'n fwy na'r toriad gwarthus yn y budd-daliadau a pholisïau bwriadol Llywodraeth y DU i gadw budd-daliadau ar gyfradd lawer is na'r cynnydd yng nghostau byw, ond credaf ei fod yn ymwneud â newid ein perthynas â bwyd mewn gwirionedd.
Mae gennyf etholwr sy'n gweithio'n ddiflino gyda phobl ifanc, ac sydd wedi gwneud hynny ers tua 30 mlynedd, ar eu cael i wneud chwaraeon. Mae'n un o deulu o 12, ac fe ddywedodd, 'Wel, roeddem bob amser yn dlawd, ond roeddem yn hapus adeg y Nadolig cyn belled â'n bod yn cael ychydig o afalau a thanjerîns.' Ac yn y dyddiau hynny, roedd tanjerîns yn brin, nid yn bethau gydol y flwyddyn; roeddent yn drêt. Un o'r problemau yma yw ein bod yn byw mewn cymdeithas lle mae cymaint o ddigonedd ym mhobman, a chaiff ei ddisgrifio i ni ar ein sgriniau teledu bob nos a gall pawb ei weld. Mae pawb yn gwylio'r teledu, hyd yn oed os nad ydynt yn gallu fforddio rhoi'r cwcer ymlaen. Mae hynny'n rhan o'r broblem.
Mae traean o'n holl fwyd yn y wlad hon yn cael ei wastraffu. Ni allwn ddweud ein bod yn byw yn yr un math o anialwch bwyd ag y maent yn byw ynddo yn Eritrea neu leoedd eraill yr effeithir arnynt gan newid hinsawdd; mae'r broblem hon yn llawer mwy cymhleth na hynny. Nid yw hynny'n golygu nad yw'r manteision wedi'u gosod yn rhy isel yn fwriadol, a bod pobl yn y contractau tymor byr hyn, contractau dim oriau sy'n ei gwneud yn wirioneddol anodd i bobl gyllidebu, ac mae'n anochel eu bod yn mynd i ddyled. Dyna un o'r rhesymau pam y mae'n rhaid iddynt droi at fanciau bwyd, oherwydd maent wedi gorfod defnyddio unrhyw gyflogau y maent wedi'u cael yr wythnos honno er mwyn ad-dalu'r dyledion y maent wedi mynd iddynt pan nad oeddent mewn gwaith. Dyna un o'r problemau gyda chredyd cynhwysol: mae'n mynd i fyny ac i lawr fel io-io, ac mae cyn lleied o sicrwydd ynghlwm wrtho.
Rwyf am edrych ychydig yn fanylach ar y gwelliant gan y Ceidwadwyr, oherwydd rydych wedi gofyn am ddileu ail baragraff y cynnig, sy'n sôn am y cynnydd yn nifer y banciau bwyd. Tybed pam nad ydych yn barod i dderbyn y cynnydd a fu yn nifer y banciau bwyd, oherwydd gallwn i gyd gynhyrchu llawer iawn o dystiolaeth i ddweud bod hynny wedi digwydd. Credaf hefyd ei fod yn ymwneud â rhywbeth yr heriais Gareth yn ei gylch ddoe, ynglŷn ag a yw Llywodraeth y DU yn gwneud asesiadau o'r effaith ar hawliau plant. Rwy'n siŵr nad ydynt yn gwneud hynny, yn syml am mai dim ond edrych ar y ffordd y maent wedi lleihau gwerth budd-dal plant sy'n rhaid i chi ei wneud, sef y peth olaf y gall pob mam ddibynnu arno, hyd yn oed pan fydd popeth arall wedi diflannu, pan fydd eu perthynas wedi chwalu a'u bod wedi gorfod dianc o aelwyd dreisgar. Ym mis Ebrill 2010, roedd yn £20.30 ar gyfer y plentyn cyntaf a £13.40 ar gyfer unrhyw blentyn arall; nawr, mae'n £21.15 ar gyfer y plentyn cyntaf a £14 ar gyfer plant eraill. Felly, dyna gynnydd o 85c mewn 11 mlynedd ar gyfer y plentyn cyntaf, a 60c ar gyfer plant eraill. A bydd unrhyw un sy'n mynd i siopa yn gwybod bod prisiau bwyd wedi codi'n aruthrol—yn aruthrol—yn ystod y misoedd diwethaf yn unig o ganlyniad i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn bennaf, ac eto—. Dyna un o brif ffynonellau tlodi.
You'll need to bring your contribution to a close now, please.
Bydd angen i chi ddod â'ch cyfraniad i ben yn awr, os gwelwch yn dda.
I will bring my contribution to a close. This is a complex problem and there's a great deal more that we need to do, but at least feeding children in schools—all children—is going to at least ensure all children are properly fed.
Fe ddof â fy nghyfraniad i ben. Mae hon yn broblem gymhleth ac mae llawer mwy y mae angen inni ei wneud, ond o leiaf mae bwydo plant mewn ysgolion—pob plentyn—yn mynd i sicrhau bod pob plentyn yn cael ei fwydo'n briodol o leiaf.
A few weeks ago, I had the honour to meet the volunteers at the Kings Storehouse foodbank in Rhyl. The Kings Storehouse in an independent foodbank run by volunteers from the Wellspring Christian Centre. It was founded in 2012 when the church saw people locally who had fallen on hard times, many through no fault of their own, and the church members rose to the challenge to try and assist. It was initially supported just by the members of the Wellspring church, who, every time they went shopping, would buy extra items of food or essentials and bring them to church each Sunday. They also have a trolley at Sainsbury's in Rhyl, where shoppers can have the opportunity to fill up the trolley and then proceeds are duly donated to the foodbank. It's also getting great support from local businesses, organisations and members of the public.
The implications of Plaid's motion and the perception amongst the wider public are that foodbanks shouldn't exist, or that they are a new phenomenon. This ignores the history, because churches and charities have always supported those in need within their communities. From the very founding of the Christian faith on these shores, helping those in need was at the core of the faith. Valle Crucis abbey in Denbighshire was established by Cistercian monks who grew food to give to the poor. Those entering monastic life gave up their worldly goods to pursue an oath of poverty, and any riches collected were used to help those in need. These principles have survived down the ages—
Ychydig wythnosau'n ôl, cefais y fraint o gyfarfod â'r gwirfoddolwyr ym manc bwyd Kings Storehouse yn y Rhyl. Banc bwyd annibynnol yw Kings Storehouse sy'n cael ei redeg gan wirfoddolwyr o Ganolfan Gristnogol Wellspring. Fe'i sefydlwyd yn 2012 pan welodd yr eglwys bobl yn lleol a oedd yn mynd drwy gyfnod anodd, a llawer ohonynt heb fod unrhyw fai arnynt hwy, a daeth aelodau'r eglwys i'r adwy i geisio cynorthwyo. Câi ei gefnogi'n wreiddiol gan aelodau o eglwys Wellspring, a fyddai, bob tro y byddent yn mynd i siopa, yn prynu eitemau ychwanegol o fwyd neu hanfodion ac yn dod â hwy i'r eglwys bob dydd Sul. Mae ganddynt droli yn Sainsbury's yn y Rhyl hefyd, lle gall siopwyr fanteisio ar y cyfle i lenwi'r troli a rhoddir yr hyn a gesglir i'r banc bwyd. Mae hefyd yn cael cefnogaeth wych gan fusnesau, sefydliadau ac aelodau o'r cyhoedd yn lleol.
Yr awgrym yng nghynnig Plaid Cymru a'r canfyddiad ymysg y cyhoedd yn ehangach yw na ddylai banciau bwyd fodoli, neu eu bod yn ffenomenon newydd. Mae hyn yn anwybyddu'r hanes, oherwydd mae eglwysi ac elusennau bob amser wedi cefnogi pobl mewn angen yn eu cymunedau. O sefydlu'r ffydd Gristnogol ar y glannau hyn, roedd helpu pobl mewn angen yn ganolog i'r ffydd. Sefydlwyd abaty Glyn y Groes yn sir Ddinbych gan fynachod Sistersaidd a dyfai fwyd i'w roi i'r tlodion. Roedd y rhai a oedd yn dewis byw'r bywyd mynachaidd yn ildio eu heiddo bydol er mwyn byw'n unol â'u llw o dlodi, a defnyddid unrhyw gyfoeth a gesglid i helpu pobl mewn angen. Mae'r egwyddorion hyn wedi goroesi ar hyd yr oesoedd—
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
Yes, certainly.
Gwnaf, yn sicr.
Thank you. Do you think it is only the job of churches and voluntary organisations to provide the safety net, as you say, for those in most need?
Diolch. A ydych yn credu mai gwaith eglwysi a mudiadau gwirfoddol yn unig yw darparu'r rhwyd ddiogelwch, fel y dywedwch, i'r rhai sydd â'r angen mwyaf?
Well, if the Member listens to the duration of my contribution, you'll see how it'll naturally come around to answer your query. [Laughter.] So, one must be patient, as they say. [Laughter.]
Today's foodbanks come in many shapes and sizes. In an ideal world, we would have no poverty, but we don't live in an ideal world. Sadly, families find themselves in hardship through no fault of their own, and, thankfully, foodbanks exist for these times. But the fact that these organisations exist has been weaponised for political gain. There is a public perception that foodbanks shouldn't be needed in today's society and that their existence is a result of political failings. This perception and stigma diminish the hard work of foodbanks like the Kings Storehouse and prevent—[Interruption.] I'm coming, I'm coming around. And prevents those in need from using the services. And foodbanks shouldn't be demonised.
Even if a quarter of our population weren't living in poverty, there would be still times that people needed a helping hand. This is what Pastor Mark Jones of the Wellspring church taught me on my visit to the facility in Rhyl, he said, 'The foodbank's motto is "A hand up, not a handout," as we understand that anyone can go through a time of crisis that requires short-term intervention, and no-one should be ashamed of receiving the help they need.'
Wel, os gwnaiff yr Aelod wrando ar weddill fy nghyfraniad, fe welwch sut y daw'n ôl yn naturiol i ateb eich ymholiad. [Chwerthin.] Felly, rhaid bod yn amyneddgar, fel y maent yn ei ddweud. [Chwerthin.]
Daw'r banciau bwyd heddiw ar sawl ffurf. Mewn byd delfrydol, ni fyddai gennym dlodi, ond nid ydym yn byw mewn byd delfrydol. Yn anffodus, mae teuluoedd yn wynebu caledi ariannol heb unrhyw fai arnynt hwy eu hunain, a diolch byth, mae banciau bwyd yn bodoli ar gyfer yr adegau hynny. Ond mae'r ffaith fod y sefydliadau hyn yn bodoli wedi cael ei ddefnyddio er budd gwleidyddol. Ceir canfyddiad ymhlith y cyhoedd na ddylai fod angen banciau bwyd yn y gymdeithas heddiw a'u bod yn bodoli o ganlyniad i fethiannau gwleidyddol. Mae canfyddiad a stigma o'r fath yn bychanu gwaith caled banciau bwyd fel y Kings Storehouse ac yn atal—[Torri ar draws.] Rwy'n dod, rwy'n dod at hynny. Ac yn atal pobl mewn angen rhag defnyddio'r gwasanaethau. Ac ni ddylid difrïo banciau bwyd.
Hyd yn oed pe na bai chwarter ein poblogaeth yn byw mewn tlodi, byddai adegau o hyd pan fyddai angen help llaw ar bobl. Dyma a ddysgodd y Parchedig Mark Jones o eglwys Wellspring i mi ar fy ymweliad â'r cyfleuster yn y Rhyl, dywedodd fod arwyddair y banc bwyd yn sôn am weithred o gymorth yn hytrach na rhoi elusen, gan ein bod yn deall y gall unrhyw un fynd drwy gyfnod o argyfwng sy'n galw am ymyrraeth yn y tymor byr, ac ni ddylai neb fod â chywilydd o dderbyn y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt.
Would you give way on that?
A wnewch chi ildio ar hynny?
Yes, certainly. Certainly.
Gwnaf, yn sicr. Yn sicr.
Could you simply explain to me, who has seen the rise in foodbanks—? And I commend the volunteers and the people who donate, I really do. But could you just explain to me and my constituents why those crisis moments have exponentially exploded since 2010?
A wnewch chi egluro i mi, sydd wedi gweld y cynnydd yn nifer y banciau bwyd—? Ac rwy'n bendant yn cymeradwyo'r gwirfoddolwyr a'r bobl sy'n cyfrannu atynt. Ond a allech egluro i mi a fy etholwyr pam y mae'r adegau hynny o argyfwng wedi cynyddu y tu hwnt i bob rheswm ers 2010?
Well—[Laughter.]
Wel—[Chwerthin.]
Just tell us. Just tell us why.
Dywedwch wrthym. Dywedwch pam.
Well, I—
Wel, rwy'n—
Population growth.
Twf y boblogaeth.
Population growth? [Members of the Senedd: 'Oh.'] Unbelievable.
Twf y boblogaeth? [Aelodau o'r Senedd: 'O.'] Anghredadwy.
I'm trying to add to the debate. I'm adding to the debate, and—
Rwy'n ceisio ychwanegu at y ddadl. Rwy'n ychwanegu at y ddadl, ac—
Okay. Allow the Member to continue.
O'r gorau. Gadewch i'r Aelod barhau.
I can obviously see the Member's passion and the cases in his constituency, and I have exactly the same in mine. Rhyl is one of the most deprived areas in the country, in Wales and most of the UK, so I'm not going to take any lectures from Members from south Wales on issues in my constituency. So, the Member's very rich to be saying to me, 'Oh, well'—preaching about issues in Rhyl from Members in the Valleys. So—[Members of the Senedd: 'Oh.']
Foodbanks exist to help those in times of crisis, and I repeat they are not the enemy. Poverty is—poverty is the enemy—and, sadly, the Welsh Government, supported by Plaid on those benches, for the last two decades, have done nothing to tackle poverty in Wales. EU anti-poverty funds were squandered, cheap foreign labour was prioritised over creating high-paid jobs for those living in Wales, and if they spent less time on constitutional issues and pet projects and more and more transforming our economy, then maybe one in four of our citizens in Wales wouldn't be below the poverty line that they're in today. Thank you very much.
Yn amlwg gallaf weld angerdd yr Aelod a'r achosion yn ei etholaeth, ac mae gennyf yr un peth yn union yn fy etholaeth i. Y Rhyl yw un o'r ardaloedd mwyaf difreintiedig yn y wlad, yng Nghymru a'r rhan fwyaf o'r DU, felly nid wyf yn mynd i gymryd unrhyw wersi gan Aelodau o dde Cymru ar broblemau yn fy etholaeth. Felly, mae gan yr Aelod wyneb yn dweud wrthyf, 'O, wel'—a phregethu am broblemau yn y Rhyl gan Aelodau yn y Cymoedd. Felly—[Aelodau o'r Senedd: 'O.']
Mae banciau bwyd yn bodoli i helpu pobl ar adegau o argyfwng, ac rwy'n ailadrodd nad hwy yw'r gelyn. Tlodi ydyw—tlodi yw'r gelyn—ac yn anffodus, nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru, wedi'i chefnogi gan Blaid Cymru ar y meinciau hynny, dros y ddau ddegawd diwethaf, wedi gwneud dim i fynd i'r afael â thlodi yng Nghymru. Cafodd cronfeydd gwrth-dlodi'r UE eu gwastraffu, cafodd llafur tramor rhad flaenoriaeth dros greu swyddi â chyflogau uchel i bobl sy'n byw yng Nghymru, a phe baent yn treulio llai o amser ar faterion cyfansoddiadol a'u hoff brosiectau a mwy a mwy ar drawsnewid ein heconomi, efallai na fyddai un o bob pedwar o'n dinasyddion yng Nghymru yn byw o dan y llinell dlodi fel y maent yn ei wneud heddiw. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Y Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol i gyfrannu. Jane Hutt.
The Minister for Social Justice to contribute. Jane Hutt.
Diolch, Llywydd. I'd like to start by thanking Plaid Cymru for tabling this very important debate today, which, of course, is a motion we will support, as we do face a serious situation when charities like the Trussell Trust have warned that many low-income households will face very stark choices for themselves and their families this winter. And that's been very much reflected in this powerful debate.
Diolch, Lywydd. Hoffwn ddechrau drwy ddiolch i Blaid Cymru am gyflwyno'r ddadl bwysig hon heddiw, sydd, wrth gwrs, yn gynnig y byddwn yn ei gefnogi, gan ein bod yn wynebu sefyllfa ddifrifol pan fo elusennau fel Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell wedi rhybuddio y bydd llawer o aelwydydd incwm isel yn wynebu dewisiadau llwm iawn iddynt eu hunain a'u teuluoedd y gaeaf hwn. Ac mae hynny wedi cael ei adlewyrchu'n helaeth yn y ddadl rymus hon.
I have to say that, when the UK Government announced its plan to remove the £20 uplift for universal credit, it was the Trussell Trust that provided research, surveying people who would be affected by that proposed cut, which then went ahead. One in four people said they would very likely need to skip meals if the cut to universal credit went ahead, and that cut did go ahead, despite strong representations made in this Chamber by this Welsh Labour Government, across the UK, cross-party Tory voices as well, and from those charities that work at the forefront of tackling child poverty. And demand for emergency food provision has increased significantly and continues to grow as vulnerable households experience the economic fallout from the pandemic—we recognise that across the Chamber—rising levels of debt, increases in the cost of living, all of which have had an adverse impact. But, in this powerful debate on tackling food poverty, we do need to consider the causes as well as the responsibilities for taking appropriate action.
The key levers for reducing levels of poverty in Wales, powers over the tax and welfare system, sit with the UK Government. Nevertheless, there is much we can do as a Welsh Government to prevent poverty, reduce its impact and tackle the inequalities that arise from living in poverty. And our programme for government sets out our commitment to protect, rebuild and develop our services for vulnerable people and improve outcomes for low-income households. Our support for the social wage, through initiatives such as the childcare offer, our council tax reduction scheme, the provision of free school meals—and I'll go on to that—have had the effect of leaving more money in the pockets of Welsh citizens.
And I do join Luke Fletcher, who opened this debate so powerfully, and Members across the Chamber, on this side, in welcoming the co-operation agreement between the Labour Government and Plaid Cymru, with Jane Dodds's support for that commitment to extend free school meals to all primary school pupils over the lifetime of the agreement. And this is transformational action. It will ensure no child in primary school is left hungry. It will be key to tackling child poverty, reducing the inequalities of outcome linked to socioeconomic disadvantage. The provision of a healthy meal as part of the school day will help to encourage healthy eating habits and attitudes, and it's practical learning that will be reinforced by the new curriculum for Wales, the health and well-being area of learning and experience, helping learners understand the factors that affect physical health and well-being, including health-promoting behaviours, such as nutrition and a balanced diet.
During the summer, I met with those running the Wrexham holiday play scheme at Caia Park and visited, in Mike Hedges's constituency, the Faith in Families project at the family centre in Bonymaen. And what was important was speaking to the parents who were fully engaged in that project and had self-esteem and encouragement that they were able to support their families and look to opportunities for their own training, further education and employment. I was able to understand the vital work done in those communities, and many of you have highlighted them from projects you're supporting across this Chamber.
There's no doubt that the universal roll-out of free school meals to primary pupils will relieve some of those financial pressures being experienced by many of the families they support. But also, importantly, that free school meals commitment will enable us to use our levers to drive public procurement and to increase local food production—I'm sure Peter Fox will be encouraged by that—and distribution. It will, in turn, benefit local economies, ecologies and communities. And it will take place alongside the development of the community food strategy, with food as the common factor. It has the potential to improve the mental and physical health of Welsh citizens, and Delyth Jewell raised this important point. It can also bring about those benefits to society—economic, environmental, sustainable benefits to help regenerate our communities.
And we have, for the third year running, allocated £2 million to community food organisations to help tackle food poverty and address food insecurity. We've increased our funding to FareShare to £500,000 this year and, over the last decade, they've distributed the equivalent of 11 million meals to those in need, and currently provide quality surplus food to around 180 community organisations and charities in Wales, and many of those are very positive in the way that they are engaging with their communities to provide accessible food. I'm very pleased that Huw Irranca-Davies mentioned Big Bocs Bwyd, which actually has made an award-winning start in Barry primary schools, rolling out the project to more than 20 schools in the Valleys regional park area. And of course, also understanding that FareShare food and imaginative engagement, which is what they use, provides affordable food to families, but it builds a wider appreciation of the connections between food, nature and the economy. But also, as part of the £51 million household support fund last month, £1.1 million will go to tackle food poverty, helping those food banks that you all support across Wales with those immediate pressures that they're facing.
We know that having insufficient money is the root cause of food poverty, so this is important if we link it to the national benefits take-up campaign, raising people's awareness of the financial support they're entitled to, and encouraging them to phone Advicelink Cymru for free help and advice, maximising incomes, and our winter fuel support scheme will see £38 million go to support households in receipt of working-age, means-tested welfare benefits to meet the immediate pressures on living costs this winter. In fact, we discussed that last week in the debate on fuel poverty. And we have our discretionary assistance fund. These are all the levers, the ways in which the Welsh Government can both choose to prioritise the way we spend our resource. Our discretionary assistance fund is crucial in helping people in financial crisis to meet some of those financial challenges they face, including meeting the cost of food and fuel. And in March, we announced a further £10.5 million to continue the unprecedented support for those who need the discretionary assistance fund and need those flexibilities, which we are continuing as a result of the adverse impact of the pandemic.
We're also taking steps to increase the take-up of Healthy Start vouchers—and I am, in fact, meeting with Lynne Neagle, the Deputy Minister for Mental Health and Well-being—knowing that these can also provide young families on low incomes with £4.25 each week to buy milk, vitamins and foods that improve the nutritional intake of children. We're clear on our commitment to tackle poverty. It is a cross-cutting theme in our budget planning process. It will help ensure poverty is at the heart of policy and service delivery, but I have to say that this is a time today when we do have to look at who is responsible, what are the causes, and there have been damaging decisions made by the UK Government, such as cuts to welfare support and more than 11 years of austerity that have plunged more vulnerable households in Wales into poverty.
We will take our responsibility as a Welsh Government, and I hope the UK Government and the party, and the Welsh Conservatives, will take their responsibilities as well. We have the evidence: Trussell Trust, Children in Wales, the Bevan Foundation, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation. If we play our part with our powers and resources, the UK Government must play their much bigger part. I welcome and support this motion and debate. Diolch.
Pan gyhoeddodd Llywodraeth y DU ei chynllun i ddileu'r cynnydd o £20 yn y credyd cynhwysol, rhaid imi ddweud mai Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell a ddarparodd ymchwil, gan arolygu pobl y byddai'r toriad arfaethedig hwnnw'n effeithio arnynt, ac fe wnaed y toriad wedyn. Dywedodd un o bob pedwar o bobl y byddai'n debygol iawn y byddai angen iddynt fynd heb brydau bwyd pe bai'r toriad i'r credyd cynhwysol yn mynd yn ei flaen, ac fe wnaed y toriad er gwaethaf dadleuon cryf a wnaed yn y Siambr hon gan Lywodraeth Lafur Cymru, ledled y DU, lleisiau trawsbleidiol o blith y Torïaid hefyd, a chan yr elusennau sy'n flaenllaw ym maes trechu tlodi plant. Ac mae'r galw am ddarpariaeth bwyd argyfwng wedi cynyddu'n sylweddol ac yn parhau i dyfu wrth i aelwydydd sy'n agored i niwed brofi'r dirywiad economaidd yn sgil y pandemig—rydym yn cydnabod hynny ar draws y Siambr—lefelau cynyddol o ddyled, cynnydd yng nghostau byw, mae pob un ohonynt wedi cael effaith andwyol. Ond yn y ddadl rymus hon ar fynd i'r afael â thlodi bwyd, mae angen inni ystyried yr achosion yn ogystal â'r cyfrifoldebau dros roi camau priodol ar waith.
Llywodraeth y DU sydd â'r ysgogiadau ar gyfer lleihau lefelau tlodi yng Nghymru, pwerau dros y system drethiant a'r system nawdd. Serch hynny, mae llawer y gallwn ei wneud fel Llywodraeth Cymru i atal tlodi, lleihau ei effaith a mynd i'r afael â'r anghydraddoldebau sy'n deillio o fyw mewn tlodi. Ac mae ein rhaglen lywodraethu yn nodi ein hymrwymiad i ddiogelu, ailadeiladu a datblygu ein gwasanaethau ar gyfer pobl sy'n agored i niwed a gwella canlyniadau i aelwydydd incwm isel. Mae ein cefnogaeth i'r cyflog cymdeithasol, drwy fentrau fel y cynnig gofal plant, ein cynllun gostyngiadau'r dreth gyngor, darparu prydau ysgol am ddim—ac fe af ymlaen at hynny—wedi golygu bod mwy o arian ar ôl ym mhocedi dinasyddion Cymru.
Ac rwy'n ymuno â Luke Fletcher, a agorodd y ddadl hon mor rymus, ac Aelodau ar draws y Siambr, ar yr ochr hon, i groesawu'r cytundeb cydweithio rhwng y Llywodraeth Lafur a Phlaid Cymru, gyda chefnogaeth Jane Dodds i'r ymrwymiad i gynnig prydau ysgol am ddim i bob disgybl ysgol gynradd dros oes y cytundeb. Ac mae hyn yn weithredu trawsnewidiol. Bydd yn sicrhau nad oes unrhyw blentyn yn yr ysgol gynradd yn cael ei adael yn llwglyd. Bydd yn allweddol ar gyfer mynd i'r afael â thlodi plant, gan leihau anghydraddoldebau canlyniadau sy'n gysylltiedig ag anfantais economaidd-gymdeithasol. Bydd darparu pryd iach fel rhan o'r diwrnod ysgol yn helpu i annog arferion ac agweddau bwyta'n iach, ac mae'n ddysgu ymarferol a gaiff ei atgyfnerthu gan y cwricwlwm newydd i Gymru, maes iechyd a lles dysgu a phrofiad, i helpu dysgwyr i ddeall y ffactorau sy'n effeithio ar iechyd a lles corfforol, gan gynnwys ymddygiadau hybu iechyd, megis maeth a deiet cytbwys.
Yn ystod yr haf, cyfarfûm â'r rhai sy'n gweithredu cynllun chwarae gwyliau'r haf Wrecsam ym Mharc Caia ac yn etholaeth Mike Hedges, ymwelais â'r prosiect Ffydd mewn Teuluoedd yn y ganolfan deuluol ym Môn-y-maen. Ac roedd hi'n bwysig siarad â'r rhieni a oedd yn cymryd rhan lawn yn y prosiect hwnnw ac a oedd wedi cael hunan-barch ac anogaeth i allu cefnogi eu teuluoedd ac edrych ar gyfleoedd ar gyfer eu hyfforddiant, eu haddysg bellach a'u cyflogaeth eu hunain. Roeddwn yn gallu deall y gwaith hanfodol a wnaed yn y cymunedau hynny, ac mae llawer ohonoch wedi tynnu sylw atynt o brosiectau rydych yn eu cefnogi ar draws y Siambr hon.
Nid oes amheuaeth y bydd cyflwyno prydau ysgol am ddim i bob disgybl cynradd yn lleddfu peth o'r pwysau ariannol sydd ar lawer o'r teuluoedd y maent yn eu cefnogi. Ond hefyd, yn bwysig, bydd yr ymrwymiad i brydau ysgol am ddim yn ein galluogi i ddefnyddio ein hysgogiadau i sbarduno caffael cyhoeddus a chynyddu cynhyrchiant bwyd lleol—rwy'n siŵr y bydd Peter Fox yn cael ei annog gan hynny—a dosbarthu. Yn ei dro, bydd o fudd i economïau, ecolegau a chymunedau lleol. A bydd yn digwydd ochr yn ochr â datblygu'r strategaeth bwyd cymunedol, gyda bwyd yn ffactor cyffredin. Mae ganddo'r potensial i wella iechyd meddwl a chorfforol dinasyddion Cymru, a chododd Delyth Jewell y pwynt pwysig hwn. Gall hefyd sicrhau'r manteision hynny i gymdeithas—manteision economaidd, amgylcheddol a chynaliadwy i helpu i adfywio ein cymunedau.
Ac am y drydedd flwyddyn yn olynol, rydym wedi dyrannu £2 filiwn i sefydliadau bwyd cymunedol i helpu i drechu tlodi bwyd a mynd i'r afael ag ansicrwydd bwyd. Rydym wedi cynyddu ein cyllid i FareShare i £500,000 eleni a dros y degawd diwethaf, maent wedi dosbarthu'r hyn sy'n cyfateb i 11 miliwn o brydau bwyd i bobl a oedd eu hangen, ac ar hyn o bryd maent yn darparu bwyd dros ben o ansawdd i tua 180 o sefydliadau cymunedol ac elusennau yng Nghymru, ac mae llawer o'r rheini'n gadarnhaol iawn yn y ffordd y maent yn ymgysylltu â'u cymunedau i ddarparu bwyd hygyrch. Rwy'n falch iawn fod Huw Irranca-Davies wedi crybwyll Big Bocs Bwyd, sydd eisoes wedi ennill gwobr yn sgil ei ddechrau yn ysgolion cynradd y Barri, gan gyflwyno'r prosiect i fwy nag 20 o ysgolion yn ardal parc rhanbarthol y Cymoedd. Ac wrth gwrs, ceir dealltwriaeth hefyd fod bwyd ac ymgysylltiad dychmygus FareShare, sef yr hyn y maent yn ei ddefnyddio, yn darparu bwyd fforddiadwy i deuluoedd, ond mae'n meithrin gwerthfawrogiad ehangach o'r cysylltiadau rhwng bwyd, natur a'r economi. Ond hefyd, yn rhan o'r gronfa £51 miliwn o gymorth i aelwydydd y mis diwethaf, bydd £1.1 miliwn yn mynd tuag at drechu tlodi bwyd, gan helpu'r banciau bwyd rydych i gyd yn eu cefnogi ledled Cymru gyda'r pwysau uniongyrchol y maent yn ei wynebu.
Gwyddom mai bod heb ddigon o arian yw prif achos tlodi bwyd, felly mae hyn yn bwysig os byddwn yn ei gysylltu â'r ymgyrch genedlaethol i annog defnydd o fudd-daliadau, gan godi ymwybyddiaeth pobl o'r cymorth ariannol y mae ganddynt hawl iddo, a'u hannog i ffonio Advicelink Cymru am gymorth a chyngor am ddim, a chynyddu incwm, a bydd ein cynllun cymorth tanwydd gaeaf yn gweld £38 miliwn yn mynd tuag at gefnogi aelwydydd sy'n derbyn budd-daliadau lles oedran gweithio ar sail prawf modd i leddfu'r pwysau uniongyrchol ar gostau byw y gaeaf hwn. Yn wir, fe wnaethom drafod hynny yr wythnos diwethaf yn y ddadl ar dlodi tanwydd. Ac mae gennym ein cronfa cymorth dewisol. Dyma'r holl ysgogiadau, y ffyrdd y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ddewis blaenoriaethu'r ffordd y gwariwn ein hadnoddau. Mae ein cronfa cymorth dewisol yn hanfodol i helpu pobl mewn argyfwng ariannol i ymateb i rai o'r heriau ariannol a wynebant, gan gynnwys talu costau bwyd a thanwydd. Ac ym mis Mawrth, cyhoeddwyd £10.5 miliwn arall gennym i barhau'r gefnogaeth ddigynsail i'r rhai sydd angen y gronfa cymorth dewisol ac sydd angen yr hyblygrwydd, ac rydym yn parhau'r hyblygrwydd hwnnw o ganlyniad i effaith andwyol y pandemig.
Rydym hefyd yn cymryd camau i gynyddu'r nifer sy'n manteisio ar dalebau Cychwyn Iach—ac mewn gwirionedd, rwy'n cyfarfod â Lynne Neagle, y Dirprwy Weinidog Iechyd Meddwl a Lles—gan wybod y gall y rhain hefyd ddarparu £4.25 i deuluoedd ifanc ar incwm isel bob wythnos i brynu llaeth, fitaminau a bwydydd sy'n gwella maeth plant. Rydym yn glir ynglŷn â'n hymrwymiad i fynd i'r afael â thlodi. Mae'n thema drawsbynciol ym mhroses gynllunio'r gyllideb. Bydd yn helpu i sicrhau bod tlodi yn ganolog i bolisi a darparu gwasanaethau, ond rhaid i mi ddweud bod hon yn adeg heddiw pan fo'n rhaid inni edrych ar bwy sy'n gyfrifol, beth yw'r achosion, a gwnaed penderfyniadau niweidiol gan Lywodraeth y DU, megis toriadau i gymorth lles a mwy nag 11 mlynedd o gyni sydd wedi gwthio mwy o aelwydydd agored i niwed yng Nghymru i mewn i dlodi.
Byddwn yn ysgwyddo ein cyfrifoldeb fel Llywodraeth Cymru, a gobeithio y bydd Llywodraeth y DU a'r blaid, a'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, yn ysgwyddo'u cyfrifoldebau hefyd. Mae gennym y dystiolaeth: Trussell Trust, Plant yng Nghymru, Sefydliad Bevan, Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree. Os chwaraewn ein rhan gyda'n pwerau a'n hadnoddau ni, rhaid i Lywodraeth y DU chwarae eu rhan lawer mwy hwythau. Rwy'n croesawu ac yn cefnogi'r cynnig a'r ddadl hon. Diolch.
Sioned Williams i ymateb i'r ddadl.
Sioned Williams to reply to the debate.
Diolch, Llywydd, a hoffwn i ddiolch i bawb sydd wedi cyfrannu i'r ddadl y prynhawn yma a'ch annog chi i gefnogi'r cynnig. A da clywed gan y Gweinidog y bydd y Llywodraeth yn cefnogi ein cynnig, achos hanfod y cynnig yma yw y dylen ni anelu nid yn unig at greu system fwyd decach a mwy cynaliadwy i'n pobl, ond y dylai hyn gael ei sefydlu fel hawl ddynol, a'i ymgorffori o fewn polisïau a gweithgarwch llywodraethol. Beth, wedi'r cyfan, allai fod yn fwy o ddyletswydd sylfaenol Llywodraeth tuag at ei phobl na sicrhau'r hawl nid yn unig i gyflenwad bwyd cynaliadwy, maethlon a digonol, ond hefyd yr hawl i iechyd, a does dim byd yn fwy sylfaenol i iechyd na chyflenwad digonol o fwyd iachus. Fe glywsom gan Luke Fletcher am y pwysigrwydd o sicrhau bod yr hawl i fwyd yn rhan annatod o'r system addysg, a bod tlodi a thlodi bwyd yn effeithio ar blant yn arbennig. Fe wnaeth Heledd Fychan sôn am sut y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru, er enghraifft, wneud mwy i daclo gwastraff bwyd drwy, er enghraifft, gynnwys amodau i atal hyn mewn cytundebau economaidd. Ac fe gawson ni ein hatgoffa yn rymus iawn gan Delyth Jewell fod hon yn ddadl ofnadwy o amserol. Mae'n gyfnod o argyfwng, fel rŷn ni wedi clywed gan sawl Aelod yma'r prynhawn yma, a bod mynd heb fwyd nid yn unig yn effeithio ar y corff, ond ar y meddwl ac ar yr enaid.
Fe soniodd Heledd Fychan a Mike Hedges hefyd am y defnydd o fanciau bwyd yn ehangu. Roedd Mike Hedges yn sôn bod hyn yn digwydd mewn ardaloedd sy'n cael eu hystyried fel rhai cymharol gefnog erbyn hyn. Roedd enghreifftiau torcalonnus o bobl yn mynd heb hanfodion bwyd. Roeddwn i'n hynod, hynod o bryderus i glywed Gareth Davies yn methu pwynt y ddadl yma yn gyfan gwbl yn ei gyfraniad e, drwy ddweud ei fod e am weld banciau bwyd, ac felly'r achosion o dlodi, yr angen sy'n gwneud banciau bwyd yn hanfodol, yn parhau. Meddai,
Thank you, Llywydd, and I'd like to thank everyone who's contributed to this afternoon's debate and encourage you to support the motion. It's good to hear from the Minister that the Government will be supporting our motion, because the essence of this motion is that we should aim not only towards creating a more sustainable and fairer food system for our people, but that this should be established as a basic human right and incorporated into policies and activities of Government. After all, what could be more of a fundamental duty of Government to its people than to ensure a right not only to a sustainable food supply which is nutritious and adequate, but also the right to health, and there is nothing more fundamental to health than an adequate supply of healthy food. We heard from Luke Fletcher about the importance of ensuring that the right to food should be an integral part of the education system and that poverty and food poverty impacts children particularly. Heledd Fychan mentioned how the Welsh Government could do more to tackle food waste through, for example, including conditions in economic contracts. And we were reminded very powerfully by Delyth Jewell that this is a very timely debate. It is a time of crisis, as we've heard from many Members here this afternoon, and going without food affects you not only physically, but mentally and spiritually.
Heledd Fychan and Mike Hedges mentioned the use of foodbanks, and Mike Hedges mentioned that this was happening in areas that are considered to be relatively prosperous now. There were some heartbreaking examples of people going without essential food. I was extremely concerned to hear Gareth Davies missing the point of this debate entirely in his contribution by saying that he wants to see foodbanks, and therefore the poverty and the need that makes foodbanks a necessity, continue. He said,
'In an ideal world', we wouldn't need foodbanks. It's a lack of political will that we don't live in an ideal world.
'Mewn byd delfrydol', ni fyddai angen banciau bwyd arnom. Diffyg ewyllys wleidyddol yw'r rheswm pam nad ydym yn byw mewn byd delfrydol.
Fe soniodd Jane Dodds am yr ardaloedd o ddiffeithwch bwyd, yr ardaloedd yma lle mae e'n amhosib cael gafael ar fwyd maethlon, fforddiadwy. Mae hyn yn bwysig, ac mae pethau fel polisïau trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, wrth gwrs, yn cyfrannu at y darlun yma a phroblemau'r cymunedau hyn. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn—. Sori, Mike.
Jane Dodds mentioned those areas that are food deserts, where it is impossible to access nutritious, affordable food. This is important, and things like public transport policy do contribute to this picture and the problems faced by these communities. I was very pleased—. Sorry, Mike.
You said 'an ideal world'. Some of us know it as the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s.
Fe ddywedoch chi 'mewn byd delfrydol'. Mae rhai ohonom yn ei adnabod fel y 1950au, y 1960au a'r 1970au.
Not always for women, but there we are.
Nid bob amser i fenywod, ond dyna ni.
Roedd Peter Fox yn sôn yn rymus iawn am gael cynlluniau bwyd lleol. Rwy'n croesawu'r syniad yna yn fawr iawn. Fe soniodd Peredur Owen Griffiths a Jenny Rathbone am, ac fe wnaethon nhw dynnu sylw at, y broblem yma o bobl yn methu fforddio tanwydd, wrth gwrs, i goginio eu bwyd, a phwysigrwydd newid ein perthynas â bwyd. Mae'n anodd credu, onid yw e, â'r Deyrnas Gyfunol yn un o wledydd cyfoethocaf y byd—y byd—fod llawer o bobl yn cael hi'n anodd fforddio bwyd, ac mae eu hiechyd wedyn yn dioddef.
Dwi'n wyres i löwr, ac roedden nhw ar streic ym 1926, a dwi wedi clywed am yr hanesion, am y caledu a'r prinder bwyd bryd hynny gan fy mam-gu. Mae'n anodd credu ein bod ni—ac mae llawer wedi sôn am hyn—bron ganrif yn ddiweddarach yn sôn am lefel o angen sydd wedi gweld atgyfodi'r angen am y cydweithredu cymunedol yna a gadwodd teuluoedd ein gweithwyr rhag llwgu yn y 1920au a'r 1930au.
Rwy'n gwirfoddoli gyda fy manc bwyd lleol i, Y Pantri ym Mhontardawe. Mae'r modd y mae'r gymuned yn dod at ei gilydd i geisio sicrhau bod gan bobl ddigon i'w fwyta yn ysbrydoledig. Dydyn ni ddim yn taflu unrhyw fath o sen ar y banciau bwyd, ond mewn gwirionedd mae eu bodolaeth nhw yn yr oes sydd ohoni yn gwbl droëdig.
Mae ein cynnig ni yn sôn am yr hawl i fwyd, ac fe soniodd Huw Irranca-Davies yn rymus am hyn, a phwysigrwydd y ffaith taw hawl yw e, a sut mae llywodraethau ac arweinwyr gwleidyddol wedi methu yn eu dyletswydd i gynnal yr hawl yma. Ers datganoli mae Cymru yn aml wedi ymfalchïo yn y camau blaengar y mae wedi'u cymryd ym meysydd hawliau, fel hawliau plant, er enghraifft, y clywsom ni sôn amdano yn y Siambr yma ddoe. Un o nodau datblygu cynaliadwy byd-eang y Cenhedloedd Unedig yw dileu newyn erbyn 2030, nod sy'n cael ei gydnabod gan y Llywodraeth yma yn ei hadroddiad atodol i adolygiad cenedlaethol gwirfoddol y Deyrnas Gyfunol o gynnydd tuag at y nodau hyn, ac mae'r datganiad ein bod ni yng Nghymru yn gwneud pethau yn wahanol yn cael ei frolio yn yr adroddiad hwnnw. Mae'r rhagymadrodd, yn enw Mark Drakeford a Jane Hutt, yn nodi bod nodau datblygu cynaliadwy'r Cenhedloedd Unedig yn gosod agenda uchelgeisiol er mwyn trawsnewid y byd i'r bobl ac i'r blaned er mwyn iddynt ffynnu.
'Rydym ni’n rhannu’r uchelgais hon yng Nghymru, ac rydym wedi ymroi i gyfrannu at y nodau',
medd ein Prif Weinidog a'n Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol a chydraddoldeb. O gofio'r ymrwymiad hwnnw, felly, mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru sicrhau bod yr hawl i fwyd yn rhan elfennol o'r polisïau ar draws y Llywodraeth sy'n mynd i'r afael â thlodi ac anfantais economaidd.
Rwyf am eich atgoffa chi unwaith eto pam mae hyn mor allweddol, drwy ailadrodd yr hyn yr ydym yn nodi yn ein cynnig, sef bod chwarter pobl Cymru mewn tlodi a'r defnydd o fanciau bwyd yn cynyddu, a bod ansicrwydd bwyd yn cael effaith andwyol ar iechyd a lles ein pobl. Ac ydy, mae ansicrwydd bwyd yn fater o ddiogelu iechyd cyhoeddus. Rydym ni wedi clywed gan Peredur Owen Griffiths sut y gall ansicrwydd bwyd gael effaith ddifrifol ar iechyd pobl hŷn, bod y rhai sy'n profi ansicrwydd bwyd yn fwy tebygol o gadw bwyd yn hirach a bwyta bwyd y tu hwnt i'r dyddiad mae'n ddiogel i'w fwyta. Mae hyn, ynghyd â mynd heb fwyd neu fwyta deiet anghytbwys, yn gallu deillio, wrth gwrs, o dlodi, ac mae'n rhoi pobl mewn perygl o ddiffyg maeth, gwenwyn bwyd, afiechyd. Sawl tro dros y misoedd diwethaf rŷm ni wedi clywed cyfeiriadau yn y Siambr hon at y storm berffaith o incwm yn gostwng a chostau byw yn cynyddu, o tswnami o angen sydd yn raddol godi ac ar fin taro gormod o'n haelwydydd? Mae'r cysylltiad rhwng prisiau bwyd yn codi wrth i incwm pobl ostwng yn gwbl amlwg, ac mae'r modd y mae bwyd yn rhan o'r hafaliad pryderus yma yn ganolog i'n dadl ni y prynhawn yma. Mae'n hysbys bod maeth mewn deiet yn gostwng wrth i'r ffactorau yma ddod ynghyd, ac wrth i hynny ddigwydd, mae'r tebygolrwydd o afiechyd a salwch yn cynyddu, ynghyd ag effaith negyddol, wrth gwrs, ar gyflyrau iechyd sydd eisoes yn bodoli, fel dywedodd Peredur.
Wrth gloi, felly, fe erfyniaf arnoch i gefnogi ein galwad ar Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol a Llywodraeth Cymru i ymrwymo i gyflawni eu dyletswydd fwyaf gwaelodol: bwydo eu pobl a rhoi taclo tlodi ar ben pob agenda. Does dim modd gwadu bod rhywbeth mawr o'i le ar ein cymdeithas. Rhaid sicrhau nad oes yna rwystr i bobl fwynhau y mwyaf sylfaenol o'u hawliau dynol—yr hawl i fwyd. Diolch.
Peter Fox spoke very powerfully on this need for local food plans, and I welcome that idea very warmly. Peredur Owen Griffiths and Jenny Rathbone highlighted this problem of people not being able to afford the fuel to cook their food, and the importance of changing our relationship with food. It's difficult to believe, isn't it, that, with the UK being one of the most wealthy nations in the world, many people have difficulty in affording food, and their health suffers as a result of that.
I'm the granddaughter of a miner, and they were on strike in 1926, and I've heard the stories about the hardship and food shortages at that time from my grandmother. It's difficult to believe that, almost a century later—many people mentioned this—we are talking about a level of need that requires that community collaboration that kept the families of workers from starvation in the 1920s and 1930s.
I volunteer with my local foodbank, The Pantry, in Pontardawe, and the way the community comes together to try and ensure that people have enough to eat is inspiring. We're not criticising foodbanks in any way whatsoever, but in reality their existence in this day and age is repulsive.
Our motion talks about the right to food, and Huw Irranca-Davies spoke powerfully about this, and the importance of the fact that it is a right and how governments and political leaders have failed in their duty to support that right. Since devolution, Wales has often taken pride in the bold steps that it has taken in terms of rights, such as children's rights, which we heard mentioned in this Chamber yesterday. One of the United Nations' global sustainable development goals is to eradicate famine by 2030, an aim that is acknowledged by this Government in its supplementary report to the UK's voluntary national review of progress towards the sustainable development goals and the statement that we in Wales are doing things differently is lauded in that report. The foreword, in the name of Mark Drakeford and Jane Hutt, notes that the UN's sustainable development goals set out an ambitious agenda for transforming the world for people, the planet and prosperity.
'We share this ambition in Wales and we are committed to making our contribution to the goals',
states our First Minister and our Minister for Social Justice and equalities. Bearing in mind that commitment, the Welsh Government needs to ensure that the right to food is an integral part of policies across Government that tackle poverty and economic deprivation.
I want to remind you once again why this is so crucial, by repeating what we note in our motion, namely that a quarter of the people of Wales are living in poverty and the use of foodbanks is increasing, and food insecurity is having a detrimental impact on the health and well-being of our people. And yes, food insecurity is a matter of public health protection. We've heard from Peredur Owen Griffiths how this can have a detrimental impact on the health of older people, and that those who experience food insecurity are more likely to keep food for longer and eat food where it's gone beyond the date where it's safe to eat. This, along with going without food or eating an unbalanced diet, can, of course, emerge from poverty and puts people at risk of malnutrition, food poisoning and ill health. How many times over the past few months have we heard references in this Chamber to the perfect storm of diminishing income and increasing living costs, to the tsunami of need that is gradually emerging and is about to hit too many of our households? The link between food prices increasing as people's income declines is clear for all to see, and the way in which food is part of this worrying equation is central to our debate this afternoon. It is known that nutrition in diet reduces as these factors emerge, and as that happens, the likelihood of ill health increases, as well as the negative impact on existing medical conditions, as Peredur mentioned.
In conclusion, therefore, I urge you to support our demands on the UK Government and the Welsh Government to commit to deliver their most fundamental duty: to feed their people and to put tackling poverty at the top of every agenda. One can't deny that there is something very wrong with our society. We must ensure that there is no barrier to people enjoying the most fundamental of their human rights—the right to food. Thank you.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [Gwrthwynebiad.] Felly, fe fyddwn ni'n gohirio'r bleidlais tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] I will therefore defer voting on the motion until voting time.
Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Voting deferred until voting time.
Rŷm ni'n cyrraedd y cyfnod pleidleisio. Fe gymerwn ni egwyl fer cyn hynny i baratoi yn dechnegol ar gyfer y bleidlais. Egwyl.
We now reach voting time, and we'll take a short break to prepare for the vote.
Ataliwyd y Cyfarfod Llawn am 18:12.
Plenary was suspended at 18:12.
Ailymgynullodd y Senedd am 18:16, gyda'r Llywydd yn y Gadair.
The Senedd reconvened at 18:16, with the Llywydd in the Chair.
Dyma ni'n cyrraedd y cyfnod pleidleisio am heddiw. Mae'r bleidlais gyntaf ar ddadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ar wasanaethau iechyd meddwl, a dwi'n galw am bleidlais ar y cynnig a gyflwynwyd yn enw Darren Millar. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 28, neb yn ymatal, 28 yn erbyn. Fel sy'n ofynnol o dan Reol Sefydlog 6.20, rwy'n arfer fy mhleidlais fwrw i bleidleisio yn erbyn y cynnig. Felly, canlyniad y bleidlais yw bod 28 o blaid, neb yn ymatal, 29 yn erbyn. Ac felly, mae'r cynnig wedi ei wrthod.
That brings us to voting time for today. The first vote is on the Welsh Conservatives debate on mental health services, and I call for a vote on the motion, tabled in the name of Darren Millar. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 28, no abstentions, 28 against. As is required under Standing Order 6.20, I exercise my casting vote to vote against the motion. So, the result of the vote is that there were 28 in favour, no abstentions, 29 against. Therefore, the motion is not agreed.
Eitem 6. Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig - Gwasanaethau Iechyd Meddwl - Cynnig heb ei ddiwygio: O blaid: 28, Yn erbyn: 28, Ymatal: 0
Gan fod nifer y pleidleisiau yn gyfartal, defnyddiodd y Llywydd ei phleidlais fwrw yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 6.20(ii).
Gwrthodwyd y cynnig
Item 6. Welsh Conservatives debate - Mental health services - Motion without amendment: For: 28, Against: 28, Abstain: 0
As there was an equality of votes, the Llywydd used her casting vote in accordance with Standing Order 6.20(ii).
Motion has been rejected
Dwi'n galw am bleidlais, felly, ar welliant 1, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Lesley Griffiths. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 28, neb yn ymatal, 28 yn erbyn. Ac felly, fe fyddaf i'n defnyddio'r bleidlais fwrw, ac fe fyddaf i'n defnyddio'r bleidlais fwrw yn erbyn y gwelliant. Felly, mae'r gwelliant wedi ei wrthod.
I now call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 28, no abstentions, 28 against. And therefore, I will use my casting vote to vote against the amendment. Therefore, the amendment is not agreed.
Eitem 6 Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig - Gwelliant 1, cyflwynwyd yn enw Lesley Griffiths: O blaid: 28, Yn erbyn: 28, Ymatal: 0
Gan fod nifer y pleidleisiau yn gyfartal, defnyddiodd y Llywydd ei phleidlais fwrw yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 6.20(ii).
Gwrthodwyd y gwelliant
Item 6. Welsh Conservatives debate - Amendment 1, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths: For: 28, Against: 28, Abstain: 0
As there was an equality of votes, the Llywydd used her casting vote in accordance with Standing Order 6.20(ii).
Amendment has been rejected
Dwi'n galw nawr am bleidlais ar y cynnig—. Ond does dim angen pleidlais bellach ar y cynnig, achos does yna ddim diwygio wedi digwydd. Ocê. Reit.
Fe awn ni ymlaen i'r bleidlais ar ddadl Plaid Cymru ar dlodi bwyd, a dwi'n galw am bleidlais ar y cynnig a gyflwynwyd yn enw Siân Gwenllian. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 41, yn ymatal neb, ac 15 yn erbyn. Felly, mae'r cynnig wedi'i dderbyn, sy'n golygu nad oes pleidleisiau ar y gwelliannau, a dyna'r bleidlais olaf am heddiw.
I now call for a vote on the motion—. But we don't need a further vote on the motion, as the amendment was not agreed. Okay. Right.
We'll move on to the vote on the Plaid Cymru debate on food poverty, and I call for a vote on the motion, tabled in the name of Siân Gwenllian. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 41, no abstentions and 15 against. Therefore, the motion is agreed, so we will not vote on the amendments, and that's the final vote for today.
Eitem 7. Dadl Plaid Cymru - Tlodi bwyd - Cynnig heb ei ddiwygio: O blaid: 41, Yn erbyn: 15, Ymatal: 0
Derbyniwyd y cynnig
Item 7. Plaid Cymru debate: Food Poverty - Motion without amendment: For: 41, Against: 15, Abstain: 0
Motion has been agreed
Y ddadl fer fydd nawr nesaf. Fe wnaf i adael rhyw gymaint o amser i basio i Aelodau fedru gadael y cyfarfod os ydyn nhw'n dymuno, ac i wneud hynny'n dawel. Mae'r ddadl fer heddiw i'w chyflwyno gan Rhys ab Owen.
The short debate is next. I will allow some time for those Members who are leaving the Chamber if they choose to do so, and please do so quietly. Today's debate is to be moved by Rhys ab Owen.
Ydych chi am i fi ddechrau nawr? Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Dwi wedi cytuno i roi munud i fy nghyfaill Mabon ap Gwynfor.
Pasiwyd Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015 yn y Siambr hon chwe blynedd yn ôl. Ei nod oedd ymgorffori yn ein cyfraith, yn ein cyrff cyhoeddus, a'n diwylliant, saith nod llesiant a phum egwyddor datblygu cynaliadwy. Roedd y pum egwyddor hyn i fod i gael eu rhoi wrth wraidd pob penderfyniad gan gorff cyhoeddus—pob nod a phob gweithgaredd hefyd. Roedd egwyddorion o feddwl hirdymor, o integreiddio, o atal niwed, o gydweithredu a chyfranogi yno i'n cynorthwyo ni fel cenedl i gyrraedd amcanion cynaliadwy.
Would you like me to begin now? Thank you very much, Llywydd. I have agreed to give a minute to my colleague Mabon ap Gwynfor.
The Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015 was passed in this Chamber six years ago. Its aim was to embed in our law, our public bodies and our culture, seven well-being goals and five sustainable development principles. These five principles were to be put at the heart of every decision by a public body in Wales—every goal and every activity as well. The principles of long-term thinking, integration, preventing harm, collaboration and participation were there to help us as a nation to achieve sustainable goals.
It's no wonder that this ambitious and wide-reaching Act was credited as the envy of the world by the Government and many others at the time and subsequently. That's why our future generations commissioner, Sophie Howe, was called by the United Nations to help them in their planning for a similar commissioner role modelled on Wales. That's why, when Lord John Bird, the co-founder of The Big Issue, brought forth a Bill in the House of Lords, he praised the Welsh model for leading the way. That's why, when the Irish foreign Minister visited us last month, he said that the Act was inspirational. It's evident, Llywydd, that Wales isn't just making ripples, it's making waves in the world.
The Act coincides with a real need for long-term thinking, which has, rightly and about time, come to the forefront recently. The COVID pandemic and the climate emergency have highlighted the need for long-term thinking to mitigate our destructive short-termism—the need to forward plan our environmental strategy to fit future needs, to forward plan on housing policies to protect our communities and to support our young people and to forward plan to make sure that we here in Wales have a democracy that is strong, robust and reflective of Welsh society. All of these and more are things that the future generations of Wales should inherit from us—a prosperous Wales, a resilient Wales, a Wales of cohesive communities and of vibrant cultures.
Nid yw'n syndod bod y Ddeddf uchelgeisiol a phellgyrhaeddol hon yn cael ei hystyried yn destun cenfigen y byd gan y Llywodraeth a llawer o rai eraill ar y pryd ac wedi hynny. Dyna pam y cafodd comisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, Sophie Howe, ei galw gan y Cenhedloedd Unedig i'w helpu i gynllunio ar gyfer rôl comisiynydd tebyg a fodelwyd ar Gymru. Dyna pam y canmolodd yr Arglwydd John Bird, cyd-sylfaenydd The Big Issue, fodel Cymru am arwain y ffordd wrth iddo gyflwyno Bil yn Nhŷ'r Arglwyddi. Dyna pam y dywedodd Gweinidog tramor Iwerddon fod y Ddeddf yn ysbrydoledig pan ymwelodd â ni fis diwethaf. Mae'n amlwg, Lywydd, nad creu crychiadau'n unig y mae Cymru, mae'n creu tonnau yn y byd.
Mae'r Ddeddf yn cyd-daro ag angen gwirioneddol am feddylfryd hirdymor, sydd, yn briodol ac o'r diwedd, wedi dod i'r amlwg yn ddiweddar. Mae'r pandemig COVID a'r argyfwng hinsawdd wedi tynnu sylw at yr angen am feddwl hirdymor i liniaru ein hagwedd fyrdymor ddinistriol—yr angen i flaengynllunio ein strategaeth amgylcheddol i ddiwallu anghenion y dyfodol, i flaengynllunio polisïau tai i ddiogelu ein cymunedau ac i gefnogi ein pobl ifanc ac i flaengynllunio er mwyn sicrhau bod gennym ni yma yng Nghymru ddemocratiaeth sy'n gryf, yn gadarn ac sy'n adlewyrchu'r gymdeithas Gymreig. Mae'r rhain i gyd a mwy yn bethau y dylai cenedlaethau'r dyfodol yng Nghymru eu hetifeddu gennym—Cymru lewyrchus, Cymru gydnerth, Cymru o gymunedau cydlynol a diwylliannau bywiog.
Dyma'r hyn yr oedd Deddf cenedlaethau'r dyfodol i fod i'w gyflawni. Ond, ar ôl chwe blynedd, a nifer o achosion llys yn ddiweddarach, rydyn ni'n wedi gweld nad oes gan y Ddeddf hon y pwerau angenrheidiol i gyflawni ei hamcanion clodwiw. Rwy'n cyfaddef bod y Ddeddf, i raddau, wedi newid y ffordd rŷn ni'n meddwl. Mae rhai cynghorau wedi datgan argyfwng natur ac mae rhai cyrff cyhoeddus wedi cymryd camau cadarnhaol i fod yn fwy gwyrdd. Ond dyw hyn ddim yn mynd yn ddigon pell. Ofer yw datganiadau a'r bwriadau gorau os nad yw gweithredoedd pendant yn eu dilyn. Ofer yw cydnabod amcanion os bod modd eu hosgoi pan fyddan nhw'n anghyfleus. Ofer yw hyd yn oed y Ddeddf mwyaf uchelgeisiol os nad oes modd dal cyrff cyhoeddus i gyfrif pan fyddan nhw'n torri'r Ddeddf yna.
This is what the future generations Act was supposed to accomplish. But, after six years, and many court cases later, we see that the Act does not have the necessary powers to achieve its laudable objectives. I will concede that the Act, to an extent, has changed the way that we think. Some Welsh councils have declared a nature emergency and some other public bodies have taken some positive steps to be greener. But, this doesn't go far enough. It is meaningless to have declarations and the best intentions if specific actions do not follow. It is meaningless to acknowledge objectives if they can be avoided when they are inconvenient. It is meaningless to have even the most ambitious Act if it cannot be used to hold public bodies to account when they breach that Act.
In the auditor general's study into the future generations Act, he concluded that public bodies overwhelmingly focus on improving economic and social well-being over environmental and cultural objectives. We shouldn't need reminding, Llywydd, that COP26 again stressed the importance of enshrining environmental sustainability into everyday thinking and everyday planning. There is little point to plan and to strategise about anything else unless we tackle the climate emergency, and I'm so pleased that the co-operation agreement between the Welsh Government and Plaid Cymru is looking to the possibility of reaching net zero by 2035. Yet, for that to happen, environmental sustainability needs to be at the very heart of every aspect of our lives, from Government to civil society, and seeing where we can do better.
Yn astudiaeth yr archwilydd cyffredinol i Ddeddf cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, daeth i'r casgliad fod cyrff cyhoeddus yn canolbwyntio llawer mwy ar wella lles economaidd a chymdeithasol nag ar amcanion amgylcheddol a diwylliannol. Ni ddylai fod angen ein hatgoffa, Lywydd, fod COP26 unwaith eto wedi pwysleisio pwysigrwydd cynnwys cynaliadwyedd amgylcheddol yn ein meddylfryd a'n cynlluniau o ddydd i ddydd. Nid oes llawer o ddiben cynllunio a meddwl yn strategol am unrhyw beth arall oni bai ein bod yn mynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng hinsawdd, ac rwyf mor falch fod y cytundeb cydweithio rhwng Llywodraeth Cymru a Phlaid Cymru yn edrych ar y posibilrwydd o gyrraedd sero net erbyn 2035. Ac eto, er mwyn i hynny ddigwydd, mae angen i gynaliadwyedd amgylcheddol fod yn gwbl ganolog i bob agwedd ar ein bywydau, o'r Llywodraeth i gymdeithas sifil, a gweld lle gallwn wneud yn well.
Yr egwyddorion yma oedd gwreiddiau y Ddeddf, ond mae'r Ddeddf eto i flodeuo, oherwydd dyw'r Ddeddf heb gael y cyfle i gyflawni ei gwir botensial.
These principles were the roots of the Act, but the Act is yet to blossom, and that is because the Act has not had the opportunity to deliver its true potential.
I fear the Act has become some sort of a tick-box exercise. Local government and public bodies will say that they've considered it, that they've considered the future, and then move on regardless with their present plans. If asked, they will be able to show that they considered the Act whilst making decisions, but I'm unconvinced that they would be able to show that the Act influenced their decision. There seems to be no clear understanding by public bodies of what the Act requires them to do. Plainly, there hasn't been a real cultural shift, a shift of thinking, a shift of doing. I was happy to hear in a recent Welsh Government statement that they were redoubling their efforts to correct this and to accelerate the change needed to help refocus public bodies. However, this shift into real change within our communities needs to strengthen communities. One way to do that would be to give enforceability powers to the Act. What's the point of an Act if we cannot penalise anyone for breaching it? Public bodies can have wanton disregard to this Act and yet face no real consequences. Acts of Parliament ought to be enforceable and not merely aspirational.
Rwy'n ofni bod y Ddeddf wedi dod yn rhyw fath o ymarfer ticio blychau. Bydd llywodraeth leol a chyrff cyhoeddus yn dweud eu bod wedi ei hystyried, eu bod wedi ystyried y dyfodol, ac yna'n symud ymlaen â'u cynlluniau presennol beth bynnag. Os gofynnir iddynt, byddant yn gallu dangos eu bod wedi ystyried y Ddeddf wrth wneud penderfyniadau, ond nid wyf yn argyhoeddedig y byddant yn gallu dangos bod y Ddeddf wedi dylanwadu ar eu penderfyniad. Ymddengys nad oes unrhyw ddealltwriaeth glir gan gyrff cyhoeddus o'r hyn y mae'r Ddeddf yn gofyn iddynt ei wneud. Yn amlwg, ni fu newid diwylliannol go iawn, newid meddylfryd, newid yn yr hyn a wneir. Roeddwn yn hapus i glywed, mewn datganiad diweddar gan Lywodraeth Cymru, eu bod yn ailddyblu eu hymdrechion i gywiro hyn a chyflymu'r newid sydd ei angen i helpu i ailffocysu cyrff cyhoeddus. Fodd bynnag, mae angen i'r newid gwirioneddol hwn yn ein cymunedau gryfhau cymunedau. Un ffordd o wneud hynny fyddai rhoi pwerau gorfodi i'r Ddeddf. Beth yw pwynt Deddf os na allwn gosbi unrhyw un am ei thorri? Gall cyrff cyhoeddus ddiystyru'r Ddeddf hon yn llwyr heb orfod wynebu unrhyw ganlyniadau go iawn. Dylai Deddfau Seneddol fod yn orfodadwy ac nid yn uchelgeisiol yn unig.
Yn wahanol i Gomisiynydd y Gymraeg, does gan gomisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol ddim unrhyw bŵer i gosbi cyrff cyhoeddus sydd wedi torri eu dyletswyddau. Does gan gomisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol ddim unrhyw bŵer i atal pethau rhag digwydd neu i orfodi pethau i ddigwydd. Ar sawl achlysur, a dwi'n siŵr bod hwn yn wir i Aelodau eraill, mae ymgyrchwyr lleol wedi cysylltu gyda fi yn feirniadol iawn o'r comisiynydd—ei bod hi heb wneud digon, ei bod hi heb eu cefnogi—ond y gwir yw does dim bai ar y comisiynydd, does dim y pŵer ganddi i wneud y gwahaniaeth angenrheidiol.
Unlike the Welsh Language Commissioner, the future generations commissioner has no powers to punish public bodies that have breached their duties. The future generations commissioner has no powers to stop things from happening or to make them happen. On many occasions, and I'm sure this is true for other Members, local campaigners have approached me and have been very critical of the commissioner—for not doing enough, and that she hasn't supported them—but the truth is that the commissioner is blameless, she doesn't have the power to make the difference that's needed.
Many people, both inside this Chamber and outside it, have criticised this Act for its lack of enforceability. When a Labour backbencher, our own Counsel General, argued that the Act was far too loose and too woolly when he was debating it in its first reading, can we really tell ourselves here now, can we really tell the people of Wales, that it has become less woolly since? We simply can't. It was true then and subsequent court hearings have shown it to be true now. It was hoped that the Act could be used by local communities within judicial review hearings, yet that has not been the case.
Can we tell the students of Cymer Afan Comprehensive that the future generations Act is watertight and protects their cohesive community? When parents of students at the school tried to implement the Act against the closure of their school back in March 2019, it failed; it failed at the first hurdle. The High Court judge Mrs Justice Lambert argued that the Act could not trigger a judicial review. She went further, and said in her decision that the Act was
'deliberately vague, general and aspirational and which applies to a class rather than individuals.'
As such, she said:
'judicial review is not the appropriate means of enforcing such duties.'
Now, I’m not commenting whether these cases would have succeeded in the judicial review applications, but they should have had the opportunity to put that argument forward, to use the Act to put their argument further. But they couldn’t—it was thrown out at the first hurdle on each and every occasion. This Act has more bark than bite, more rhetoric than reality, and is more aspirational than enforceable.
Mae llawer o bobl, yn y Siambr hon a'r tu allan iddi, wedi beirniadu'r Ddeddf hon am ei diffyg gorfodadwyedd. Pan ddadleuodd Aelod Llafur o'r meinciau cefn, ein Cwnsler Cyffredinol ein hunain, fod y Ddeddf yn llawer rhy llac ac yn rhy niwlog pan oedd yn ei thrafod yn ystod ei darlleniad cyntaf, a allwn ni ddweud wrthym ein hunain yma yn awr, a allwn ni ddweud wrth bobl Cymru mewn gwirionedd, ei bod wedi dod yn llai niwlog ers hynny? Ni allwn wneud hynny. Roedd yn wir bryd hynny ac mae gwrandawiadau llys dilynol wedi dangos ei fod yn wir yn awr. Y gobaith oedd y gallai cymunedau lleol ddefnyddio'r Ddeddf mewn gwrandawiadau adolygiadau barnwrol, ac eto nid yw hynny wedi digwydd.
A allwn ni ddweud wrth ddisgyblion Ysgol Gyfun Cymer Afan fod Deddf cenedlaethau'r dyfodol yn dal dŵr ac yn diogelu eu cymuned gydlynus? Pan geisiodd rhieni disgyblion yn yr ysgol weithredu'r Ddeddf yn erbyn cynlluniau i gau eu hysgol yn ôl ym mis Mawrth 2019, fe fethodd; methodd ar y rhwystr cyntaf. Dadleuodd barnwr yr Uchel Lys, Mrs Ustus Lambert, na allai'r Ddeddf sbarduno adolygiad barnwrol. Aeth gam ymhellach, a dywedodd yn ei phenderfyniad fod y Ddeddf yn
'yn fwriadol amwys, cyffredinol a dyheadol ac yn berthnasol i ddosbarth yn hytrach nag unigolion.'
O'r herwydd, dywedodd:
'nid adolygiad barnwrol yw'r ffordd briodol o orfodi dyletswyddau o'r fath.'
Nawr, nid wyf yn dweud y byddai'r achosion hyn wedi llwyddo yng ngheisiadau'r adolygiad barnwrol, ond dylent fod wedi cael cyfle i gyflwyno'r ddadl honno, i ddefnyddio'r Ddeddf i gyflwyno eu dadl ymhellach. Ond ni allent wneud hynny—cafodd ei thaflu allan ar y rhwystr cyntaf ar bob achlysur. Mae gan y Ddeddf hon fwy o gyfarthiad na brathiad, mwy o rethreg na realiti, ac mae'n fwy dyheadol na gorfodadwy.
Sut fedrwn ni eistedd fan hyn—a dwi wedi clywed hyn yn y chwech mis dwi wedi bod yn y Siambr—sut fedrwn ni eistedd fan hyn yn braf yn canmol y Ddeddf, yn dweud ei bod hi’n radical, yn dweud ei bod hi’n genfigen y byd, pan nad yw hi hyd yn oed yn rhoi hawliau sylfaenol i'n dinasyddion ni i ddiogelu eu hasedau lleol ac i ddwyn eu cyrff cyhoeddus a'u llywodraeth leol i gyfrif? Dydy’r ffaith bod pobl yn adrodd geiriau fel 'cenfigen y byd' yn aml ddim yn meddwl bod hynny yn wir; dyw e ddim yn meddwl bod y Ddeddf yn berffaith. Dylem ni, fel Senedd, fel deddfwrfa, fod yn ddigon aeddfed i gydnabod pan dyw Deddf ddim yn ddigon da, ac wedyn bod yn barod i’w newid.
How then can we sit here—and I've heard this in the six months that I've been in the Chamber—how can we sit here and praise the Act for being radical and saying that it's the envy of the world, when it doesn't even give our citizens the rights to protect their local assets and to hold their public bodies and local government to account? The fact that people use phrases such as 'the envy of the world' routinely does not mean that it's true, and it doesn't mean that the law is perfect. We should, as a Senedd, be mature enough to recognise when a law is not good enough, and then be prepared to change it.
When the former Lord Chief Justice, Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd, said of the Act that it wasn’t specific and it wasn't tight enough; when one of Wales’s leading silks, Rhodri Williams Queen's Counsel, described it as 'virtually useless'; when the eminent public law academic, Dr Sarah Nason from Bangor University, said it didn’t endow individuals with legal, enforceable rights, they were all highlighting the same problem—the Act’s inability to properly hold public bodies to account, and the Act’s inability to properly empower local people and communities.
Pan ddywedodd y cyn Arglwydd Brif Ustus, yr Arglwydd Thomas o Gwmgïedd, nad oedd y Ddeddf yn ddigon penodol nac yn ddigon tynn; pan ddisgrifiodd un o brif fargyfreithwyr Cymru, Cwnsler y Frenhines, Rhodri Williams, ei bod 'bron yn ddiwerth'; pan ddywedodd yr academydd blaenllaw ym maes cyfraith gyhoeddus, Dr Sarah Nason o Brifysgol Bangor, nad oedd yn rhoi hawliau cyfreithiol, gorfodadwy i unigolion, roeddent i gyd yn tynnu sylw at yr un broblem—anallu'r Ddeddf i ddwyn cyrff cyhoeddus i gyfrif yn briodol, ac anallu'r Ddeddf i rymuso pobl a chymunedau lleol yn briodol.
Sut gallwn ni obeithio newid y ffordd o feddwl yng Nghymru ac ymgorffori datblygu cynaliadwy yn ein bywydau pan na all dinasyddion hyd yn oed ddibynnu ar y Ddeddf i wneud yr hyn y bwriadwyd iddi wneud? Dim ond pan y gall pobl Cymru ddefnyddio'r Ddeddf hon i amddiffyn eu hasedau lleol, ac i ddwyn cyrff cyhoeddus i gyfrif, y bydd y Ddeddf hon yn cyrraedd ei gwir photensial.
Os mai bwriad y Ddeddf hon oedd bod yn gyfres wan o egwyddorion, gadewch i ni fod yn onest am hynny. Ac os yw hynny’n wir, wel dwi’n dweud ein bod ni wedi gor-ddweud, ein bod wedi gorwerthu y Ddeddf hon yn y Siambr yma. Heb ei bod hi'n cael y pwerau grym angenrheidiol, mae’r Ddeddf hon yn ddi-rym ac, yn bwysicach na hynny, ar y cyfan, yn ddiwerth.
How can we hope to change the way that we think in Wales and embed sustainable development into our lives when citizens can't even rely on the Act to do what the Act was intended to do? It's only when the people of Wales can use this Act to protect their local assets and to hold public bodies to account that this Act will fulfil its true potential.
If the intention of this Act was to be a series of weak principles, let's be honest about that. And if that's true, then I will say that we have over-sold this Act in this Chamber. Without having the necessary powers, this Act is powerless and, more importantly, on the whole, it is useless.
That’s why this Chamber needs post-legislative scrutiny of this Act. We need to reform it. We need to give it some teeth. We need to give it some enforceability. Give it a chance to make a real change for the people of Wales, so that we can use this Act to better ourselves, to better our communities, and to better our environment.
This must become the focal point of how to fix the future generations Act and make it worthy of the lavish praise it has received. This is a chance, a real chance for us here in Wales to influence our future, and the future of our world. We can lead the way. We can show other nations how to protect our communities, our environment, and how to make sustainable development the cornerstone of our governance. And I hope that there is appetite to do this, to give the Act some teeth, to enable it to flower to its full potential.
When I questioned the Counsel General, Mick Antoniw, recently here in Plenary on the Act, he said these words:
'I think, with all legislation, once it has been in force for a while, it does need to be reviewed.'
Well, this is certainly true about the future generations Act, and that review needs to happen sooner rather than later. It needs to empower the Act. It needs to ensure that we can not only enshrine future thinking into every decision by public bodies, but that we can also hold public bodies to account when they fail to do so. Diolch yn fawr.
Dyna pam y mae angen i'r Siambr hon graffu'n ôl-ddeddfwriaethol ar y Ddeddf hon. Mae angen inni ei diwygio. Mae angen inni roi dannedd iddi. Mae angen inni ei gwneud yn orfodol. Rhowch gyfle iddi wneud newid gwirioneddol i bobl Cymru, fel y gallwn ddefnyddio'r Ddeddf hon i wella ein hunain, i wella ein cymunedau, ac i wella ein hamgylchedd.
Rhaid i hwn ddod yn ganolbwynt ar gyfer trwsio Deddf cenedlaethau'r dyfodol a'i gwneud yn deilwng o'r ganmoliaeth hael y mae wedi'i chael. Dyma gyfle, cyfle go iawn i ni yma yng Nghymru ddylanwadu ar ein dyfodol, a dyfodol ein byd. Gallwn arwain y ffordd. Gallwn ddangos i genhedloedd eraill sut i ddiogelu ein cymunedau, ein hamgylchedd, a sut i wneud datblygu cynaliadwy yn gonglfaen i'n trefniadau llywodraethu. A gobeithio bod awydd i wneud hyn, i roi dannedd i'r Ddeddf, i'w galluogi i flodeuo i'w llawn botensial.
Pan holais y Cwnsler Cyffredinol, Mick Antoniw, yn ddiweddar yma yn y Cyfarfod Llawn ynglŷn â'r Ddeddf, dywedodd y geiriau hyn:
'Gyda'r holl ddeddfwriaeth, pan fydd wedi bod mewn grym am gyfnod, rwy'n credu bod angen ei hadolygu.'
Wel, mae hyn yn sicr yn wir am Ddeddf cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, ac mae angen i'r adolygiad hwnnw ddigwydd yn gynt yn hytrach nag yn hwyrach. Mae angen iddo rymuso'r Ddeddf. Mae angen iddo sicrhau nid yn unig y gallwn gynnwys ein meddylfryd ar gyfer y dyfodol ym mhob penderfyniad a wneir gan gyrff cyhoeddus, ond y gallwn hefyd ddwyn cyrff cyhoeddus i gyfrif pan fyddant yn methu gwneud hynny. Diolch yn fawr.
Diolch yn fawr, Rhys, am gyflwyno'r ddadl yma. Mae'r ddeddfwriaeth yma'n cael ei dal i fyny, fel rydyn ni wedi clywed, fel peth blaengar sy'n torri tir newydd, ac, i raddau helaeth, mae hynny'n gywir. Os caf i gychwyn trwy gydnabod llwyddiant y ddeddfwriaeth. Pan oeddwn i'n gynghorydd sir, roedd pob adroddiad oedd yn dod gerbron y cyngor gan y swyddogion yn gorfod cynnwys dadansoddiad o effaith unrhyw benderfyniad ar genedlaethau'r dyfodol. Felly, mae hynna yn ei hun yn arwydd o ryw fath o lwyddiant; mater arall, wrth gwrs, ydy sut oedd y swyddogion wedi dod i'r casgliadau hynny. Roedd rhai ohonyn nhw'n amheus iawn, a dweud y lleiaf, ond o leiaf roedd yna ystyriaeth yn cael ei rhoi i genedlaethau'r dyfodol ar bapur. Ond fy mhryder ydy, er bod y syniadau'n dda ar bapur, nad ydy o'n bosib i weithredu go iawn, fel mae Rhys wedi esbonio'n huawdl iawn.
Ystyriwch yr argyfwng tai—mae ymgyrchwyr yma wedi cael cyngor cyfreithiol ynghylch yr argyfwng tai, a methiant pobl yn eu cymunedau i gael mynediad i'r farchnad, boed i brynu neu rentu. Ddaru nhw fynd i gael cyngor cyfreithiol, a dyma'r cyngor yn dod nôl a dweud bod y ddeddfwriaeth hon yn uchelgeisiol—aspirational—heb ddannedd go iawn, ac felly, nad oedd modd na phwrpas ei defnyddio mewn llys barn. Felly, er bod y ddeddfwriaeth yn ein gwneud ni i deimlo'n gynnes, er ei bod hi'n edrych yn dda, mae'r gweithredu felly yn ein gadael ni i lawr. Hoffwn i glywed, felly, gan y Gweinidog pa effaith go iawn mae hi'n credu bod y ddeddfwriaeth yma wedi ei chael, a sut y gall ein cymunedau gael budd go iawn o'r ddeddfwriaeth. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
Thank you very much, Rhys, for bringing this debate forward. This legislation is held up as being very bold, that breaks new ground, and, to a certain extent, that is quite correct. If I could start by recognising the success of the legislation. When I was a county councillor, the council did have to include an impact assessment as a result of the future generations Bill, and that in itself is a positive development; it's another issue as to how officials came to those conclusions. Some of them were very doubtful, to say the least, but at least consideration was given to future generations on paper. But my concern is that, although the ideas are good on paper, that it's not possible to implement them properly, as Rhys has explained very well.
Consider the housing crisis—there are campaigners who have sought legal advice on the housing crisis and the failure of people to access the housing market in their communities, to buy or rent. They sought legal advice, and the advice was that this legislation was aspirational but didn't have teeth, and, therefore, there was no purpose in using it in a court of law. So, although the legislation makes us feel warm inside, and it looks good, the action is letting us down. I would like to hear from the Minister, therefore, what real impact she thinks this legislation has had and how our communities can benefit from this legislation. Thank you very much.
Y Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol i ymateb i'r ddadl—Jane Hutt.
The Minister for Social Justice to reply to the debate—Jane Hutt.
Diolch, Llywydd, and I'd like to thank Rhys for bringing this debate today on the well-being of future generations Act, and I very much welcome the continuation of the conversation we've been having in the Senedd about the Act at the start of this term.
And I just wanted to recall, during the opening ceremony of the sixth Senedd, we had a reading of a specially commissioned poem, 'Ein Llais - Our Voice', a poem created with the help of the future generations commissioner's poet in residence. And the final words of that poem—and I know we were all very moved by it:
'We want to set an example for the rest of the world.'
So, I do think we can be proud that other countries and international organisations are looking to Wales for inspiration on how to legislate for the future, and I know you've acknowledged that, Rhys, in your contribution tonight. But we can't underestimate the fact that the well-being of future generations Act is showing a uniquely Welsh way of tackling the long-term challenges we face, with its focus on empowering and transforming how Government and public bodies work. And it does this by enabling bodies to work in that preventative, collaborative and integrated way, one which involves citizens and looks to the long term. You know, it has been recognised internationally, as you've identified. It is inspiring organisations and governments across the world. And we did take a bold decision to legislate in this way—those of us who were here at the time, taking that legislation through. It is different, and there are many views on what the Act is and what it should be in the future. It's been described as 'remarkable' in terms of its breadth, its coverage and its ambition, and, internationally, we have seen example upon example of where the Welsh approach has been adopted or has influenced thinking.
In Scotland, they are committed to future generations legislation. In the UK Parliament, as you've already mentioned, Lord John Bird and Simon Fell MP are co-sponsoring a well-being of future generations Bill, modelled on our legislation. In November, the Irish foreign Minister, Simon Coveney, told the Welsh Ministers that the Act was inspirational and that the Irish Government would be keen to replicate it. New Zealand amended their public finance Act, so that their Government has set out the well-being objectives that will guide the Government's budget decisions and support long-term well-being.
In 2019, the Government of Jersey legislated to require their Council of Ministers to take into account the sustainable well-being of current and future generations. And, earlier this year, the United Nations made substantial commitments to bring in a future-generations approach into the UN system. The WHO, the World Health Organization Regional Office for Europe, recognises the value of the Act for health, stating that
'the Act truly resonates with the SDGs and with the values and principles of Health 2020, the WHO European policy framework for health and well-being.'
And next week, I'm speaking at the tenth global conference on health promotion, focusing on well-being equity and sustainable development. We as Wales are attracting international interest because our approach is distinctive.
Diolch, Lywydd, a hoffwn ddiolch i Rhys am gyflwyno'r ddadl hon heddiw ar Ddeddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, ac rwy'n croesawu parhad y sgwrs rydym wedi bod yn ei chael yn y Senedd am y Ddeddf ar ddechrau'r tymor hwn.
Ac roeddwn eisiau eich atgoffa, yn ystod seremoni agoriadol y chweched Senedd, ein bod wedi cael darlleniad o gerdd a gomisiynwyd yn arbennig, 'Ein Llais - Our Voice', cerdd a grëwyd gyda chymorth bardd preswyl comisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol. A geiriau olaf y gerdd honno—a gwn i ni i gyd gael ein cyffwrdd yn fawr ganddi:
'Rydym am osod esiampl i weddill y byd.'
Felly, credaf y gallwn fod yn falch fod gwledydd eraill a sefydliadau rhyngwladol yn troi at Gymru am ysbrydoliaeth ar sut i ddeddfu ar gyfer y dyfodol, a gwn eich bod wedi cydnabod hynny, Rhys, yn eich cyfraniad heno. Ond ni allwn danbrisio'r ffaith bod Deddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol yn dangos ffordd unigryw Gymreig o fynd i'r afael â'r heriau hirdymor sy'n ein hwynebu, gyda'i ffocws ar rymuso a thrawsnewid y ffordd y mae'r Llywodraeth a chyrff cyhoeddus yn gweithio. Ac mae'n gwneud hyn drwy alluogi cyrff i weithio mewn ffordd ataliol, gydweithredol ac integredig, ffordd sy'n cynnwys dinasyddion ac sy'n edrych ar y tymor hir. Mae wedi cael ei chydnabod yn rhyngwladol, fel rydych wedi'i nodi. Mae'n ysbrydoli sefydliadau a llywodraethau ar draws y byd. Ac fe wnaethom benderfyniad beiddgar i ddeddfu fel hyn—y rheini ohonom a oedd yma ar y pryd, ac a lywiodd y ddeddfwriaeth drwy'r lle hwn. Mae'n wahanol, a cheir llawer o safbwyntiau ynglŷn â beth yw'r Ddeddf a beth y dylai fod yn y dyfodol. Fe'i disgrifiwyd fel un ryfeddol o ran ei hehangder, ei chwmpas a'i huchelgais, ac yn rhyngwladol, rydym wedi gweld sawl esiampl lle mae'r dull Cymreig wedi'i fabwysiadu neu wedi dylanwadu ar syniadau.
Yn yr Alban, maent wedi ymrwymo i ddeddfwriaeth cenedlaethau'r dyfodol. Yn Senedd y DU, fel rydych eisoes wedi sôn, mae'r Arglwydd John Bird a Simon Fell AS yn cyd-noddi Bil llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, sydd wedi'i fodelu ar ein deddfwriaeth ni. Ym mis Tachwedd, dywedodd Gweinidog tramor Iwerddon, Simon Coveney, wrth Weinidogion Cymru fod y Ddeddf yn ysbrydoledig ac y byddai Llywodraeth Iwerddon yn awyddus i'w hefelychu. Diwygiodd Seland Newydd eu Deddf cyllid cyhoeddus, fel bod eu Llywodraeth wedi nodi'r amcanion llesiant a fydd yn llywio penderfyniadau cyllidebol y Llywodraeth ac yn cefnogi llesiant hirdymor.
Yn 2019, deddfodd Llywodraeth Jersey i'w gwneud yn ofynnol i'w Cyngor Gweinidogion ystyried llesiant cynaliadwy cenedlaethau'r presennol a'r dyfodol. Ac yn gynharach eleni, gwnaeth y Cenhedloedd Unedig ymrwymiadau sylweddol i gynnwys dull cenedlaethau'r dyfodol yn system y Cenhedloedd Unedig. Mae Sefydliad Iechyd y Byd, Swyddfa Ranbarthol Ewrop Sefydliad Iechyd y Byd, yn cydnabod gwerth y Ddeddf i iechyd, gan ddweud bod
'y Ddeddf yn cyd-fynd yn wirioneddol â'r nodau datblygu cynaliadwy a chyda gwerthoedd ac egwyddorion Iechyd 2020, fframwaith polisi Ewropeaidd Sefydliad Iechyd y Byd ar gyfer iechyd a llesiant.'
A'r wythnos nesaf, rwy'n siarad yn y ddegfed gynhadledd fyd-eang ar hybu iechyd, gan ganolbwyntio ar degwch llesiant a datblygu cynaliadwy. Rydym ni yng Nghymru yn denu diddordeb rhyngwladol oherwydd bod ein dull o weithredu'n wahanol.
Let's look at those key features of that Act: the establishment of an independent future generations commissioner for Wales, powerfully independent and such a strong voice, showing and demonstrating the leadership that that Act needed in our future generations commissioner to take us forward into the first years of the Act, specifically tasked with promoting the sustainable development principle and acting as a guardian of the ability of future generations to meet their needs. The commissioner and her team have led the message to spread the Welsh approach across the world, and supported and advised bodies in Wales on how to work in a sustainable way. One of the commissioner's initiatives, which they've been very pleased to engage with, is the development of the Future Generations Leadership Academy. That's supporting our diverse range of young people to develop their leadership on the well-being of future generations agenda. I know all 35 members of the new cohort met together last month. They're going to be a beacon of change, not just in terms of Government, public sector, business and the community sectors—that's where they're drawn from, and members of the Welsh Government civil service are part of that.
Culture is also one of the distinctive characteristics to the Welsh approach. That's a strong feeling that we needed to ensure that cultural well-being became the fourth defining feature of sustainable development, alongside the economy, environment and society. Looking ahead, our co-operation agreement includes a commitment to develop a new culture strategy and ensure that each Government department works strategically towards that sixth well-being goal: a Wales of vibrant culture and thriving Welsh language.
I think the citizen engagement and involvement way of working is particularly distinctive. It does look to transform how public bodies involve people in the decisions that affect them, and the role of citizens in shaping Wales's future is essential if we're going to achieve the well-being goals. So, the Act requiring public bodies to ensure the involvement of people is at the heart of how they work. Public bodies are not all used to—. They don't all have the tradition and understanding of how that happens, but it has been making a difference—that approach.
And I just want to mention the race equality action plan for an anti-racist Wales, which was co-constructed with black, Asian and ethnic minority communities. It's grounded in that recognition of a need for fundamental change, reflects our commitment to listen to our ethnic minority people, communities and networks, and to take action to make changes in ways that are tangible to their communities, based on their lived experience, them coming into the Welsh Government, mentoring the civil servants, then funding groups in communities to influence the plan. But I do agree with the sentiment behind the Member's views about involving citizens in the decisions that affect them. It's very clear that that has to be about the diversity of Wales—a core of the sustainable development principle.
Now, we go on to the crux of your debate today about the fact that the Act doesn't—the points that you wanted to raise in this debate—confer individual rights onto citizens. It wasn't designed to do this, and we do caution against placing expectations on the Act that it's not designed to do. But we can and must have the debate about whether the Act needs to change, and I'll work with the Equality and Social Justice Committee and Members on matters relating to any post-legislative review. I'm sure that's what you wanted to hear tonight.
We do have to recognise, just in terms of those kinds of so-called individual decisions—I won't go into all of them that you've raised—that a public body's duty to act in accordance with the sustainable development principle doesn't dictate the decision they must reach in any given situation. The Act wasn't designed to provide the right answers. It doesn't remove the difficult decisions that public bodies must take, but it does set out factors that they must conscientiously consider before making a decision to which the well-being duty applies, and Mabon actually drew attention to how, as a local authority councillor, it was brought into the considerations in terms of difficult decisions that were being made.
I can give you many examples of how we feel the Act is remaining up to date, is relevant for Wales now and in the future, and I do hope that that is what you feel, because it's such a powerful tool.
Next week, I will be making a statement on the national milestones and updated national indicators—we're laying it next week—further explanation of what the well-being goals mean in practice, updating our indicators as well, and particularly looking at those issues that are crucial in terms of how the Act can keep pace with the Wales of today.
I think it's also important that we recognise that the future generations report and the evidence presented to the Public Accounts Committee showed that the Act was changing conversations and the ways in which public bodies work, and the commissioner said that the Act is bringing about some excellent innovation and she's observing a growing movement of change, with people daring to deliver differently—Public Health Wales, our health sustainability hub; Rhondda Cynon Taf, an involvement platform in terms of getting involved in information on climate change; the Co-production Network for Wales; the South Wales Fire and Rescue Service, Natural Resources Wales, looking at collaboration, integration; and Amgueddfa Cymru, looking at a well-being objective on developing skills for employing young people. I can go on, but we're out of time, I can see, Llywydd.
So, I just want to say finally that our co-operation agreement does give us opportunities, doesn't it, particularly, as you've said, in relation to the climate and nature emergencies, the greatest threats facing our world, but we can work together to tackle these twin emergencies. We are taking those bold steps towards a net-zero Wales and addressing nature loss, improving diversity and planting more trees, and our shared policy area on sustainable public services will help us understand the future needs of Welsh public services. So, these commitments build on our shared values of social solidarity, a sustainable planet and a vibrant democracy. So, where we go forward, it must be on the strength of belief in this Act, belief in it and in the way it's delivered. We're at the start of a journey—I was very conscious of the words that are in this little book, which you will, I'm sure, be aware of, 'futuregen: Lessons from a small country', which was co-authored by Jane Davidson, who helped set us off as a former Minister, about the recognition:
'What Wales is doing today, the world will do tomorrow'
by the UN Assistant Secretary General. So, let's be proud of the Act, and let's make it work. Diolch yn fawr.
Gadewch inni edrych ar nodweddion allweddol y Ddeddf: sefydlu comisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol annibynnol i Gymru, pwerus o annibynnol a llais mor gryf, gan ddangos yr arweiniad roedd y Ddeddf honno ei angen gan ein comisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol i'n symud ymlaen i flynyddoedd cyntaf y Ddeddf, gyda'r dasg benodol o hyrwyddo'r egwyddor datblygu cynaliadwy a gweithredu fel gwarcheidwad gallu cenedlaethau'r dyfodol i ddiwallu eu hanghenion. Mae'r comisiynydd a'i thîm wedi arwain y neges i ledaenu'r dull Cymreig ar draws y byd, ac wedi cefnogi a chynghori cyrff yng Nghymru ar sut i weithio mewn ffordd gynaliadwy. Un o fentrau'r comisiynydd, y maent wedi bod yn falch iawn o ymgysylltu â hi, yw datblygu Academi Arweinyddiaeth Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol. Mae honno'n cefnogi ein hystod amrywiol o bobl ifanc i ddatblygu eu harweinyddiaeth ar agenda llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol. Rwy'n gwybod bod pob un o'r 35 aelod o'r garfan newydd wedi cyfarfod fis diwethaf. Byddant yn arwydd o newid, nid yn unig mewn perthynas â Llywodraeth, y sector cyhoeddus, y sector busnes a'r sector cymunedol—daethant o'r mannau hynny, ac mae aelodau o wasanaeth sifil Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhan o hynny.
Mae diwylliant hefyd yn un o nodweddion neilltuol y dull Cymreig. Cafwyd teimlad cryf fod angen inni sicrhau mai llesiant diwylliannol oedd pedwaredd nodwedd ddiffiniol datblygu cynaliadwy, ochr yn ochr â'r economi, yr amgylchedd a chymdeithas. Wrth edrych i'r dyfodol, mae ein cytundeb cydweithio'n cynnwys ymrwymiad i ddatblygu strategaeth ddiwylliant newydd a sicrhau bod pob adran o'r Llywodraeth yn gweithio'n strategol tuag at y chweched nod llesiant: Cymru â diwylliant bywiog lle mae'r Gymraeg yn ffynnu.
Credaf fod y ffordd o weithio drwy gynnwys ac ymgysylltu â dinasyddion yn arbennig o neilltuol. Mae'n ceisio trawsnewid y ffordd y mae cyrff cyhoeddus yn cynnwys pobl yn y penderfyniadau sy'n effeithio arnynt, ac mae rôl dinasyddion yn llunio dyfodol Cymru yn hanfodol os ydym am gyflawni'r nodau llesiant. Felly, mae'r Ddeddf yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i gyrff cyhoeddus sicrhau bod pobl yn ganolog i'r ffordd y maent yn gweithio. Nid yw cyrff cyhoeddus i gyd wedi arfer â—. Nid oes gan bob un ohonynt draddodiad a dealltwriaeth o sut y mae hynny'n digwydd, ond mae wedi bod yn gwneud gwahaniaeth—y dull hwnnw.
Ac rwyf eisiau sôn am y cynllun gweithredu cydraddoldeb hiliol ar gyfer Cymru wrth-hiliol, a luniwyd ar y cyd â chymunedau duon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifol ethnig. Mae'n seiliedig ar y gydnabyddiaeth o'r angen am newid sylfaenol, yn adlewyrchu ein hymrwymiad i wrando ar ein pobl, ein cymunedau a'n rhwydweithiau lleiafrifol ethnig, ac i gymryd camau i wneud newidiadau mewn ffyrdd sy'n ddiriaethol i'w cymunedau, yn seiliedig ar eu profiadau bywyd, hwy'n dod i Lywodraeth Cymru, i fentora'r gweision sifil, ac ariannu grwpiau mewn cymunedau i ddylanwadu ar y cynllun. Ond rwy'n cytuno â'r teimladau sy'n sail i safbwyntiau'r Aelod ynglŷn â chynnwys dinasyddion yn y penderfyniadau sy'n effeithio arnynt. Mae'n amlwg iawn fod yn rhaid i hynny ymwneud ag amrywiaeth Cymru—un o greiddiau'r egwyddor datblygu cynaliadwy.
Nawr, symudwn ymlaen at graidd eich dadl heddiw ynglŷn â'r ffaith nad yw'r Ddeddf—y pwyntiau roeddech eisiau eu codi yn y ddadl hon—rhoi hawliau unigol i ddinasyddion. Ni chafodd ei llunio i wneud hyn, ac rydym yn rhybuddio yn erbyn gosod disgwyliadau ar y Ddeddf na chafodd ei llunio i'w cyflawni. Ond rydym yn gallu ac mae'n rhaid inni gael y ddadl ynglŷn ag a oes angen i'r Ddeddf newid, a byddaf yn gweithio gyda'r Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol a'r Aelodau ar faterion sy'n ymwneud ag unrhyw adolygiad ôl-ddeddfwriaethol. Rwy'n siŵr mai dyna roeddech eisiau ei glywed heno.
Mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod, mewn perthynas â'r mathau hynny o benderfyniadau unigol fel y'u gelwir—nid wyf am drafod pob un o'r rhai rydych wedi'u codi—nad yw dyletswydd corff cyhoeddus i weithredu'n unol â'r egwyddor datblygu cynaliadwy yn pennu'r penderfyniad y mae'n rhaid iddynt ei wneud mewn unrhyw sefyllfa benodol. Ni chafodd y Ddeddf ei chynllunio i ddarparu'r atebion cywir. Nid yw'n dileu'r penderfyniadau anodd y mae'n rhaid i gyrff cyhoeddus eu gwneud, ond mae'n nodi ffactorau y mae'n rhaid iddynt eu hystyried yn gydwybodol cyn gwneud penderfyniad y mae'r ddyletswydd llesiant yn berthnasol iddo, a thynnodd Mabon sylw mewn gwirionedd, fel cynghorydd awdurdod lleol, at sut y cafodd ei hystyried mewn perthynas â phenderfyniadau anodd a oedd yn cael eu gwneud.
Gallaf roi llawer o enghreifftiau i chi o sut rydym yn teimlo bod y Ddeddf yn parhau i fod yn gyfredol, yn berthnasol i Gymru yn awr ac yn y dyfodol, ac rwy'n gobeithio mai dyna rydych chi'n ei deimlo, oherwydd mae'n arf mor bwerus.
Yr wythnos nesaf, byddaf yn gwneud datganiad ar y cerrig milltir cenedlaethol a'r diweddariad o'r dangosyddion cenedlaethol—byddwn yn ei gyflwyno yr wythnos nesaf—yn rhoi esboniad pellach o'r hyn y mae'r nodau llesiant yn ei olygu'n ymarferol, yn diweddaru ein dangosyddion hefyd, ac yn edrych yn arbennig ar y materion hynny sy'n allweddol o ran sut y gall y Ddeddf gadw i fyny â Chymru heddiw.
Credaf ei bod hefyd yn bwysig ein bod yn cydnabod bod adroddiad cenedlaethau'r dyfodol a'r dystiolaeth a gyflwynwyd i'r Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus yn dangos bod y Ddeddf yn newid sgyrsiau a'r ffyrdd y mae cyrff cyhoeddus yn gweithio, a dywedodd y comisiynydd fod y Ddeddf yn creu arloesedd rhagorol ac mae'n sylwi ar newid cynyddol, gyda phobl yn mentro cyflawni'n wahanol—Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru, ein hyb cynaliadwyedd iechyd; Rhondda Cynon Taf, platfform i gymryd rhan mewn gwybodaeth am newid hinsawdd; Rhwydwaith Cydgynhyrchu Cymru; Gwasanaeth Tân ac Achub De Cymru, Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru, gan edrych ar gydweithio ac integreiddio; ac Amgueddfa Cymru, gan edrych ar amcan llesiant ar ddatblygu sgiliau ar gyfer cyflogi pobl ifanc. Gallaf fynd ymlaen, ond gallaf weld bod ein hamser ar ben, Lywydd.
Felly, i gloi, hoffwn ddweud bod ein cytundeb cydweithio yn rhoi cyfleoedd i ni, onid yw, yn enwedig, fel rydych wedi'i ddweud, mewn perthynas â'r argyfyngau hinsawdd a natur, y bygythiadau mwyaf sy'n wynebu ein byd, ond gallwn gydweithio i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfyngau hyn. Rydym yn cymryd y camau beiddgar hynny tuag at Gymru sero net ac yn mynd i'r afael â cholli natur, gwella amrywiaeth a phlannu mwy o goed, a bydd ein maes polisi a rennir ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus cynaliadwy yn ein helpu i ddeall anghenion gwasanaethau cyhoeddus Cymru yn y dyfodol. Felly, mae'r ymrwymiadau hyn yn adeiladu ar ein gwerthoedd cyffredin o undod cymdeithasol, planed gynaliadwy a democratiaeth fywiog. Felly, lle rydym yn symud ymlaen, mae'n rhaid iddo fod ar sail cryfder ein cred yn y Ddeddf hon, cred ynddi hi ac yn y ffordd y caiff ei chyflawni. Rydym ar gychwyn taith—roeddwn yn ymwybodol iawn o'r geiriau yn y llyfr bach hwn, y byddwch chi, rwy'n siŵr, yn gwybod amdano, 'Futuregen: Lessons from a small country', a gyd-ysgrifennwyd gan Jane Davidson, a'n helpodd ar y cychwyn fel cyn Weinidog, am gydnabyddiaeth Ysgrifennydd Cyffredinol Cynorthwyol y Cenhedloedd Unedig:
'Yr hyn y mae Cymru yn ei wneud heddiw, bydd y byd yn ei wneud yfory.'
Felly, gadewch inni fod yn falch o'r Ddeddf, a gadewch inni wneud iddi weithio. Diolch yn fawr.
Dyna ddod â'n trafodion ni am heddiw i ben, felly.
That brings today's proceedings to a close.
Daeth y cyfarfod i ben am 18:48.
The meeting ended at 18:48.