Y Cyfarfod Llawn

Plenary

19/01/2022

Yn y fersiwn ddwyieithog, mae’r golofn chwith yn cynnwys yr iaith a lefarwyd yn y cyfarfod. Mae’r golofn dde yn cynnwys cyfieithiad o’r areithiau hynny.

In the bilingual version, the left-hand column includes the language used during the meeting. The right-hand column includes a translation of those speeches.

Cyfarfu'r Senedd drwy gynhadledd fideo am 13:30 gyda'r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair. 

The Senedd met by video-conference at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.

Datganiad gan y Llywydd
Statement by the Llywydd

Croeso, bawb, i'r Cyfarfod Llawn. Cyn i ni ddechrau, dwi angen nodi ychydig o bwyntiau. Mae Cyfarfod Llawn a gynhelir drwy gynhadledd fideo, yn unol â Rheolau Sefydlog Senedd Cymru, yn gyfystyr â thrafodion y Senedd at ddibenion Deddf Llywodraeth Cymru 2006. Bydd rhai o ddarpariaethau Rheol Sefydlog 34 yn gymwys ar gyfer y cyfarfod yma. Mae'r rheini wedi nodi ar eich agenda chi. 

Welcome, everyone, to this Plenary session. Before we begin, I want to set out a few points. A Plenary meeting held using video-conference, in accordance with the Standing Orders of the Welsh Parliament, constitutes Senedd proceedings for the purposes of the Government of Wales Act 2006. Some of the provisions of Standing Order 34 will apply for today's Plenary meeting and these are set out on your agenda.

1. Cwestiynau i Weinidog yr Economi
1. Questions to the Minister for Economy

Yr eitem gyntaf, felly, yw cwestiynau i Weinidog yr Economi ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Jayne Bryant.

The first item is questions to the Minister for Economy and the first question is from Jayne Bryant.

Costau Byw
Cost of Living

1. Sut y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn defnyddio datblygu economaidd i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng costau byw DU gyfan yng Nghymru? OQ57477

1. How will the Welsh Government use economic development to tackle the UK-wide cost-of-living crisis in Wales? OQ57477

Thank you for the question. Our economic mission, alongside our upcoming employability strategy, sets out our policies to increase skills, productivity and earnings to help boost living standards here in Wales. Many of the key levers, of course, and responsibility around the cost-of-living crisis, rest with the UK Government, but the Welsh Government has already announced a £51 million household support fund and the £10 million tenancy hardship grant, which shows this Welsh Government’s commitment to support the people of Wales.

Diolch am eich cwestiwn. Mae ein cenhadaeth economaidd, ochr yn ochr â’n strategaeth cyflogadwyedd sydd ar y ffordd, yn nodi ein polisïau i gynyddu sgiliau, cynhyrchiant ac enillion i helpu i godi safonau byw yma yng Nghymru. Llywodraeth y DU sy’n gyfrifol am lawer o’r ysgogiadau allweddol a mynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng costau byw wrth gwrs, ond mae Llywodraeth Cymru eisoes wedi cyhoeddi cronfa gymorth i aelwydydd gwerth £51 miliwn a grant caledi i denantiaid gwerth £10 miliwn, sy’n dangos ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi pobl Cymru.

Thank you for that answer, Minister. The cost of living in the UK is dramatically increasing. Worryingly, energy price rises are only the tip of the iceberg with the news today that inflation has hit a 30-year high and still set to increase. Financial pressures will become very real to very many people. Thousands more will be driven into poverty, forced into stark choices of heating or eating. The Westminster Tory Government have all the powers and the finance to address this, but at a time when they should be doing all they can to protect people, they're into diverting more of their energy into propping up their leader. I'm glad to hear of the measures you've mentioned here in Wales, Minister, but it's imperative that we use every lever at our disposal to help those who need it, from supporting local food supply chains to ensuring that people have the skills and employment opportunities. Can you ensure that no stone is left unturned to protect the residents of Newport West and Wales throughout this difficult time?

Diolch am eich ateb, Weinidog. Mae costau byw yn y DU yn cynyddu'n aruthrol. Mae'n destun pryder mai crib y rhewfryn yn unig yw codiadau mewn prisiau ynni gyda'r newyddion heddiw fod chwyddiant wedi cyrraedd y lefel uchaf ers 30 mlynedd, ac yn mynd i ddal i godi. Bydd pwysau ariannol yn dod yn real iawn i lawer iawn o bobl. Bydd miloedd yn rhagor yn cael eu gwthio i fyw mewn tlodi, yn cael eu gorfodi i ddewis rhwng gwresogi neu fwyta. Mae gan Lywodraeth Dorïaidd San Steffan yr holl bwerau a’r cyllid i fynd i’r afael â hyn, ond ar adeg pan ddylent fod yn gwneud popeth a allant i ddiogelu pobl, mae'n well ganddynt ddefnyddio mwy o’u hegni i gynnal eu harweinydd. Rwy’n falch o glywed am y mesurau rydych wedi’u crybwyll yma yng Nghymru, Weinidog, ond mae’n hollbwysig ein bod yn defnyddio pob ysgogiad sydd gennym i helpu’r rheini sydd angen cymorth, o gefnogi cadwyni cyflenwi bwyd lleol i sicrhau bod gan bobl sgiliau a chyfleoedd cyflogaeth. A allwch roi sicrwydd inni y byddwch yn gwneud popeth a allwch i ddiogelu trigolion Gorllewin Casnewydd a Chymru drwy'r cyfnod anodd hwn?

Yes, thank you. I certainly can give you that assurance. I worry a great deal about my own constituents, as indeed I know Members in constituencies and regions will do as well, in particular due to the stark warning from the Resolution Foundation of a cost-of-living catastrophe coming up in April that would affect over half of households in the country. And of course, pre pandemic we really had made progress. So, the Resolution Foundation report in November 2020 highlighted that, before the pandemic, Wales had halved the employment gap with the UK over the devolution period and we had more jobs in the top half of the income spectrum rather than in the bottom half. So, we were already making progress.

Of course, now we are undertaking a number of measures. So, from the backing local firms fund to supporting people to gain more from their local economies, the work we're doing more broadly on the foundational economy, on supply chains, is going to create more jobs closer to home, in addition to, of course, the young person's guarantee and the employability strategy. This Welsh Government will continue to act to try to protect the citizens of Wales and to give people real hope for the future so that people really can plan a prosperous future here in Wales.

Ie, diolch. Yn sicr, gallaf roi’r sicrwydd hwnnw i chi. Rwy’n poeni’n fawr am fy etholwyr fy hun, fel Aelodau etholaethau a rhanbarthau eraill wrth gwrs, yn enwedig yn sgil y rhybudd llym gan Sefydliad Resolution am drychineb costau byw ym mis Ebrill a fyddai'n effeithio ar dros hanner aelwydydd y wlad. Ac wrth gwrs, cyn y pandemig, roeddem wedi gwneud cynnydd pendant. Felly, amlygodd adroddiad Sefydliad Resolution ym mis Tachwedd 2020 fod Cymru, cyn y pandemig, wedi haneru’r bwlch cyflogaeth gyda’r DU dros y cyfnod datganoli a bod gennym fwy o swyddi yn hanner uchaf y sbectrwm incwm nag yn yr hanner gwaelod. Felly, roeddem eisoes yn gwneud cynnydd.

Wrth gwrs, rydym bellach yn cyflawni nifer o fesurau. Felly, o'r gronfa cefnogi cwmnïau lleol i gefnogi pobl i elwa mwy o'u heconomïau lleol, mae'r gwaith rydym yn ei wneud yn ehangach ar yr economi sylfaenol, ar gadwyni cyflenwi, yn mynd i greu mwy o swyddi yn nes at adref, yn ogystal, wrth gwrs, â’r warant i bobl ifanc a’r strategaeth cyflogadwyedd. Bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i weithredu i geisio diogelu dinasyddion Cymru ac i roi gobaith gwirioneddol i bobl ar gyfer y dyfodol fel y gall pobl gynllunio dyfodol llewyrchus yma yng Nghymru.

Minister, what we've heard the last couple of weeks from Members and you is that you like to berate the UK Government with the usual mantra of, 'We don't get enough money', but the fact of the matter is you've had more money than ever before. The UK Government provided furlough for workers during COVID. The UK Government is increasing the national living wage by 6.6 per cent this April. The real issue here is that the economy in Wales has been failing for over 20 years. Wales has the lowest gross disposable income in the UK. Wales lost 6 per cent of its businesses whilst Scotland and Northern Ireland went up by 10 per cent and 19 per cent respectively. We have the worst gross value added growth out of all of the four nations across the United Kingdom since 1999 and just one business in the FTSE 100. So, Minister, with the cost-of-living crisis coming, and we all are concerned about that, what further economic levers can you and the Welsh Government use to ensure that, in Wales, we're creating a high-wage, high-skilled economy?

Weinidog, yr hyn rydym wedi’i glywed dros yr ychydig wythnosau diwethaf gan Aelodau a chithau yw eich bod yn hoffi grwgnach am Lywodraeth y DU â’r mantra arferol o, 'Nid ydym yn cael digon o arian’, ond y gwir amdani yw eich bod wedi cael mwy o arian nag erioed o'r blaen. Darparodd Llywodraeth y DU ffyrlo i weithwyr yn ystod COVID. Mae Llywodraeth y DU yn cynyddu’r cyflog byw cenedlaethol 6.6 y cant ym mis Ebrill eleni. Y broblem go iawn yma yw bod economi Cymru wedi bod yn methu ers dros 20 mlynedd. Incwm gwario gros aelwydydd Cymru yw'r isaf yn y DU. Collodd Cymru 6 y cant o'i busnesau wrth i fusnesau yn yr Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon gynyddu 10 y cant ac 19 y cant. Gennym ni y mae’r twf gwaethaf mewn gwerth ychwanegol gros o bob un o bedair gwlad y Deyrnas Unedig ers 1999 ac un busnes yn unig sydd gennym yng nghan cwmni'r FTSE. Felly, Weinidog, gyda’r argyfwng costau byw ar y ffordd, ac mae pob un ohonom yn bryderus ynghylch hwnnw, pa ysgogiadau economaidd pellach y gallwch chi a Llywodraeth Cymru eu defnyddio i sicrhau ein bod, yng Nghymru, yn creu economi sgiliau uwch a chyflogau uchel?

Well, yet again, another Conservative politician who wants to divest the Conservative Government of any responsibility for the UK-wide cost-of-living crisis. The near 30-year high in inflation figures are not matters that rest with the Welsh Government. You'd have to take an extraordinary view on matters to say that that's our direct responsibility. And, as you recognise in talking about interventions like furlough, which I do think is one of the better things that the UK Government has done during the pandemic, the biggest levers and the biggest firepower rest with the UK Government. They could resolve issues around VAT. They could resolve issues to better support families rather than choose to take money out of the pockets of our hardest hit families, as they did in cutting universal credit. Each and every choice thus far has made life harder for normal working people and, actually, I think it's high time the UK Government looked again at what it could and should do. And I remind you of what I said to Jayne Bryant: pre the pandemic, Wales had halved the employment gap with the UK—still more to do, but halved the employment gap—during the devolution period, and more jobs in the top half of the income spectrum rather than at the bottom half. So real progress has been made and is being made. As you know from me yesterday, we could do so much more if we were able to have money to invest in skills rather than having it taken away from us. It's not just an issue in Wales; you might want to pay attention to the Committee for the Economy scrutiny in the Northern Ireland Assembly, which highlighted the problems they have because of the significant funding gap they too have on skills and innovation because of the broken manifesto promise in 2019.

Wel, unwaith eto, gwleidydd Ceidwadol arall sydd am wadu bod gan y Llywodraeth Geidwadol unrhyw gyfrifoldeb dros argyfwng costau byw y DU. Nid yw’r ffigurau chwyddiant uchaf ers bron 30 mlynedd yn faterion sydd yn nwylo Llywodraeth Cymru. Byddai'n rhaid bod gennych safbwynt eithriadol ar faterion i ddweud mai ein cyfrifoldeb uniongyrchol ni yw hynny. Ac fel rydych yn ei gydnabod wrth sôn am ymyriadau fel ffyrlo, sy'n un o'r pethau da y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi'i wneud yn ystod y pandemig yn fy marn i, Llywodraeth y DU sydd â'r ysgogiadau mwyaf a'r pwerau mwyaf. Gallent ddatrys problemau'n ymwneud â TAW. Gallent ddatrys problemau i gefnogi teuluoedd yn well yn hytrach na dewis mynd ag arian o bocedi'r teuluoedd sydd wedi’u taro galetaf, fel y gwnaethant wrth dorri credyd cynhwysol. Mae pob dewis a wnaed hyd yn hyn wedi gwneud bywyd yn anoddach i bobl gyffredin sy'n gweithio, a chredaf ei bod yn hen bryd i Lywodraeth y DU edrych eto ar yr hyn y gallai ac y dylai ei wneud. Ac fe’ch atgoffaf o’r hyn a ddywedais wrth Jayne Bryant: cyn y pandemig, roedd Cymru wedi haneru’r bwlch cyflogaeth gyda’r DU—mae mwy ar ôl i’w wneud o hyd, ond haneru’r bwlch cyflogaeth—yn ystod y cyfnod datganoli, a mwy o swyddi yn hanner uchaf y sbectrwm incwm nag yn yr hanner isaf. Felly, mae cynnydd gwirioneddol wedi'i wneud ac yn dal i gael ei wneud. Fel y clywsoch gennyf ddoe, gallem wneud cymaint yn rhagor pe baem yn gallu cael arian i fuddsoddi mewn sgiliau yn hytrach na’i fod yn cael ei gymryd oddi wrthym. Nid problem yng Nghymru yn unig yw hon; efallai yr hoffech edrych ar waith craffu Pwyllgor yr Economi yng Nghynulliad Gogledd Iwerddon, a dynnodd sylw at y problemau sydd ganddynt oherwydd y bwlch cyllid sylweddol sydd ganddynt hwythau hefyd o ran sgiliau ac arloesi oherwydd yr addewid a dorrwyd ym maniffesto 2019.

13:35

Diolch i'r Gweinidog, ac i Jayne Bryant am ofyn y cwestiwn pwysig yma.

Thank you to the Minister, and to Jayne Bryant for posing this important question.

I'm sure we're all increasingly concerned about the situation in Wales, and particularly about the pressures faced by small businesses. The pile-up of the effects of COVID, Brexit and now of rising energy costs, national insurance increases and inflation is putting huge pressures on small businesses. Labour market statistics out today show that wage increases have been far outstripped by inflation, leading to a fall in actual wages. A 2021 survey by the Federation of Small Businesses found that energy costs are the biggest concern facing its members and warned that they could pose an existential threat to small firms. Just two points from me. Minister, what support could be given to businesses to enable them to invest in energy efficiency and decarbonisation measures? The Welsh Liberal Democrats have put forward plans for a business rate investment relief fund, and I wondered if you had given any consideration to introducing similar financial relief to aid businesses during the energy crisis. Diolch.

Rwy’n siŵr fod pob un ohonom yn fwyfwy pryderus am y sefyllfa yng Nghymru, ac yn enwedig am y pwysau sy'n wynebu busnesau bach. Mae’r cyfuniad o effeithiau COVID, Brexit, ac erbyn hyn y costau ynni cynyddol, cynnydd mewn yswiriant gwladol a chwyddiant, yn rhoi pwysau aruthrol ar fusnesau bach. Mae ystadegau'r farchnad lafur a gyhoeddwyd heddiw yn dangos bod chwyddiant yn llawer mwy na'r cynnydd mewn cyflogau, gan arwain at ostyngiad mewn cyflogau gwirioneddol. Canfu arolwg yn 2021 gan y Ffederasiwn Busnesau Bach mai costau ynni yw’r pryder mwyaf sy’n wynebu ei aelodau a rhybuddiodd y gallent fod yn fygythiad difrifol i gwmnïau bach. Hoffwn godi dau bwynt. Weinidog, pa gymorth y gellid ei roi i fusnesau i’w galluogi i fuddsoddi mewn mesurau effeithlonrwydd ynni a datgarboneiddio? Mae Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol Cymru wedi cyflwyno cynlluniau ar gyfer cronfa rhyddhad buddsoddi ardrethi busnes, a thybed a ydych wedi rhoi unrhyw ystyriaeth i gyflwyno rhyddhad ariannol tebyg i gynorthwyo busnesau yn ystod yr argyfwng ynni? Diolch.

Thank you. I agree with you—the challenges of the rise in energy costs, with further rises to come, are a really significant factor in the impact on pretty much all other commodities and goods as well, so, food, and then the national insurance rise on top. All of those link back to a real crisis for homes as well as for businesses. And we've all seen regular coverage now in pretty much all mainstream media of the cost-of-living crisis here, due to get worse.

On your point about a business rate relief fund, the finance Minister has already announced there will be significant business rate relief for the first half of next year. Again, we need to look creatively at what provision there is, because, regardless of the initial spin about the three-year budget settlement, that actually isn't quite as generous as the first headlines might have seemed. Actually, the value of that money will be further denuded by the rises in inflation, having reached a near 30-year high.

And when it comes to what we're looking to do to help businesses move to more energy-efficient ways of working, actually, the investment fund that I announced before the pandemic reappeared in the form of omicron and the latest wave, part of it was actually about how we can help invest alongside businesses to improve energy efficiency. So, I'm keen to get out of this phase in the pandemic and to talk again about how we can work alongside businesses and provide incentives for them to do just that. And it's part of this point about managing a transition to decarbonise our economy. There are gains to be made from greater efficiency as well, but we will need to help businesses and families through that transition.

Diolch. Rwy'n cytuno—mae heriau’r cynnydd mewn costau ynni, gyda chynnydd pellach i ddod, yn ffactor pwysig iawn yn yr effaith ar yr holl nwyddau eraill hefyd, fwy neu lai, felly, bwyd, ac yna’r cynnydd mewn yswiriant gwladol ar ben hynny. Mae’r rheini oll yn cyfrannu at argyfwng gwirioneddol i gartrefi, yn ogystal ag i fusnesau. Ac mae pob un ohonom wedi gweld y sylw rheolaidd bellach yn y rhan fwyaf o'r cyfryngau prif ffrwd i'r argyfwng costau byw yma, sydd ar fin gwaethygu.

Ar eich pwynt ynglŷn â chronfa rhyddhad ardrethi busnes, mae’r Gweinidog cyllid eisoes wedi cyhoeddi rhyddhad ardrethi busnes sylweddol ar gyfer hanner cyntaf y flwyddyn nesaf. Unwaith eto, mae angen inni edrych yn greadigol ar y ddarpariaeth, oherwydd, beth bynnag yw'r honiadau cychwynnol am y setliad cyllideb tair blynedd, nid yw mor hael ag y gallai fod wedi ymddangos yn y penawdau cyntaf. Mewn gwirionedd, bydd gwerth yr arian hwnnw'n llai fyth yn sgil y cynnydd mewn chwyddiant, sydd ar ei uchaf ers bron i 30 mlynedd.

Ac o ran yr hyn rydym yn bwriadu ei wneud i helpu busnesau i newid i ffyrdd o ddefnyddio ynni'n fwy effeithlon, roedd y gronfa fuddsoddi a gyhoeddais cyn i'r pandemig ailymddangos ar ffurf omicron a'r don ddiweddaraf, yn ymwneud yn rhannol â sut y gallwn helpu i fuddsoddi ochr yn ochr â busnesau i wella effeithlonrwydd ynni. Felly, rwy'n awyddus i ddod allan o'r cyfnod hwn yn y pandemig, ac i drafod eto sut y gallwn weithio ochr yn ochr â busnesau a darparu cymelliadau iddynt wneud hynny. Ac mae'n rhan o'r pwynt hwn ynglŷn â rheoli trawsnewid i ddatgarboneiddio ein heconomi. Mae enillion i’w cael o well effeithlonrwydd hefyd, ond bydd angen inni helpu busnesau a theuluoedd drwy’r newid hwnnw.

Y Gronfa Cadernid Economaidd
The Economic Resilience Fund

2. Sut mae'r gronfa cadernid economaidd yn cefnogi busnesau yng Nghymru y mae'r pandemig wedi effeithio arnynt? OQ57453

2. How does the economic resilience fund support Welsh businesses impacted by the pandemic? OQ57453

Thank you for the question. We have made unprecedented levels of funding available to support Welsh businesses through the pandemic, including through the unique, Wales-only economic resilience fund. The latest package of emergency support—just from ER—will provide up to £120 million to those businesses impacted by the latest protective measures to protect public health.

Diolch am eich cwestiwn. Rydym wedi sicrhau bod lefelau mwy nag erioed o gyllid ar gael i gefnogi busnesau Cymru drwy’r pandemig, gan gynnwys drwy'r gronfa cadernid economaidd unigryw sydd ar gael i Gymru’n unig. Bydd y pecyn cymorth brys diweddaraf—o'r gronfa cadernid economaidd yn unig—yn darparu hyd at £120 miliwn i'r busnesau y mae'r mesurau diogelu diweddaraf i ddiogelu iechyd y cyhoedd wedi effeithio arnynt.

Minister, can I thank you, first of all, for continuing to support countless businesses and a huge number of workers not just in my constituency but across Wales during the pandemic, whilst also providing essential leadership on the economic mission that the Government is embarked on? Now, there are two particular sectors that have been hard hit during the course of the pandemic and which have enjoyed support that is only available in Wales. They are non-essential retail and taxi drivers. Minister, can you assure us that such sectors will continue to receive Welsh Government support and that you'll go on engaging with the business community and, of course, our trade unions to shape the best possible package of support for businesses?

Weinidog, a gaf fi ddiolch i chi, yn gyntaf oll, am barhau i gefnogi busnesau di-rif a nifer enfawr o weithwyr nid yn unig yn fy etholaeth i ond ledled Cymru yn ystod y pandemig, gan ddarparu arweiniad allweddol hefyd ar genhadaeth economaidd y Llywodraeth? Nawr, mae dau sector penodol wedi cael eu taro’n galed yn ystod y pandemig ac wedi cael cymorth sydd ond ar gael yng Nghymru. Manwerthu nad yw'n hanfodol a gyrwyr tacsi yw'r sectorau hyn. Weinidog, a allwch roi sicrwydd i ni y bydd sectorau o’r fath yn parhau i gael cymorth gan Lywodraeth Cymru, ac y byddwch yn parhau i ymgysylltu â’r gymuned fusnes, ac wrth gwrs, ein hundebau llafur i lunio'r pecyn cymorth gorau posibl i fusnesau?

13:40

I certainly will. Actually, it's been interesting—a recently published survey from the Cardiff Business School showed that 85 per cent of businesses who responded agreed that the support from the first two phases of the Welsh Government's economic resilience fund was as important as furlough in supporting them during the first year of the pandemic. I think that's a great credit to Welsh Government and, indeed, to the former economy Minister who oversaw those schemes. 

When it comes to non-essential retail, there is a deliberate difference between us and England. Non-essential retail is supported by measures here, but hasn't been across the border. And that's a point that was made to me forcibly by representatives of the retail sector when I met with them as part of the regular series of engagements I have with businesses, business organisations, local government and, of course, our trade unions. And, again, the point was made about freelancers, the self-employed and taxi drivers during our recent discussions. When we knew we'd have to take further measures to protect public health, I was keen to make sure that there was a form of support for taxi drivers because we know the trade was directly affected. We recently announced, of course, a doubling in that support to £1,000, showing we're listening to people, working with them and doing everything we can with the resources available to us. We'll go on listening and working with our partners here in Wales, and I believe we get better results by working in exactly that way. 

Gallaf, yn sicr. A dweud y gwir, mae wedi bod yn ddiddorol—dangosodd arolwg a gyhoeddwyd yn ddiweddar gan Ysgol Fusnes Caerdydd fod 85 y cant o'r busnesau a ymatebodd yn cytuno bod cymorth dau gam cyntaf cronfa cadernid economaidd Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yr un mor bwysig â ffyrlo yn eu cefnogi yn ystod blwyddyn gyntaf y pandemig. Credaf fod hynny'n glod mawr i Lywodraeth Cymru, ac yn wir, i gyn Weinidog yr economi a oruchwyliodd y cynlluniau hynny.

O ran manwerthu nad yw’n hanfodol, mae gwahaniaeth bwriadol rhyngom ni a Lloegr. Ceir mesurau i gefnogi manwerthu nad yw'n hanfodol yma, ond nid yw hynny'n wir dros y ffin. Ac mae hwnnw'n bwynt a wnaed yn rymus i mi gan gynrychiolwyr y sector manwerthu pan gyfarfûm â hwy fel rhan o'r ymgysylltu rheolaidd a wnaf â busnesau, sefydliadau busnes, llywodraeth leol, a'n hundebau llafur wrth gwrs. Ac unwaith eto, gwnaed y pwynt am weithwyr llawrydd, yr hunangyflogedig a gyrwyr tacsi yn ystod ein trafodaethau diweddar. Pan oeddem yn gwybod y byddai'n rhaid inni roi camau pellach ar waith i ddiogelu iechyd y cyhoedd, roeddwn yn awyddus i sicrhau bod math o gymorth ar gael i yrwyr tacsi gan y gwyddom fod y sector hwnnw wedi'i effeithio'n uniongyrchol. Yn ddiweddar, fe wnaethom ddyblu’r cymorth hwnnw i £1,000 wrth gwrs, gan ddangos ein bod yn gwrando ar bobl, yn gweithio gyda hwy ac yn gwneud popeth a allwn gyda’r adnoddau sydd ar gael i ni. Byddwn yn parhau i wrando a gweithio gyda’n partneriaid yma yng Nghymru, a chredaf ein bod yn cael canlyniadau gwell drwy weithio yn y ffordd honno.

Thank you to the Member for submitting this important question as well. Minister, because of the further restrictions over Christmas and into the new year, the announcement of further financial support from the economic resilience fund is of course welcome for those businesses. However, because of the level and length of these most recent restrictions, for many it is simply not enough. An example of this is from the Night Time Industries Association, who've estimated that, on average, their members have lost around £45,000 over the festive period and into the new year. So, Minister, are those businesses lying when they say that support that they're likely to receive from the Welsh Government is not enough to cover their losses?

Diolch i’r Aelod am gyflwyno’r cwestiwn pwysig hwn hefyd. Weinidog, oherwydd y cyfyngiadau pellach dros y Nadolig ac i mewn i’r flwyddyn newydd, mae’r cyhoeddiad am ragor o gymorth ariannol o’r gronfa cadernid economaidd i’w groesawu ar gyfer y busnesau hynny wrth gwrs. Fodd bynnag, oherwydd lefel a hyd y cyfyngiadau diweddaraf hyn, nid yw'n ddigon i lawer ohonynt. Enghraifft o hyn yw Cymdeithas Diwydiannau'r Nos, sydd wedi amcangyfrif bod eu haelodau, ar gyfartaledd, wedi colli oddeutu £45,000 dros gyfnod y Nadolig ac i mewn i'r flwyddyn newydd. Felly, Weinidog, a yw’r busnesau hynny’n dweud celwydd pan ddywedant nad yw cymorth y maent yn debygol o’i gael gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn ddigon i wneud iawn am eu colledion?

I think every business sector is looking to gain the greatest amount possible to support their business, and you understand exactly why they would do. When you think about the support that we've provided through the economic resilience fund, through the non-domestic rates-related support—and again, a scheme that is more generous than England—and also through the cultural recovery fund that supports a range of people in the events sector, I think, actually, you can see that we're doing everything we could and should do within the resources available to us to properly support businesses. 

Now, I don't think it's helpful to say that people are not being honest about the impact on their operations. What we're looking to do with the support we are providing is to try to make sure that businesses can survive and to support them into the recovery, and a recovery that is taking place at a more rapid pace in Wales because of the action that we took. And if you want to see the evidence for that in the public health issue, you can see that in the differential in the hospitalisation rates, and you can also see that in current case rates today, where they're nearly double in England what they are in Wales. That means we're less likely to have the direct impact those businesses also face when people aren't able to come to work because of COVID and, indeed, their customers who aren't able to come in because of COVID as well. The balance in our approach I think is the right one, and I'm confident that, in time, the further data we expect to get will prove that to be the case. 

Rwy'n credu bod pob sector busnes yn awyddus i gael cymaint â phosibl i gefnogi eu busnes, ac rydych yn deall yn union pam. Pan feddyliwch am y cymorth rydym wedi’i ddarparu drwy’r gronfa cadernid economaidd, drwy gymorth mewn perthynas ag ardrethi annomestig—ac unwaith eto, cynllun sy’n fwy hael na Lloegr—a thrwy’r gronfa adferiad diwylliannol hefyd, sy’n cefnogi ystod o bobl yn y sector digwyddiadau, rwy'n credu y gallwch weld ein bod yn gwneud popeth y gallwn ac y dylem ei wneud o fewn yr adnoddau sydd ar gael i ni i gefnogi busnesau'n briodol.

Nawr, ni chredaf ei bod yn ddefnyddiol dweud nad yw pobl yn bod yn onest am yr effaith ar eu gwaith. Yr hyn rydym yn bwriadu ei wneud â’r cymorth a ddarparwn yw ceisio sicrhau bod busnesau’n gallu goroesi a’u cefnogi i mewn i’r adferiad, ac adferiad sy’n digwydd yn gyflymach yng Nghymru oherwydd y camau gweithredu a roesom ar waith. Ac os ydych am weld y dystiolaeth o hynny yn iechyd y cyhoedd, gallwch weld hynny yn y gwahaniaeth yn y cyfraddau o bobl sy'n mynd i'r ysbyty, a gallwch weld hynny hefyd yn y cyfraddau achosion cyfredol heddiw, lle maent bron â bod ddwywaith cymaint yn Lloegr â'r hyn ydynt yng Nghymru. Golyga hynny ein bod yn llai tebygol o gael yr effaith uniongyrchol y mae'r busnesau hynny hefyd yn ei hwynebu pan nad yw pobl yn gallu dod i'r gwaith oherwydd COVID, ac yn wir, pan nad yw eu cwsmeriaid yn gallu dod i mewn oherwydd COVID yn ogystal. Credaf fod cydbwysedd ein dull o weithredu yn iawn, ac rwy'n hyderus, maes o law, y bydd y data pellach rydym yn disgwyl ei gael yn profi hynny.

Mae'r gronfa, wrth gwrs, wedi bod yn un modd o helpu busnesau, ond mi wnaeth rhai busnesau lwyddo i oroesi drwy fod yn rhan o'r ymateb i COVID. Dwi wedi ysgrifennu at y Llywodraeth a'r Gweinidog o'r blaen ynglŷn â'r angen i gynnal y cadwynau cyflenwi gafodd eu creu yn ystod y pandemig. Mi fu Brodwaith yn fy etholaeth i, yn ogystal â chwmnïau fel Elite, y fenter gymdeithasol yn y de-ddwyrain, yn allweddol yn darparu offer PPE, ond rŵan maen nhw'n ffeindio'u hunain yn colli'r cytundebau PPE y buasen nhw'n dal yn gallu ei gyflenwi i'r NHS. Ac mae rhai o'r busnesau yma, drwy droi at gyflenwi PPE, wedi colli rhai o'r hen gytundebau oedd ganddyn nhw. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi ymrwymiad i edrych ar sut i gynnal y cadwynau cyflenwi yma, a allai fod yn rhywbeth positif i ddod allan o'r pandemig yma?

The fund has been one way of helping businesses, but some businesses managed to survive by becoming part of the response to COVID. And I've written to the Minister and to the Government in the past on the need to maintain the supply chains created during the pandemic. Brodwaith in my constituency, as well as companies such as Elite Clothing Solutions, which is a social enterprise in the south-east, were crucial in providing personal protective equipment, but they now find themselves losing those contracts for PPE that they could still supply to the NHS. And some of these businesses, in becoming PPE suppliers, have lost some of the old contracts that they had. So, will the Minister give a commitment to look at how to maintain these supply chains, which could be a positive to come out of this pandemic?

Yes, I'll happily do so. Across the Government, Ministers are interested in the future of procurement, and how we have a properly searching test on the price but also, more importantly I think, on the value of what we are procuring as well, and on the impact on local economies of being able to source more of our goods from local supply chains, but crucially also on the resilience of the supply chains as well, because we found, in the early stages of the pandemic, that supply chains that were long established were cut off very, very quickly as the whole world was competing on a much more rapid and aggressive scale for different sorts of goods. So, yes, that is an active subject. On the particular issue you raised, I'm happy to look for the correspondence, and look to make sure that I, the health Minister and our officials do look at that properly. It is also worth pointing out, of course, that because of the way we successfully worked with Welsh businesses, and the way that our procurement teams worked in an open and transparent manner, we've had none of the scandal of an unlawful VIP lane here in Wales. That also shows that the values the Government have do matter in the choices that governments make and the way that public money is spent and safeguarded. 

Gwnaf, rwy'n fwy na pharod i wneud hynny. Ar draws y Llywodraeth, mae gan Weinidogion ddiddordeb yn nyfodol caffael, a sut y mae gennym brawf chwilio priodol ar bris, ond hefyd, yn bwysicach fyth yn fy marn i, ar werth yr hyn rydym yn ei gaffael hefyd, ac ar effaith gallu cael mwy o’n nwyddau o gadwyni cyflenwi lleol ar economïau lleol, ond yn hollbwysig hefyd, ar gadernid y cadwyni cyflenwi, gan ein bod wedi gweld cadwyni cyflenwi hirsefydlog yn cael eu torri'n gyflym iawn yng nghyfnodau cynnar y pandemig wrth i'r byd i gyd gystadlu ar raddfa lawer cyflymach a mwy ymosodol am wahanol fathau o nwyddau. Felly, ydy, mae hwnnw’n bwnc byw. Ar y mater penodol a godwyd gennych, rwy'n fwy na pharod i edrych am yr ohebiaeth, a gwneud yn siŵr fy mod i, y Gweinidog iechyd a'n swyddogion yn edrych ar hynny'n iawn. Mae'n werth nodi hefyd, wrth gwrs, oherwydd y ffordd y gwnaethom weithio'n llwyddiannus gyda busnesau Cymru, a'r ffordd y gweithiodd ein timau caffael mewn modd agored a thryloyw, nad ydym wedi cael sgandal yn gysylltiedig â llwybr anghyfreithlon i bwysigion yma yng Nghymru. Mae hynny hefyd yn dangos bod gwerthoedd y Llywodraeth yn bwysig yn y dewisiadau y mae llywodraethau’n eu gwneud a’r ffordd y caiff arian cyhoeddus ei wario a’i ddiogelu.

13:45
Cwestiynau Heb Rybudd gan Lefarwyr y Pleidiau
Questions Without Notice from Party Spokespeople

Cwestiynau nawr gan lefarwyr y pleidiau. Yn gyntaf y prynhawn yma, llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr, Paul Davies. 

Questions now from the party spokespeople. First of all, Conservative spokesperson, Paul Davies. 

Diolch, Llywydd. Minister, businesses across Wales, of course, welcomed the announcement on Friday by the Welsh Government to ease COVID restrictions in Wales over the next two weeks. That announcement was particularly welcomed by businesses in the hospitality and night-time sectors who have faced great hardship, not just over the past few weeks, but through the whole pandemic. The struggles still felt by those sectors still exist with the sustainability of some businesses still threatened and the possibility of jobs being lost. Minister, what assessment has the Welsh Government made of the impact of the restrictions on hospitality and night-time industries in Wales? How confident are you that the current package of support from the Welsh Government is sufficient enough to cover the costs borne by businesses as a result of these restrictions? 

Diolch, Lywydd. Weinidog, croesawodd busnesau ledled Cymru y cyhoeddiad ddydd Gwener gan Lywodraeth Cymru y bydd cyfyngiadau COVID yng Nghymru yn cael eu llacio dros y pythefnos nesaf. Cafodd y cyhoeddiad hwnnw ei groesawu’n arbennig gan fusnesau yn y sector lletygarwch a sector y nos sydd wedi wynebu caledi mawr, nid yn unig dros yr ychydig wythnosau diwethaf, ond drwy gydol y pandemig. Mae'r heriau sy'n wynebu'r sectorau hynny'n dal i fodoli gyda chynaliadwyedd rhai busnesau dan fygythiad o hyd yn ogystal â'r posibilrwydd y bydd swyddi'n cael eu colli. Weinidog, pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi’i wneud o effaith y cyfyngiadau ar y diwydiant lletygarwch a diwydiant y nos yng Nghymru? Pa mor hyderus ydych chi fod y pecyn cymorth presennol gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn ddigon i dalu’r costau y mae busnesau'n eu hwynebu o ganlyniad i’r cyfyngiadau hyn?

As a result of the protective measures, we know that a number of business sectors were not able to trade. And, of course, we required some businesses to close, as well as requiring other parts of hospitality that were open to operate in a different way. That's why we've provided the support we did. We announced that support at the time when those protective measures were being taken and announced. I've had direct engagement with the hospitality sector, including the night-time industry, and they've been very upfront about the challenges they face and the direct impact they have on their businesses, on the people who run and manage those businesses, and, indeed, on their workers. There are some people who are genuinely fearful for the future, because we're at a point where many businesses have challenges about their access to cash, as well as their ability to look forward to a different sort of trading environment. I do take seriously the concerns that are directly put to me and the direct engagement my officials have. That's why we have looked at the way in which we can make the forms of support we have slightly easier to obtain, and slightly more generous. It's also why we're continuing to work with the sector to try to make sure that we are supporting viable businesses as the trading conditions will change, and as I hope the confidence of customers will change, and people will come back to support good local businesses, both those that perhaps younger members of a different age cohort to myself and Mr Davies may want to use more regularly, as well as the wider range of businesses that we know have been directly affected by the necessary measures we've taken at this stage in the pandemic. 

O ganlyniad i’r mesurau diogelu, gwyddom nad oedd nifer o sectorau busnes yn gallu masnachu. Ac wrth gwrs, fe'i gwnaethom yn ofynnol i rai busnesau gau, yn ogystal â mynnu bod rhannau eraill o'r sector lletygarwch a oedd ar agor yn gweithredu mewn ffordd wahanol. Dyna pam ein bod wedi darparu’r cymorth y gwnaethom ei ddarparu. Fe wnaethom gyhoeddi’r cymorth hwnnw pan oedd y camau diogelu’n cael eu rhoi ar waith a’u cyhoeddi. Rwyf wedi ymgysylltu’n uniongyrchol â’r sector lletygarwch, gan gynnwys diwydiant y nos, ac maent wedi bod yn onest iawn ynghylch yr heriau y maent yn eu hwynebu a’r effaith uniongyrchol a gânt ar eu busnesau, ar y bobl sy’n rhedeg ac yn rheoli’r busnesau hynny, ac yn wir, ar eu gweithwyr. Mae rhai pobl yn wirioneddol bryderus am y dyfodol, gan ein bod mewn sefyllfa lle mae llawer o fusnesau'n wynebu heriau gyda mynediad at arian parod, yn ogystal â'u gallu i edrych ymlaen at wahanol fath o amgylchedd masnachu. Rwy’n rhoi ystyriaeth ddifrifol i'r pryderon a glywaf yn uniongyrchol a’r ymgysylltiad uniongyrchol gan fy swyddogion. Dyna pam ein bod wedi edrych ar y ffordd y gallwn ei gwneud ychydig yn haws i gael gafael ar y mathau o gymorth sydd gennym, a'i wneud ychydig yn fwy hael. Dyna pam ein bod hefyd yn parhau i weithio gyda'r sector i geisio sicrhau ein bod yn cefnogi busnesau hyfyw wrth i'r amodau masnachu newid, ac wrth i hyder cwsmeriaid newid, gobeithio, ac y bydd pobl yn dod yn ôl i gefnogi busnesau lleol da, y rheini efallai y bydd aelodau iau o garfan oedran wahanol i mi a Mr Davies am eu defnyddio’n fwy rheolaidd, yn ogystal â’r ystod ehangach o fusnesau y gwyddom fod y mesurau angenrheidiol rydym wedi’u rhoi ar waith ar y cam hwn yn y pandemig wedi effeithio’n uniongyrchol arnynt.

Minister, as we look forward, it is important that the Welsh Government spells out exactly how it's going to support the sustainability of the sector for the future in the form of a specific strategy. As part of that strategy, the Welsh Government should look at some of the underlying challenges facing the sector prior to the pandemic and consider what lessons it can learn from the COVID pandemic, to ensure that the sector's sustainability is not threatened in the future. Of course, as we move out of the pandemic, the Welsh Government must reconsider the need for COVID passes, and, at the very least, confirm what criteria will need to be met before they are scrapped. Minister, given that COVID passes have been proven ineffective in keeping nightclubs and similar settings open, which was the whole basis, incidentally, of the Government introducing these passes in the first place, what steps now are you taking to roll back COVID passes, and instead work up industry-backed solutions to support the hospitality and night-time sectors in the short and medium term? 

Weinidog, wrth inni edrych ymlaen, mae’n bwysig fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn nodi sut yn union y mae’n mynd i gefnogi cynaliadwyedd y sector ar gyfer y dyfodol ar ffurf strategaeth benodol. Fel rhan o’r strategaeth honno, dylai Llywodraeth Cymru edrych ar rai o’r heriau sylfaenol a oedd yn wynebu’r sector cyn y pandemig ac ystyried pa wersi y gall eu dysgu o bandemig COVID, er mwyn sicrhau na chaiff cynaliadwyedd y sector ei fygwth yn y dyfodol. Wrth gwrs, wrth inni gefnu ar y pandemig, mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru ailystyried yr angen am basys COVID, a chadarnhau, fan lleiaf, pa feini prawf y bydd angen eu bodloni cyn eu diddymu. Weinidog, o ystyried bod pasys COVID wedi’u profi’n aneffeithiol ar gyfer cadw clybiau nos a lleoliadau tebyg ar agor, sef holl sail y Llywodraeth, gyda llaw, dros gyflwyno’r pasys hyn yn y lle cyntaf, pa gamau rydych yn eu cymryd bellach i ddiddymu pasys COVID, a llunio atebion a gefnogir gan y diwydiant yn lle hynny i gefnogi'r sector lletygarwch a sector y nos yn y tymor byr a'r tymor canolig?

When it comes to a future strategy, we are looking at what could take place in a range of different sectors. So, we're looking at a retail strategy, and we're looking at the strategy—to revisit it—for the visitor economy. That in itself will make a difference for a range of people in the hospitality sector. The two sectors are obviously linked to a significant regard. I'm also entirely open to see whether we need to do more around the events section of that, or, indeed, the night-time economy specifically. So, I'm open-minded about where we can have a useful and productive conversation. But we start from a good basis, because we do have regular engagement with people who lead and run those businesses, and there are honest conversations about challenges as well as about the levers available to us to support them. 

When it comes to the second part of your question about COVID passes, I think a number of the assertions made by the Member are simply not correct. When it comes to the introduction of COVID passes, it was on the basis that this was a useful way to manage risk and that it would help to keep businesses open for longer, because the alternative was that, to manage the public health position, there would have been further interruption and potential closures in sectors. It was about avoiding those closures and keeping those businesses open. The fact that we nevertheless had to take further steps, including the recent measures, doesn't mean that COVID passes have failed; it actually shows the strength and the impact of the omicron wave in particular in overtopping all of those defences. When you see the eye-wateringly high numbers of cases that came about, I just think it is a wholly erroneous and not terribly intellectually honest argument to say that COVID passes failed because we nevertheless had to take further measures to protect public health. I look forward to engaging with the public health advice on when COVID passes are no longer a proportionate measure to help protect public health, but there's no evidence to date it's had a significant impact on the profitability of businesses where they have been introduced.

O ran strategaeth ar gyfer y dyfodol, rydym yn edrych ar yr hyn a allai ddigwydd mewn ystod o sectorau gwahanol. Felly, rydym yn edrych ar strategaeth fanwerthu, ac rydym yn edrych ar y strategaeth—ailedrych arni—ar gyfer yr economi ymwelwyr. Bydd hynny ynddo’i hun yn gwneud gwahaniaeth i amrywiaeth o bobl yn y sector lletygarwch. Mae'r ddau sector yn amlwg yn gysylltiedig iawn. Rwyf hefyd yn gwbl agored i weld a oes angen inni wneud mwy ynghylch y rhan o hynny sy'n ymwneud â digwyddiadau, neu'n wir, economi'r nos yn benodol. Felly, mae gennyf feddwl agored ynglŷn â lle gallwn gael sgwrs ddefnyddiol a chynhyrchiol. Ond rydym yn dechrau o sylfaen dda, gan ein bod yn ymgysylltu'n rheolaidd â phobl sy'n arwain ac yn rhedeg y busnesau hynny, a cheir sgyrsiau gonest ynglŷn â'r heriau yn ogystal â'r ysgogiadau sydd ar gael i ni i'w cefnogi.

Ar ail ran eich cwestiwn ynglŷn â phasys COVID, rwy'n credu bod nifer o'r honiadau a wnaeth yr Aelod yn anghywir. Cyflwynwyd pasys COVID ar y sail fod hon yn ffordd ddefnyddiol o reoli risg ac y byddai'n helpu i gadw busnesau ar agor am fwy o amser, gan y byddai gwneud fel arall, er mwyn rheoli'r sefyllfa iechyd y cyhoedd, wedi arwain at fwy o darfu a'r perygl o gau mewn sectorau. Roedd yn ymwneud ag osgoi cau busnesau a'u cadw ar agor. Nid yw'r ffaith ein bod, serch hynny, wedi gorfod cymryd camau pellach, gan gynnwys y mesurau diweddar, yn golygu bod pasys COVID wedi methu; mae'n dangos cryfder ac effaith ton omicron, yn enwedig, yn trechu pob un o'r mesurau diogelu hynny. Pan welwch y niferoedd arswydus o uchel o achosion a ddigwyddodd, credaf ei bod yn gwbl anghywir ac yn ddadl braidd yn anonest yn ddeallusol i ddweud bod pasys COVID wedi methu am ein bod er hynny wedi gorfod rhoi camau pellach ar waith i ddiogelu iechyd y cyhoedd. Edrychaf ymlaen at weld y cyngor iechyd cyhoeddus ynglŷn â pha bryd na fydd pasys COVID yn fesur cymesur i helpu i ddiogelu iechyd y cyhoedd, ond nid oes unrhyw dystiolaeth hyd yma eu bod wedi cael effaith sylweddol ar broffidioldeb busnesau lle cawsant eu cyflwyno.

13:50

Minister, the reality is that COVID passes have had a huge impact on the night-time economy, with some evidence showing that on average the cost to implement COVID passes per week was around £400. This would represent an annual cost of £20,000 per year. And let's not forget that these venues have been forced to shut despite the promise that COVID passes would keep them open. Today, a judicial review is being sought over the continued roll-out of COVID passes in Wales despite there being no evidence that they meet their objectives. 

Minister, these sectors are integral to us all. They're important cultural assets that promote and raise awareness of emerging new artists and musicians. They are significant employers to people, in particular many young people, and hospitality settings are often important community assets. Yet, this pandemic has been a hospitality horror story with many businesses struggling for survival and feeling let down by Governments. 

The UK Government has published its own strategy for the sector, focusing on reopening, recovery and resilience, and it's vital now that the Welsh Government do the same for the sector here in Wales. So, Minister, can you tell us what the Welsh Government's long-term thinking is for these sectors post pandemic and how you're championing these sectors' roles as hubs for community well-being as we emerge from the pandemic? Can you also confirm exactly how much money the Welsh Government has allocated from the budget to invest in resilience measures for these sectors in the future?

Weinidog, y gwir amdani yw bod pasys COVID wedi cael effaith enfawr ar economi’r nos, gyda pheth tystiolaeth yn dangos bod cost gweithredu pasys COVID oddeutu £400 yr wythnos ar gyfartaledd. Byddai hyn yn golygu cost o £20,000 y flwyddyn. Ac ni ddylem anghofio bod y lleoliadau hyn wedi cael eu gorfodi i gau er gwaethaf yr addewid y byddai pasys COVID yn eu cadw ar agor. Heddiw, gwneir cais am adolygiad barnwrol ynghylch parhau i gyflwyno pasys COVID yng Nghymru er nad oes unrhyw dystiolaeth eu bod yn cyflawni eu hamcanion.

Weinidog, mae’r sectorau hyn yn hollbwysig i bob un ohonom. Maent yn asedau diwylliannol pwysig sy'n hyrwyddo ac yn codi ymwybyddiaeth o artistiaid a cherddorion newydd. Maent yn cyflogi cryn dipyn o bobl, yn enwedig llawer o bobl ifanc, ac mae lleoliadau lletygarwch yn aml yn asedau cymunedol pwysig. Fodd bynnag, mae’r pandemig hwn wedi bod yn arswydus i'r sector lletygarwch gyda llawer o fusnesau’n brwydro i oroesi ac yn teimlo bod Llywodraethau wedi gwneud tro gwael â hwy.

Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi cyhoeddi ei strategaeth ei hun ar gyfer y sector, yn canolbwyntio ar ailagor, adfer a chadernid, ac mae'n hanfodol bellach fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwneud yr un peth ar gyfer y sector yma yng Nghymru. Felly, Weinidog, a allwch ddweud wrthym beth yw cynlluniau hirdymor Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer y sectorau hyn ar ôl y pandemig a sut rydych yn hyrwyddo rolau'r sectorau hyn fel hybiau llesiant cymunedol wrth inni gefnu ar y pandemig? A allwch gadarnhau hefyd faint yn union o arian y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi’i ddyrannu o’r gyllideb i’w fuddsoddi mewn mesurau cadernid ar gyfer y sectorau hyn yn y dyfodol?

I think there were three particular questions there. On the first part, I simply don't agree with the Member's view around COVID passes and their impact. They're a measure that has helped us to keep sectors open where we would otherwise have had to introduce further protections that would have affected their ability to trade. We're just not going to agree on that. 

When it comes to the future for the sector, I'm optimistic about the future for the sector, because we are looking to come out of this phase of the pandemic, because I look forward to the pandemic being a point of history rather than the day-to-day reality that Ministers still have to manage. But in particular, when you come to the spring and the summer, when conditions have been much more benign, you can look forward to a bounce back in a range of activities. We've seen the way, as I said earlier, the visitor economy has made a really big difference, with more people coming to Wales, more people going into different businesses. The biggest challenge for many of those businesses has been having enough staff to cope with the demand that's come in. That's part of the challenge about having a tighter labour market that is nothing to do with the COVID pass or indeed the choices that this Government has made. I'm keen to have conversations with the sector so I don't try to impose a strategy on them, and that works in tandem with the work we are doing with a range of other businesses. We're in good shape to do that, as I've previously suggested.

When it comes to future funds being allocated, the reality is that if we have a further emergency situation we'll look to further emergency funding measures. We'd actually look for the UK Treasury to step up and do its job if any part of the UK needed to take further steps to protect public health. As the Member knows, in the draft budget unveiled by the finance Minister, it sets out a wide range of spending measures and it also makes clear we're using the maximum amount of resource we have available to help kick-start the economy and to support public services. I look forward to a full debate on the final budget. 

Credaf ichi ofyn tri chwestiwn penodol. Ar y rhan gyntaf, nid wyf yn cytuno â barn yr Aelod ynghylch pasys COVID a’u heffaith. Maent yn fesur sydd wedi ein helpu i gadw sectorau ar agor lle byddem fel arall wedi gorfod cyflwyno mesurau diogelu pellach a fyddai wedi effeithio ar eu gallu i fasnachu. Nid ydym yn mynd i gytuno ar hynny.

Ar ddyfodol y sector, rwy'n obeithiol am ddyfodol y sector, oherwydd rydym yn awyddus i ddod allan o'r cam hwn yn y pandemig, gan fy mod yn edrych ymlaen at weld y pandemig yn rhan o hanes yn hytrach na'r realiti dyddiol y mae Gweinidogion yn dal i orfod ei reoli. Ond yn arbennig, pan ddaw'r gwanwyn a’r haf, pan fo’r amodau yn llawer llai difrifol, gallwch edrych ymlaen at adferiad mewn amrywiaeth o weithgareddau. Fel y dywedais yn gynharach, rydym wedi gweld y ffordd y mae'r economi ymwelwyr wedi gwneud gwahaniaeth mawr iawn, gyda mwy o bobl yn dod i Gymru, mwy o bobl yn mynd i mewn i wahanol fusnesau. Yr her fwyaf i lawer o’r busnesau hynny fu cael digon o staff i ymdopi â’r galw. Mae hynny'n rhan o’r her ynghylch cael marchnad lafur dynnach nad yw’n ymwneud o gwbl â phasys COVID nac yn wir â'r dewisiadau a wnaed gan y Llywodraeth hon. Rwy’n awyddus i gael sgyrsiau gyda’r sector fel nad wyf yn ceisio gorfodi strategaeth arnynt, a strategaeth sy'n gweithio ochr yn ochr â’r gwaith a wnawn gydag ystod o fusnesau eraill. Rydym mewn sefyllfa dda i wneud hynny, fel yr awgrymais eisoes.

O ran dyrannu cyllid yn y dyfodol, y gwir amdani yw, os byddwn yn wynebu argyfwng arall byddwn yn ystyried mesurau cyllido brys pellach. Byddem yn disgwyl i Drysorlys y DU ysgwyddo ei ddyletswydd a gwneud ei waith pe bai'n rhaid i unrhyw ran o'r DU gymryd camau pellach i ddiogelu iechyd y cyhoedd. Fel y gŵyr yr Aelod, mae'r gyllideb ddrafft a gyhoeddwyd gan y Gweinidog cyllid yn nodi ystod eang o fesurau gwario ac yn nodi'n glir ein bod yn defnyddio'r holl adnoddau sydd ar gael i ni i helpu i roi hwb i'r economi ac i gefnogi gwasanaethau cyhoeddus. Edrychaf ymlaen at ddadl lawn ar y gyllideb derfynol.

Llefarydd Plaid Cymru nawr—Luke Fletcher.

Plaid Cymru spokesperson—Luke Fletcher.

13:55

Diolch, Llywydd. We know that people and workers in Wales are currently living through a cost-of-living crisis, which is only set to get worse. The UK inflation rate is currently at 5.4 per cent—the highest rate in 30 years—with increases expected to continue, peaking at 6 per cent in spring 2022. These high inflation rates are considerably higher than current wage growth, which has been around 4 per cent in the second half of 2021. This means that real wages are falling and are expected to continue to fall compared to prices. In fact, wages are not expected to grow significantly until the end of 2022, and, even by 2025, real wages will be nearly £800 lower than they would have been if pre-pandemic growth had taken place. This is also disproportionately affecting those on low incomes, with nearly a third of households on low incomes seeing their income fall since May 2021. The Minister touched on this in an answer to a previous question, but given that workers are working the same or more hours, given that workers are earning less money in real terms and have a lower ability to buy the necessities they need, could the Minister set out what the Welsh Government is doing to ensure that workers on the minimum wage see an increase in their wages during this cost-of-living crisis?

Diolch, Lywydd. Gwyddom ar hyn o bryd fod pobl a gweithwyr yng Nghymru yn byw drwy argyfwng costau byw sydd ond yn mynd i waethygu. Mae cyfradd chwyddiant y DU yn 5.4 y cant ar hyn o bryd—y gyfradd uchaf ers 30 mlynedd—a disgwylir i’r cynnydd barhau, gan gyrraedd uchafbwynt o 6 y cant yng ngwanwyn 2022. Mae’r cyfraddau chwyddiant uchel hyn yn sylweddol uwch na thwf cyflogau cyfredol, a oedd oddeutu 4 y cant yn ail hanner 2021. Golyga hyn fod cyflogau gwirioneddol yn gostwng a disgwylir iddynt barhau i ostwng o gymharu â phrisiau. Mewn gwirionedd, nid oes disgwyl i gyflogau dyfu'n sylweddol tan ddiwedd 2022, a hyd yn oed erbyn 2025, bydd cyflogau gwirioneddol bron i £800 yn is nag y byddent wedi bod pe bai twf wedi parhau ar yr un lefel â chyn y pandemig. Mae hyn hefyd yn effeithio’n anghymesur ar bobl ar incwm isel, gydag incwm bron i draean o aelwydydd incwm isel wedi gostwng ers mis Mai 2021. Crybwyllwyd hyn gan y Gweinidog mewn ateb i gwestiwn blaenorol, ond o ystyried bod gweithwyr yn gweithio'r un faint neu fwy o oriau, o ystyried bod gweithwyr yn ennill llai o arian mewn termau real a bod ganddynt lai o allu i brynu’r hanfodion sydd eu hangen arnynt, a allai’r Gweinidog nodi’r hyn y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i sicrhau bod cyflogau gweithwyr ar yr isafswm cyflog yn cynyddu yn ystod yr argyfwng costau byw hwn?

The Member has highlighted the point that wages have been falling in real terms, and that's a point that, of course, Jayne Bryant highlighted in the first question today—that real wages have fallen. The figures out in the last few days are of real concern. It should be of real concern to all of us. I've highlighted before some of the measures that this Government has taken in areas where we think the UK Government should have acted but we have chosen to act to try to support families. To give you the example of the £51 million that Rebecca Evans and Jane Hutt previously announced, the support we're giving to help people pay up to £100 of their winter fuel household bill should help about 350,000 households in Wales. It's not a small measure; it's got significant reach. So, we are looking at where our powers exist and where our resources exist to allow us to support families.

When it comes to the minimum wage, we're clear that we want Wales to be a high-wage economy. We want to see the living wage adopted in more sectors. You'll see that in the way in which we're working through the public sector. The health Minister will have more to say, of course, about our programme for government commitment to deliver the real living wage in the social care sector. That will make a huge difference to a sector that employs large numbers of women, often in low-paid work. And, of course, that is money that is unlikely to disappear out of the country—it's money that's likely to be recircling and spent on local families and then local jobs as well. So, we are trying to take a leadership role in seeing rises in wages, and we certainly want to see workers' wages keep pace, at the very least, with inflation. But all of those things are under threat if the UK Treasury refuses to act. I hope the distractions on other matters on the other end of the M4 can be resolved, so we can at last have a responsible Government with responsible and decent leadership that recognises that the cost-of-living crisis is here and needs action.

Mae’r Aelod wedi tynnu sylw at y pwynt fod cyflogau wedi bod yn gostwng mewn termau real, ac mae hwnnw’n bwynt y tynnodd Jayne Bryant sylw ato yn y cwestiwn cyntaf heddiw wrth gwrs—fod cyflogau gwirioneddol wedi gostwng. Mae'r ffigurau yn y dyddiau diwethaf yn peri cryn bryder. Dylai fod yn destun cryn bryder i bob un ohonom. Rwyf wedi tynnu sylw eisoes at rai o'r camau y mae'r Llywodraeth hon wedi eu cymryd mewn meysydd lle credwn y dylai Llywodraeth y DU fod wedi gweithredu ond rydym ni wedi dewis gweithredu i geisio cefnogi teuluoedd. Os caf roi'r enghraifft o £51 miliwn a gyhoeddwyd gan Rebecca Evans a Jane Hutt, dylai'r cymorth rydym yn ei roi i helpu pobl i dalu hyd at £100 o fil tanwydd eu cartref dros y gaeaf helpu oddeutu 350,000 o gartrefi yng Nghymru. Nid yw'n fesur bach; mae'n rhoi cymorth i gryn dipyn o aelwydydd. Felly, rydym yn edrych ar ble mae gennym bwerau a ble mae ein hadnoddau'n ein galluogi i roi cymorth i deuluoedd.

Ar yr isafswm cyflog, rydym wedi dweud yn glir ein bod am i Gymru fod yn economi cyflog uchel. Rydym am weld y cyflog byw yn cael ei fabwysiadu mewn mwy o sectorau. Fe welwch hynny yn y ffordd y gweithiwn drwy'r sector cyhoeddus. Bydd gan y Gweinidog iechyd fwy i’w ddweud, wrth gwrs, am ymrwymiad ein rhaglen lywodraethu i sicrhau'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol yn y sector gofal cymdeithasol. Bydd hynny’n gwneud gwahaniaeth enfawr i sector sy’n cyflogi nifer fawr o fenywod, yn aml mewn swyddi ar gyflogau isel. Ac wrth gwrs, mae hwnnw'n arian sy'n annhebygol o ddiflannu o'r wlad—mae'n arian sy'n debygol o gylchredeg a chael ei wario ar deuluoedd lleol ac ar swyddi lleol hefyd. Felly, rydym yn ceisio chwarae rôl arweiniol yn sicrhau bod cyflogau'n codi, ac yn sicr, rydym am weld cyflogau gweithwyr yn codi gyfuwch â chwyddiant, fan lleiaf. Ond mae pob un o’r pethau hynny dan fygythiad os bydd Trysorlys y DU yn gwrthod gweithredu. Rwy'n gobeithio y gellir datrys y materion eraill sy'n tynnu eu sylw ar ben arall yr M4, fel y gallwn gael Llywodraeth gyfrifol o’r diwedd gydag arweinwyr cyfrifol a gweddus sy’n cydnabod bod yr argyfwng costau byw wedi cyrraedd a bod angen gweithredu i fynd i'r afael ag ef.

Of course. There are, of course, many things that can be done to address, specifically, workers' well-being and pay during this cost-of-living crisis, all of which requires swift and decisive actions from Government, not just in Cardiff, but also in Westminster.

Of course, the Minister will be aware of my and a number of cross-party colleagues' support for universal basic income, and I'm sure that the Minister has read, with great interest, the report produced by the Petitions Committee on a proposed UBI trial in Wales. Those of us who are supporting an increased trial for UBI also believe that UBI should be part of a policy package. On Monday, a four-day working week trial was launched by Autonomy, 4 Day Week UK and 4 Day Week Global. There are many known benefits to the four-day working week, such as increased productivity, improved employee well-being, and improvements in gender equality in the workplace. Microsoft trialled the four-day working week in one of their offices and found a 40 per cent increase in productivity. A poll conducted by the Scottish Government found that 80 per cent of the Scottish public thought this would improve their well-being.

What we're seeing globally is a number of trials progressing, both on UBI and the four-day work week, and whilst we have our own UBI trial here in Wales on the cards, we have yet to see the Welsh Government consider a trial for a four-day working week. Whilst I understand that Government wishes to watch closely what happens in other countries first, we are missing an opportunity here—an opportunity to push ahead with progressive policies in a way that means that they will be implemented here in Wales sooner rather than later. Would the Minister agree that we have nothing to lose in conducting our own four-day work week trial here in Wales at the earliest opportunity?

Wrth gwrs. Mae llawer o bethau y gellir eu gwneud i fynd i’r afael, yn benodol, â llesiant a chyflogau gweithwyr yn ystod yr argyfwng costau byw hwn, ac mae pob un ohonynt yn galw am gamau cyflym a phendant gan y Llywodraeth, nid yn unig yng Nghaerdydd, ond yn San Steffan hefyd.

Wrth gwrs, bydd y Gweinidog yn ymwybodol o fy nghefnogaeth i a nifer o fy nghyd-Aelodau trawsbleidiol i incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol, ac rwy’n siŵr fod y Gweinidog wedi darllen, gyda chryn ddiddordeb, yr adroddiad a gynhyrchwyd gan y Pwyllgor Deisebau ar dreial incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol arfaethedig yng Nghymru. Mae'r rhai ohonom sy'n cefnogi treial incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol ar raddfa fwy hefyd yn credu y dylai incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol fod yn rhan o becyn polisi. Ddydd Llun, lansiwyd treial wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod gan Autonomy, 4 Day Week UK a 4 Day Week Global. Mae gan yr wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod lawer o fanteision, megis cynnydd mewn cynhyrchiant, gwelliannau i lesiant gweithwyr, a gwelliannau i gydraddoldeb rhywiol yn y gweithle. Treialodd Microsoft yr wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod yn un o'u swyddfeydd a chanfu gynnydd o 40 y cant mewn cynhyrchiant. Canfu arolwg barn a gynhaliwyd gan Lywodraeth yr Alban fod 80 y cant o’r cyhoedd yn yr Alban yn credu y byddai hyn yn gwella eu llesiant.

Yr hyn rydym yn ei weld ym mhob rhan o'r byd yw nifer o dreialon yn mynd rhagddynt, ar incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol a’r wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod, ac er bod gennym ein treial incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol arfaethedig ein hunain yma yng Nghymru, nid ydym wedi gweld Llywodraeth Cymru yn ystyried treialu wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod eto. Er fy mod yn deall bod y Llywodraeth yn dymuno gwylio’n ofalus i weld beth sy’n digwydd mewn gwledydd eraill yn gyntaf, rydym yn colli cyfle yma—cyfle i fwrw ymlaen â pholisïau blaengar mewn ffordd sy’n golygu y cânt eu rhoi ar waith yma yng Nghymru yn gynt yn hytrach nag yn hwyrach. A fyddai’r Gweinidog yn cytuno nad oes gennym unrhyw beth i’w golli drwy gynnal ein treial wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod ein hunain yma yng Nghymru cyn gynted â phosibl?

When it comes to both UBI and the four-day working week—and, of course, Jack Sargeant has a question on four-day working week trials coming up later today—we are interested in what is happening. We have nothing to lose from reviewing the evidence in other parts of the world and seeing how comparable it is. We always have challenges about how we prioritise Government resources that are limited, and are undertaking trials that are meaningful and worth while, and can tell us something about what may be able to apply in the future, and how widely spread that opportunity may be as well. It's why the universal basic income pilot is a pilot to learn more, and the First Minister has been very clear—it's a pilot that initially targets a group of people where we know that there are not great outcomes for those people in the wider economy, to learn more about how we can support that group potentially, and then whether it could be successfully applied in a wider area. And, of course, that's the whole point of pilots—to learn what works, sometimes to learn what doesn't work, and then to see if we can apply it more widely and more successfully. So, I retain an open mind and a real interest in learning from action in this country, across these islands and, indeed, from further afield as well. 

Ar incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol a'r wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod—ac wrth gwrs, mae gan Jack Sargeant gwestiwn ar dreialon wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod yn nes ymlaen heddiw—mae gennym ddiddordeb yn yr hyn sy'n digwydd. Nid oes gennym unrhyw beth i'w golli drwy adolygu'r dystiolaeth mewn rhannau eraill o'r byd a gweld pa mor gymaradwy ydyw. Mae gennym heriau bob amser ynglŷn â sut rydym yn blaenoriaethu adnoddau cyfyngedig y Llywodraeth, ac yn cynnal treialon sy’n ystyrlon ac yn werth chweil, sy'n gallu dweud rhywbeth wrthym am yr hyn y gellid ei gymhwyso yn y dyfodol, a pha mor eang y gallai’r cyfle hwnnw fod hefyd. Dyna pam fod y cynllun peilot incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol yn beilot i ddysgu mwy, ac mae’r Prif Weinidog wedi dweud yn glir iawn—mae’n beilot sy’n targedu grŵp o bobl i ddechrau, lle gwyddom nad oes canlyniadau gwych i’r bobl hynny yn yr economi ehangach, i ddysgu mwy ynglŷn â sut y gallwn gefnogi’r grŵp hwnnw o bosibl, ac a ellir rhoi hynny ar waith yn llwyddiannus mewn ardal ehangach wedyn. Ac wrth gwrs, dyna holl bwynt cynlluniau peilot—dysgu beth sy'n gweithio, dysgu weithiau beth nad yw'n gweithio, a gweld a ellir ei gymhwyso ar raddfa ehangach ac yn fwy llwyddiannus. Felly, mae gennyf feddwl agored a diddordeb gwirioneddol mewn dysgu o'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn y wlad hon, ar draws yr ynysoedd hyn, ac ymhellach i ffwrdd hefyd yn wir.

14:00

Mae cwestiwn 3 [OQ57461] wedi'i dynnu nôl, felly cwestiwn 4 nesaf, Jack Sargeant.

Question 3 [OQ57461] has been withdrawn, so question 4, Jack Sargeant.

Wythnos Waith Pedwar Diwrnod
A Four-day Working Week

4. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'u cael gyda'r Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol ynghylch cefnogi cyflogwyr sy'n ystyried treialu wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod? OQ57469

4. What discussions has the Minister had with the Minister for Social Justice regarding supporting employers who are considering trialling a four-day working week? OQ57469

Our officials continue to work together on all matters, including this subject. Where employers have viable proposals for a shorter working week, we will consider what we can do to assist them through our business support and advisory services.

Mae ein swyddogion yn parhau i gydweithio ar bob mater, gan gynnwys y pwnc hwn. Lle mae gan gyflogwyr gynigion ymarferol ar gyfer wythnos waith fyrrach, byddwn yn ystyried yr hyn y gallwn ei wneud i'w cynorthwyo drwy ein gwasanaethau cymorth a chyngor i fusnesau.

I'm very grateful for your answer, Minister, and as we've discussed this afternoon, there is a four-day week pilot being launched in the UK, in partnership with the think tank Autonomy and 4 Day Week Global. Could I stress the importance of these trials to learn, and could I ask you, Minister, what conversations both you and the Minister for Social Justice have had with the think tank Autonomy and 4 Day Week Global about supporting Welsh employers who may be interested in this trial? Given your answer to the previous question, Minister, will you also commit to looking at the findings of this trial and reporting back to the Senedd with a view to holding an extended trial here in Wales? Diolch yn fawr. 

Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn am eich ateb, Weinidog, ac fel rydym wedi'i drafod y prynhawn yma, mae cynllun peilot pedwar diwrnod yn cael ei lansio yn y DU, mewn partneriaeth â'r felin drafod Autonomy a 4 Day Week Global. A gaf fi bwysleisio pwysigrwydd y treialon hyn ar gyfer dysgu, ac a gaf fi ofyn i chi, Weinidog, pa sgyrsiau rydych chi a'r Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol wedi'u cael gyda'r felin drafod Autonomy a 4 Day Week Global ynghylch cefnogi cyflogwyr Cymru a allai fod â diddordeb yn y treial hwn? O ystyried eich ateb i'r cwestiwn blaenorol, Weinidog, a wnewch chi hefyd ymrwymo i edrych ar ganfyddiadau'r treial hwn ac adrodd yn ôl i'r Senedd gyda golwg ar gynnal treial estynedig yma yng Nghymru? Diolch yn fawr.

Thank you for the comments. The Minister for Social Justice is leading on this as a policy area of work, and my officials will be working alongside hers in doing so. I think it's worth pointing out that we're interested in a variety of different forms of more flexible working, both the place that people work, the hours that people work and how they work those hours. Now, some businesses are already doing some of this. We know that some countries are already piloting different measures. Some people manage to compress their hours into a shorter number of days without losing any hours or pay; other people are looking at working fewer hours, and whether you can actually get a more productive workforce as a result.

Our officials are aware that we're expecting further reports around the four-day week, including the work that Autonomy are undertaking, and I understand some of that work is being done with the Future Generations Commissioner for Wales. So, we remain actively interested in this area of policy formulation, but as I say, if there are businesses that want to trial a four-day working week, we would be interested in having a properly constructive conversation about how that would fit into the work we're already doing, whether we could support them, and how then we take on board the learning that comes from those, to see whether it could be applied more generally, whether in public services or, indeed, the wider economy, but to work alongside our partners in doing so. I should also point out my officials are in contact with the Scottish Government as they themselves are looking to implement a pilot in this area too, as I'm sure the Member's aware.

Diolch am y sylwadau. Mae'r Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol yn arwain ar hyn fel maes gwaith polisi, a bydd fy swyddogion yn gweithio ochr yn ochr â'i swyddogion hi i wneud hynny. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn werth nodi bod gennym ddiddordeb mewn amrywiaeth o wahanol fathau o weithio mwy hyblyg, o ran lle mae pobl yn gweithio, yr oriau y mae pobl yn eu gweithio a sut y maent yn gweithio'r oriau hynny. Nawr, mae rhai busnesau eisoes yn gwneud rhywfaint o hyn. Gwyddom fod rhai gwledydd eisoes yn treialu gwahanol fesurau. Mae rhai pobl yn llwyddo i gywasgu eu horiau i nifer fyrrach o ddyddiau heb golli unrhyw oriau na thâl; mae pobl eraill yn edrych ar weithio llai o oriau, a gweld a allwch gael gweithlu mwy cynhyrchiol mewn gwirionedd o ganlyniad i hynny.

Mae ein swyddogion yn ymwybodol ein bod yn disgwyl adroddiadau pellach ynglŷn â'r wythnos pedwar diwrnod, gan gynnwys y gwaith y mae Autonomy yn ei wneud, a deallaf fod rhywfaint o'r gwaith hwnnw'n cael ei wneud gyda Chomisiynydd Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol Cymru. Felly, mae gennym ddiddordeb gweithredol o hyd yn y maes polisi hwn, ond fel y dywedais, os yw busnesau am dreialu wythnos waith pedwar diwrnod, byddai gennym ddiddordeb mewn cael sgwrs adeiladol iawn ynglŷn â sut y byddai hynny'n cyd-fynd â'r gwaith rydym eisoes yn ei wneud, gweld a allem eu cefnogi, a sut rydym yn dysgu'r gwersi sy'n deillio o'r rheini wedyn, i weld a ellid ei gymhwyso'n fwy cyffredinol, boed hynny mewn gwasanaethau cyhoeddus neu'n wir, yn yr economi ehangach, ond gan weithio ochr yn ochr â'n partneriaid i wneud hynny. Dylwn hefyd nodi bod fy swyddogion mewn cysylltiad â Llywodraeth yr Alban gan eu bod hwythau'n edrych ar weithredu cynllun peilot yn y maes hwn hefyd, fel y gŵyr yr Aelod, rwy'n siŵr.

Thank you, Minister. Let me take it a little further. Minister, many employers already offer flexible working conditions, recognising that organisations can very often benefit from arrangements that respond to people's lifestyles, family arrangements and responsibilities. Has the Minister reached out to organisations that offer more flexibility to understand the evidence of those benefits, and if so, what does it tell him? Thank you.

Diolch, Weinidog. Gadewch imi fynd ag ef ychydig ymhellach. Weinidog, mae llawer o gyflogwyr eisoes yn cynnig amodau gwaith hyblyg, gan gydnabod y gall sefydliadau elwa'n aml iawn ar drefniadau sy'n ymateb i ffyrdd o fyw pobl, trefniadau teuluol a chyfrifoldebau. A yw'r Gweinidog wedi estyn allan at sefydliadau sy'n cynnig mwy o hyblygrwydd i ddeall tystiolaeth y manteision hynny, ac os felly, beth y mae'n ei ddweud wrtho? Diolch.

Yes, we do have regular conversations with businesses and business organisations around what used to be called agile working and is sometimes called flexible working. But it's about the different working patterns that can suit workers and businesses. It's also worth reminding ourselves that, for some people, that flexibility is a bit of a mirage. There are far too many Welsh workers who work in an environment where they don't have those choices to make, so greater flexibility should benefit all of us, and it's not—. When I was a younger man in the world of work, flexible working was almost always a conversation around women and childcare, and actually, it's a much broader conversation that we should have about the whole workforce and how we can get a more productive workforce to take account of the change that has been accelerated through the pandemic, with many people, men and women, thinking again about the value they get from work and the value they get from other parts of their life, too.

A work-life balance is just as important to me as, indeed, it is to other people in the economy as well. So, I'm interested in what we can do alongside businesses. I'm also interested to see if the UK Government really is going to take a step forward in some of its broader and fluffier manifesto pledges around flexible working, because if flexible working is going to be made easier and more easy to attain, then, actually, the law is one way of doing it. The other, of course, excellent way that the Member will be aware of, I'm sure, as a British Medical Association member in the past, is actually that highly unionised sectors tend to have better terms and conditions and a much better and more enlightened attitude to flexible working, so if you want more flexible working in your workplace, joining a union would be a good place to start. 

Ie, rydym yn cael sgyrsiau rheolaidd gyda busnesau a sefydliadau busnes ynghylch yr hyn yr arferid ei alw'n weithio ystwyth ac weithiau fe'i gelwir yn weithio hyblyg. Ond mae'n ymwneud â'r gwahanol batrymau gwaith sy'n gallu gweddu i weithwyr a busnesau. Mae'n werth atgoffa ein hunain hefyd fod hyblygrwydd yn ddim mwy na rhith i rai pobl. Mae llawer gormod o weithwyr Cymru'n gweithio mewn amgylchedd lle nad oes ganddynt y dewisiadau hynny i'w gwneud, felly dylai mwy o hyblygrwydd fod o fudd i bob un ohonom, ac nid—. Pan oeddwn yn ddyn iau ym myd gwaith, roedd gweithio hyblyg bron bob amser yn sgwrs am fenywod a gofal plant, ac mewn gwirionedd, dylem gael sgwrs lawer ehangach am y gweithlu cyfan a sut y gallwn gael gweithlu mwy cynhyrchiol yn sgil y newid sydd wedi'i gyflymu drwy'r pandemig, gyda llawer o bobl, dynion a menywod, yn meddwl eto am y gwerth a gânt o waith a'r gwerth a gânt o rannau eraill o'u bywydau hefyd.

Yn wir, mae cydbwysedd rhwng bywyd a gwaith yr un mor bwysig i mi ag y mae i bobl eraill yn yr economi yn ogystal. Felly, mae gennyf ddiddordeb yn yr hyn y gallwn ei wneud ochr yn ochr â busnesau. Mae gennyf ddiddordeb hefyd mewn gweld a yw Llywodraeth y DU yn mynd i symud ymlaen gyda rhai o'i haddewidion maniffesto ehangach a mwy gwlanog ynghylch gweithio hyblyg, oherwydd os bydd gweithio hyblyg yn cael ei wneud yn haws ac yn haws ei gyflawni, mae'r gyfraith yn un ffordd o'i wneud. Y ffordd ragorol arall, wrth gwrs, y bydd yr Aelod yn ymwybodol ohoni, rwy'n siŵr, fel aelod o Gymdeithas Feddygol Prydain yn y gorffennol, yw bod sectorau undebol iawn yn tueddu i fod â gwell telerau ac amodau ac agwedd lawer gwell a mwy goleuedig tuag at weithio hyblyg, felly os ydych am weithio mwy hyblyg yn eich gweithle, byddai ymuno ag undeb yn lle da i ddechrau. 

14:05

Mae cwestiwn 5 [OQ57475] wedi ei dynnu yn ôl. Cwestiwn 6, Laura Jones. 

Question 5 [OQ57475] is withdrawn. Question 6, Laura Jones. 

Creu Swyddi drwy Fewnfuddsoddi
Job Creation through Inward Investment

6. A wnaiff y Gweinidog amlinellu amserlen a thargedau ar gyfer creu swyddi drwy fewnfuddsoddi yng Nghymru? OQ57462

6. Will the Minister outline a timeline and targets for job creation through inward investment in Wales? OQ57462

We aim to attract quality inward investment to Wales, as set out in the five-year international strategy and the economic mission within our programme for government. These focus on promoting specific economic sectors where Wales is recognised internationally along with critical magnets and assets that are attractive to investors.

Ein nod yw denu mewnfuddsoddiad o ansawdd i Gymru, fel y nodir yn y strategaeth ryngwladol bum mlynedd a'r genhadaeth economaidd yn ein rhaglen lywodraethu. Mae'r rhain yn canolbwyntio ar hyrwyddo sectorau economaidd penodol lle caiff Cymru ei chydnabod yn rhyngwladol, ynghyd ag atyniadau ac asedau allweddol sy'n ddeniadol i fuddsoddwyr.

Thank you for your response, Minister. The chief economist's report in 2020 highlights that the growth in productivity and inward investment has been very sluggish in Wales since the 2008 financial crash. The Welsh Government's approach has focused more on pet projects, with big promises but little return on economic development, for example your disastrous enterprise zones, a failure to invest in transport infrastructure, and the Circuit of Wales project. The former Welsh Development Agency, for all its faults, made significant progress in growing Wales's economy, attracting large levels of investment into Wales. Has any thought been given to re-establishing a body such as this to breathe life back into the Welsh economy, as it is since the WDA's powers were transferred back to the Welsh Government that the problems have begun? The approach to economy in Wales has changed to 'hit and hope', and value for money for taxpayers has become a second thought, a decent transport infrastructure is not on the cards, and investors have now looked elsewhere in the UK. Wales is craving inward investment, Minister. What are you doing to promote Wales as the best place to set up a business, which obviously in turn will create more jobs in prime locations, such as along the M4?

Diolch am eich ymateb, Weinidog. Mae adroddiad y prif economegydd yn 2020 yn nodi bod y twf mewn cynhyrchiant a mewnfuddsoddi wedi bod yn araf iawn yng Nghymru ers cwymp ariannol 2008. Mae dull gweithredu Llywodraeth Cymru wedi canolbwyntio mwy ar hoff brosiectau, gydag addewidion mawr ond fawr o elw ar ddatblygu economaidd, er enghraifft eich ardaloedd menter trychinebus, methiant i fuddsoddi mewn seilwaith trafnidiaeth, a phrosiect Cylchffordd Cymru. Gwnaeth yr hen Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru, er ei holl ddiffygion, gynnydd sylweddol yn tyfu economi Cymru, gan ddenu lefelau mawr o fuddsoddiad i Gymru. A roddwyd unrhyw ystyriaeth i ailsefydlu corff o'r fath i anadlu bywyd yn ôl i economi Cymru, gan mai wedi i bwerau'r WDA gael eu trosglwyddo'n ôl i Lywodraeth Cymru y dechreuodd y problemau? Mae'r dull o ymdrin â'r economi yng Nghymru wedi newid i 'daro a gobeithio', ac mae gwerth am arian i drethdalwyr wedi dod yn ystyriaeth eilradd, nid oes bwriad i greu seilwaith trafnidiaeth gweddus, ac mae buddsoddwyr bellach wedi edrych ar fannau eraill yn y DU. Mae Cymru'n crefu am fewnfuddsoddiad, Weinidog. Beth a wnewch i hyrwyddo Cymru fel y lle gorau i sefydlu busnes, a fydd yn amlwg yn creu mwy o swyddi yn ei dro mewn lleoliadau o'r radd flaenaf, megis ar hyd yr M4?

Well, as ever, a certain view on the past that isn't fully reflective of what happened is something that I've come to expect. I just don't accept the entirely rose-tinted view on where the WDA was compared to where things are now. And actually, last year, Wales saw an increase in inward investment, the only UK country to do so. And you'll have seen—or if you haven't, you may want to look at it—the international evidence and forecasts that suggest that, actually, inward investment in the next year or so is unlikely to significantly rebound. Part of the challenge of the pandemic and its global reach is that those inward investment projects are less likely in terms of the number and the scale. Despite that, we have 1,300 foreign-owned companies in Wales that employ, we estimate, over 165,000 people. A range of those are high-value and long-term partners. I, myself, have had regular conversations around trade and around supporting businesses that export and import, around supporting further foreign direct investment. I've had direct conversations with some of those potential investors as well. And the point about what we're trying to do is to be smarter about how we use our resources, to have people who are interested in a long-term future in Wales and a high-value future in Wales. So, we're continuing to pursue areas to attract investment in Wales from across the globe, and that includes working with the Department for International Trade as well. So, I look forward to continuing to see Wales as a good place to invest, whether you're a local, home-grown business—and we want more of those—as well as the potential for inward investment alongside that.

Wel, fel erioed, mae barn benodol ar y gorffennol nad yw'n adlewyrchu'n llawn yr hyn a ddigwyddodd yn rhywbeth rwyf wedi dod i'w ddisgwyl. Nid wyf yn derbyn y farn sy'n edrych drwy sbectol binc ar yr WDA o gymharu â lle mae pethau arni yn awr. Ac mewn gwirionedd, y llynedd, gwelodd Cymru gynnydd mewn mewnfuddsoddiad, yr unig wlad yn y DU i wneud hynny. A byddwch wedi gweld—neu os nad ydych wedi gwneud hynny, efallai yr hoffech edrych arni—y dystiolaeth ryngwladol a'r rhagolygon sy'n awgrymu ei bod hi'n annhebygol y bydd mewnfuddsoddi yn y flwyddyn nesaf yn ymadfer yn sylweddol. Rhan o her y pandemig a'i gyrhaeddiad byd-eang yw bod y prosiectau mewnfuddsoddi hynny'n llai tebygol o ran eu nifer a'u maint. Er hynny, mae gennym 1,300 o gwmnïau tramor yng Nghymru sy'n cyflogi dros 165,000 o bobl, yn ôl yr hyn a amcangyfrifwn. Mae amryw o'r rheini'n bartneriaid gwerth uchel a hirdymor. Rwyf wedi cael sgyrsiau rheolaidd fy hun ynghylch masnach ac ynglŷn â chefnogi busnesau sy'n allforio ac yn mewnforio, ynghylch cefnogi buddsoddiad uniongyrchol pellach o dramor. Rwyf wedi cael sgyrsiau uniongyrchol gyda rhai o'r darpar fuddsoddwyr hynny hefyd. A'r pwynt am yr hyn y ceisiwn ei wneud yw bod yn gallach ynghylch y modd y defnyddiwn ein hadnoddau, i gael pobl sydd â diddordeb mewn dyfodol hirdymor yng Nghymru a dyfodol gwerth uchel yng Nghymru. Felly, rydym yn parhau i fynd ar drywydd meysydd i ddenu buddsoddiad yng Nghymru o bob cwr o'r byd, ac mae hynny'n cynnwys gweithio gyda'r Adran Masnach Ryngwladol hefyd. Felly, edrychaf ymlaen at barhau i weld Cymru fel lle da i fuddsoddi, boed yn fusnes lleol domestig—ac rydym am gael mwy o'r rheini—yn ogystal â'r potensial ar gyfer mewnfuddsoddiad ochr yn ochr â hynny.

Minister, if we were able to have an electric bus manufacturing plant in Wales, that would be very beneficial for our economy, for jobs and for the environment. In Newport East, we have CAF, as you know, who supply trains. They also have a bus manufacturing capability in other European countries, and I wonder if Welsh Government might hold talks with CAF, given I know they have ambitions to establish an electric bus manufacturing plant alongside their train operation on the old Llanwern site in Newport.

Weinidog, pe baem yn gallu cael gwaith gweithgynhyrchu bysiau trydan yng Nghymru, byddai hynny o fudd mawr i'n heconomi, o ran swyddi ac o ran yr amgylchedd. Yn Nwyrain Casnewydd, mae gennym CAF, fel y gwyddoch, sy'n cyflenwi trenau. Mae ganddynt hefyd allu i weithgynhyrchu bysiau mewn gwledydd Ewropeaidd eraill, ac rwy'n meddwl tybed a allai Llywodraeth Cymru gynnal trafodaethau gyda CAF, gan fy mod yn gwybod bod ganddynt uchelgeisiau i sefydlu ffatri gweithgynhyrchu bysiau trydan ochr yn ochr â'u ffatri drenau ar hen safle Llan-wern yng Nghasnewydd.

14:10

[Inaudible.]—investment project that has been landed by the Welsh Government, working alongside other partners. And again, going back to the previous tenure of Ken Skates, where I think a significant amount was done to gain high-value inward investment with a company that's now committed to a Welsh footprint. I've visited the CAF site as well in your constituency. As you know, I'm impressed by their commitment to their local workforce, the high-quality nature of the jobs, and it was interesting that I had the meeting at CAF alongside the business and, indeed, the recognised union, the GMB, when I visited. So, I'm open-minded about future investments, and I'm happy to work alongside businesses that have a real commitment to Wales as well. So, if there is a viable proposition around further electric bus manufacture, I'm interested in how that can be done and what that means in terms of resources we have available to help support that. So, I look forward to contacting my officials to see if they've had the same conversation about the potential for future investment from CAF in Wales. 

[Anghlywadwy.]—prosiect buddsoddi a enillwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, gan weithio ochr yn ochr â phartneriaid eraill. Ac eto, os caf fynd yn ôl at gyfnod blaenorol Ken Skates yn y swydd, pan gredaf fod cryn dipyn wedi'i wneud i gael mewnfuddsoddiad gwerth uchel gyda chwmni sydd bellach wedi ymrwymo i ôl troed yng Nghymru. Rwyf wedi ymweld â safle CAF yn eich etholaeth hefyd. Fel y gwyddoch, mae eu hymrwymiad i'w gweithlu lleol, natur y swyddi ansawdd uchel, wedi creu argraff arnaf ac roedd yn ddiddorol cael cyfarfod yn CAF ochr yn ochr â'r busnes ac yn wir, yr undeb cydnabyddedig, y GMB, pan ymwelais â'r lle. Felly, mae gennyf feddwl agored ynglŷn â buddsoddiadau yn y dyfodol, ac rwy'n hapus i weithio ochr yn ochr â busnesau sydd ag ymrwymiad gwirioneddol i Gymru hefyd. Felly, os oes cynnig ymarferol pellach ynghylch gweithgynhyrchu bysiau trydan, mae gennyf ddiddordeb yn y ffordd y gellir gwneud hynny a beth y mae hynny'n ei olygu o ran adnoddau sydd ar gael gennym i helpu i gefnogi hynny. Felly, edrychaf ymlaen at gysylltu â fy swyddogion i weld a ydynt wedi cael yr un sgwrs am y potensial ar gyfer buddsoddiad CAF yng Nghymru yn y dyfodol.

Cymorth i Fusnesau
Business Support

7. Pa gynlluniau sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i helpu busnesau yn Nyffryn Clwyd i adfer o bandemig COVID-19? OQ57464

7. What plans does the Welsh Government have to help businesses in the Vale of Clwyd to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic? OQ57464

Thank you. As the Member knows, we are providing significant resources to help recover. We are providing almost £140 million, when you take into account of the £120 million economic resilience fund, the £15.4 million cultural recovery fund, and the initial £3 million put into the spectator sports fund. That's the emergency business support that we've provided. Since April 2020, the Member may wish to know that businesses in Denbighshire have received over £65.7 million in grant support. That does not, though, include the support from the separate cultural recovery fund packages, which compare very well with those available across the border, which I'm sure the Member will be pleased to hear. 

Diolch. Fel y gŵyr yr Aelod, rydym yn darparu adnoddau sylweddol i helpu i adfer. Rydym yn darparu bron i £140 miliwn, pan ystyriwch y gronfa cadernid economaidd gwerth £120 miliwn, y gronfa adferiad diwylliannol gwerth £15.4 miliwn, a'r £3 miliwn cychwynnol a roddwyd i'r gronfa chwaraeon gwylwyr. Dyna'r cymorth brys i fusnesau rydym wedi'i ddarparu. Ers mis Ebrill 2020, efallai yr hoffai'r Aelod wybod bod busnesau yn sir Ddinbych wedi derbyn dros £65.7 miliwn o gymorth grant. Fodd bynnag, nid yw hynny'n cynnwys cymorth pecynnau unigol y gronfa adferiad diwylliannol, sy'n cymharu'n dda iawn â'r rhai sydd ar gael dros y ffin, ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd yr Aelod yn falch o glywed hynny.

Yes, I appreciate that response, Minister. A large number of businesses in my constituency rely on the tourism and leisure markets, as do many across the north Wales coastal strip, and the past two years have been pretty disastrous, as you'll be aware. Not only do these businesses need continued help with such things as business rates in order to help with large losses incurred over recent times, but they also need assurances that future restrictions will be the very last resort. So, Minister, with that in mind, what discussions have you had with Cabinet colleagues about ensuring the Vale of Clwyd and, indeed, the whole of Wales, is fully open for business when the tourist season begins in just a few short weeks? 

Ie, rwy'n gwerthfawrogi'r ymateb hwnnw, Weinidog. Mae nifer fawr o fusnesau yn fy etholaeth yn dibynnu ar y marchnadoedd twristiaeth a hamdden, fel y mae llawer ar draws llain arfordirol gogledd Cymru, ac mae'r ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf wedi bod yn eithaf trychinebus, fel y gwyddoch. Nid yn unig y mae angen cymorth parhaus ar y busnesau hyn gyda phethau fel ardrethi busnes er mwyn helpu gyda cholledion mawr a gafwyd dros y cyfnod diweddar, ond mae angen sicrwydd arnynt hefyd mai dewis olaf un fydd cyfyngiadau yn y dyfodol. Felly, Weinidog, gyda hynny mewn golwg, pa drafodaethau a gawsoch gyda'ch cyd-Weinidogion Cabinet ynghylch sicrhau bod Dyffryn Clwyd a Chymru gyfan yn wir, yn gwbl agored i fusnes pan fydd y tymor twristiaeth yn dechrau mewn cwta wythnosau?

Actually, I think your characterisation that tourism and leisure have been disastrous in the last two years doesn't quite accord with the reality of what's happened. Some businesses really have suffered, but a range of others in the tourism sector have actually done extraordinarily well, and that's because many people have taken their holidays and more time visiting other parts of the UK. And actually, north Wales has done particularly well out of that. We've seen the pressure that's produced in a range of local communities as a result of the extraordinary success of the visitor economy in the last two years. A number of businesses say they've had better years as a result than they previously had expected. That, of course, comes alongside other businesses, especially those that have run events and visitor attractions, individual ones, where it has been much more challenging. So, the picture is more mixed than the Member presents.

And, actually, when it comes to introducing public health protection measures that affect the way businesses can operate, this is never the first option of the Government. And if you had ever had to have the responsibility to consider the impact on public health—the physical impact of COVID, the mental health impact of COVID, and what it means to act or not to act—then I don't think you'd be quite so cavalier in painting restrictions and protective measures as something that Ministers want to do because we like to do it. That's been the broad tenor of many Conservative comments. It is always a balanced approach, recognising the harm that is done to the economy in having public health protections, and the balance of trying to protect people's health and well-being, so that more people are able to go to work, more people are able to spend their hard-earned money in businesses here in Wales. And I believe that our proportionate approach is one that is bearing fruit as we exit the restrictions that we have introduced in better shape than other parts of the United Kingdom, most notably England.

A dweud y gwir, ni chredaf fod y ffordd y dywedwch fod pethau wedi bod yn drychinebus ar dwristiaeth a hamdden yn y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf yn cyd-fynd yn llwyr â realiti'r hyn sydd wedi digwydd. Mae rhai busnesau wedi dioddef yn fawr, ond mae amryw o rai eraill yn y sector twristiaeth wedi gwneud yn eithriadol o dda mewn gwirionedd, a hynny oherwydd bod llawer o bobl wedi mynd ar wyliau i rannau eraill o'r DU a threulio mwy o amser yn ymweld â hwy. Ac mewn gwirionedd, mae gogledd Cymru wedi gwneud yn arbennig o dda o ganlyniad i hynny. Rydym wedi gweld y pwysau ar amryw o gymunedau lleol o ganlyniad i lwyddiant eithriadol yr economi ymwelwyr yn ystod y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf. Mae nifer o fusnesau'n dweud eu bod wedi cael blynyddoedd gwell o ganlyniad i hynny nag y byddent wedi'i ddisgwyl yn flaenorol. Ochr yn ochr â hynny, wrth gwrs, mae wedi bod yn llawer mwy heriol i fusnesau eraill, yn enwedig rhai sydd wedi cynnal digwyddiadau ac atyniadau i ymwelwyr, busnesau unigol. Felly, mae'r darlun yn fwy cymysg nag y mae'r Aelod yn ei gyflwyno.

Ac mewn gwirionedd, pan ddaw'n fater o gyflwyno mesurau diogelu iechyd y cyhoedd sy'n effeithio ar y ffordd y gall busnesau weithredu, nid dyma'r opsiwn cyntaf i'r Llywodraeth byth. A phe baech chi erioed wedi gorfod ysgwyddo'r cyfrifoldeb o ystyried yr effaith ar iechyd y cyhoedd—effaith gorfforol COVID, effaith COVID ar iechyd meddwl, a'r hyn y mae'n ei olygu i weithredu neu beidio â gweithredu—nid wyf yn credu y byddech mor ddidaro wrth ddisgrifio cyfyngiadau a mesurau diogelu fel rhywbeth y mae Gweinidogion am ei wneud oherwydd ein bod yn hoffi gwneud hynny. Dyna gywair cyffredinol llawer o sylwadau'r Ceidwadwyr. Mae bob amser yn ddull cytbwys o weithredu, i gydnabod y niwed a wneir i'r economi drwy gael mesurau diogelu iechyd y cyhoedd, a'r cydbwysedd o geisio diogelu iechyd a lles pobl, fel bod mwy o bobl yn gallu mynd i'r gwaith, mwy o bobl yn gallu gwario'r arian y maent wedi gweithio'n galed amdano mewn busnesau yma yng Nghymru. A chredaf fod ein dull cymesur yn un sy'n dwyn ffrwyth wrth inni ddod allan o'r cyfyngiadau a gyflwynwyd gennym mewn cyflwr gwell na rhannau eraill o'r Deyrnas Unedig, a Lloegr yn fwyaf amlwg.

Cyflogadwyedd Pobl Ifanc
Employability of Young People

8. Pa fesurau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u rhoi ar waith i wella rhagolygon cyflogadwyedd pobl ifanc yng Ngogledd Cymru? OQ57466

8. What measures has the Welsh Government put in place to improve employability prospects for young people in North Wales? OQ57466

Thank you. The young person's guarantee has, of course, commenced, and I'll have more to say on the young person's guarantee, moving forward, and its component parts, in the coming months. We're also reviewing our employability strategy as well. We would, of course, be better able to meet the predicted employability needs of young people if we were in a position to have guarantees around receiving full replacement funding for former European Union funds that, of course, supported skills and other interventions to help improve prospects for young people in north Wales and beyond.

If you'll just excuse me for a moment, I'll close the door, as my son doesn't need to join in. [Laughter.]

Diolch. Mae'r warant i bobl ifanc wedi dechrau wrth gwrs, a bydd gennyf fwy i'w ddweud amdani wrth symud ymlaen, a'i chydrannau, yn ystod y misoedd nesaf. Rydym hefyd yn adolygu ein strategaeth cyflogadwyedd hefyd. Wrth gwrs, byddem yn gallu diwallu anghenion cyflogadwyedd disgwyliedig pobl ifanc yn well pe baem mewn sefyllfa i gael sicrwydd o gyllid newydd llawn yn lle hen gronfeydd yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a oedd, wrth gwrs, yn cefnogi sgiliau ac ymyriadau eraill i helpu i wella'r rhagolygon i bobl ifanc yng ngogledd Cymru a thu hwnt.

Os gwnewch chi fy esgusodi am eiliad, rwyf am gau'r drws, gan nad oes angen i fy mab ymuno. [Chwerthin.]

14:15

Certainly. I saw the door. You have got a blurred background, so that helps. [Laughter.] Thank you, Minister. I recently visited a new community facility called Tŷ Calon in north Wales. It's been part funded by Welsh Government as part a learning hub. It was raised with me that there is a gap that needs filling for some of the young people that they support, in particular those who have dropped out of school and are waiting to go into further education, but need help in building confidence, resilience and some foundational skills for that step up. Is there any funding available for this cohort of young people?

Yn sicr. Gwelais y drws. Mae gennych gefndir aneglur, felly mae hynny'n helpu. [Chwerthin.] Diolch, Weinidog. Yn ddiweddar ymwelais â chyfleuster cymunedol newydd o'r enw Tŷ Calon yng ngogledd Cymru. Cafodd ei ariannu'n rhannol gan Lywodraeth Cymru fel rhan o hyb dysgu. Crybwyllwyd wrthyf fod bwlch y mae angen ei lenwi ar gyfer rhai o'r bobl ifanc y maent yn eu cefnogi, yn enwedig rhai sydd wedi gadael yr ysgol ac sy'n aros i fynd i addysg bellach, ond sydd angen help i feithrin hyder, gwydnwch a rhai sgiliau sylfaenol ar gyfer camu ymlaen. A oes unrhyw gyllid ar gael ar gyfer y garfan hon o bobl ifanc?

Yes. I actually think that, for that group of young people, it's where our traineeship programme should be able to help, and we're looking at how to refine those interventions. The traineeship programme was aimed at helping young people aged 16 to 18 in Wales, and to give those young people the skills they need to progress further, either in further education and apprenticeships or employment. It also supports them with the development of soft skills, and tries to provide purposeful training and work experience opportunities. So, I'd be more than happy for my officials to engage with you around issues with Tŷ Calon to make sure that they get access to the right sort of information to help Tŷ Calon succeed in its mission.

Oes. Ar gyfer y grŵp hwnnw o bobl ifanc, rwy'n credu mai dyma lle dylai ein rhaglen hyfforddeiaeth allu helpu, ac rydym yn edrych ar sut i fireinio'r ymyriadau hynny. Nod y rhaglen hyfforddeiaeth oedd helpu pobl ifanc rhwng 16 a 18 oed yng Nghymru, a rhoi'r sgiliau sydd eu hangen ar y bobl ifanc hyn i gamu ymlaen ymhellach, naill ai mewn addysg bellach a phrentisiaethau neu gyflogaeth. Mae hefyd yn eu cynorthwyo i ddatblygu sgiliau meddal, ac yn ceisio darparu hyfforddiant pwrpasol a chyfleoedd profiad gwaith. Felly, byddwn yn fwy na pharod i fy swyddogion gysylltu â chi ynghylch materion yn ymwneud â Tŷ Calon i sicrhau eu bod yn cael mynediad at y math cywir o wybodaeth i helpu Tŷ Calon i lwyddo yn ei genhadaeth.

Busnesau Cymdeithasol
Social Enterprises

9. Pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o'r rhwystrau ariannol sy'n atal dechrau busnesau cymdeithasol yng Nghymru? OQ57451

9. What assessment has the Welsh Government made of the financial barriers that stop social enterprise start-ups in Wales? OQ57451

Thank you. We work closely with the social enterprise sector, and finance has been raised as a key barrier for social enterprises to start up. That's why, through WEFO, our Welsh European Funding Office, the New Start programme pilot was approved in 2020. I've also committed a further £235,000 to support the creation of social enterprises, targeting climate change, to help the sector deliver a fairer, greener economic recovery here in Wales.

Diolch. Rydym yn gweithio'n agos gyda'r sector mentrau cymdeithasol, a nodwyd bod cyllid yn rhwystr allweddol i fentrau cymdeithasol allu dechrau. Dyna pam y cymeradwywyd cynllun peilot y rhaglen Dechrau Newydd drwy Swyddfa Cyllid Ewropeaidd Cymru yn 2020. Rwyf hefyd wedi ymrwymo £235,000 pellach i gefnogi'r gwaith o greu mentrau cymdeithasol, gan dargedu newid hinsawdd, i helpu'r sector i sicrhau adferiad economaidd tecach a gwyrddach yma yng Nghymru.

Thank you. As the Minister will be aware, small-scale social enterprises are a business model that struggles to take hold in the marketplace, with funding being by far the biggest challenge it faces, particularly start-up capital. Since most social entrepreneurs are individuals, the predominance of funding comes from their savings rather than traditional forms of financing, such as bank loans.

Despite the fact that some people are willing to pay more for goods and services that come from a social enterprise, many consumers—particularly those who are among the poorest in society—are price sensitive, and will look to purchase at the most competitive price. The problem that this creates for social enterprises is that it limits their ability to expand, as their business model is not always profitable enough to access the necessary funds.

In Valleys communities, we have a juxtaposition, in that these are the communities most likely to benefit from social enterprises, yet they are the least likely to be able to afford to pay more for goods and services. With this in mind, Minister, what assessment has the Government made of the long-term financial support that is needed for social enterprises in Wales in order for them to expand from being small and medium enterprises? Thank you.    

Diolch. Fel y gŵyr y Gweinidog, mae mentrau cymdeithasol ar raddfa fach yn fodel busnes sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd cael troedle yn y farchnad, gyda chyllid yn her fwyaf o bell ffordd, yn enwedig cyfalaf dechrau busnes. Gan mai unigolion yw'r rhan fwyaf o entrepreneuriaid cymdeithasol, daw'r rhan fwyaf o'u cyllid o'u cynilion yn hytrach na mathau traddodiadol o ariannu, megis benthyciadau banc.

Er bod rhai pobl yn barod i dalu mwy am nwyddau a gwasanaethau sy'n dod o fenter gymdeithasol, mae llawer o ddefnyddwyr—yn enwedig rhai sydd ymhlith y tlotaf mewn cymdeithas—yn sensitif i brisiau, a byddant yn ceisio prynu am y pris mwyaf cystadleuol. Y broblem y mae hyn yn ei chreu i fentrau cymdeithasol yw ei fod yn cyfyngu ar eu gallu i ehangu, gan nad yw eu model busnes bob amser yn ddigon proffidiol i gael mynediad at yr arian angenrheidiol.

Yng nghymunedau'r Cymoedd, mae gennym wrthgyferbyniad, yn yr ystyr mai dyma'r cymunedau sydd fwyaf tebygol o elwa ar fentrau cymdeithasol, ac eto hwy yw'r lleiaf tebygol o allu fforddio talu mwy am nwyddau a gwasanaethau. Gyda hyn mewn golwg, Weinidog, pa asesiad y mae'r Llywodraeth wedi'i wneud o'r cymorth ariannol hirdymor sydd ei angen ar fentrau cymdeithasol yng Nghymru i allu ehangu o fod yn fentrau bach a chanolig? Diolch.

Well, there's an honest challenge there, and I know that the Member won't like it, but it comes back to some of the reasons why we've talked so much about former European funds. A lot of the support that we provided has actually come come from the former European funds that we used to receive. Not having those means that we're compromised in our ability to do that; we have to direct resources from other parts of the Government. I would like to be able to do more and give more certainty, and actually not having certainty about where those funds are coming from is a real problem. The specialist business support that often social enterprises need to move to a position of being generally profitable is something that we do have a range of people that can provide. So, we support Social Business Wales, the Wales Co-operative Centre and others to do just that.

Our challenge will be that, if there isn't the money available, it means that we're having to cut our cloth accordingly, and that is a real problem. I want to carry on supporting this sector. I think that they have a big role to play in communities right across the country. We would be in a much better position to give them the stability that I think they need and deserve if we had greater certainty on how replacement EU funds were going to be used. I would have thought that that point, in itself, should not be one that should in fact be party controversial, but I'd hope we could get rather more agreement on wanting stability in funding coming to Wales to do just what the Member suggests should happen.

Wel, mae'n her go iawn, a gwn na fydd yr Aelod yn ei hoffi, ond daw'n ôl at rai o'r rhesymau pam ein bod wedi siarad cymaint am hen gronfeydd Ewropeaidd. Mae llawer o'r cymorth a ddarparwyd gennym wedi dod o'r hen gronfeydd Ewropeaidd roeddem yn arfer eu derbyn. Mae peidio â chael y rheini'n golygu bod ein gallu i wneud hynny wedi'i beryglu; rhaid inni gyfeirio adnoddau o rannau eraill o'r Llywodraeth. Hoffwn allu gwneud mwy a rhoi mwy o sicrwydd, ac mewn gwirionedd mae peidio â chael sicrwydd ynglŷn ag o ble y daw'r arian yn broblem wirioneddol. Mae gennym amrywiaeth o bobl sy'n gallu darparu'r cymorth busnes arbenigol sydd ei angen ar fentrau cymdeithasol yn aml i symud i sefyllfa o fod yn gyffredinol broffidiol. Felly, rydym yn cefnogi Busnes Cymdeithasol Cymru, Canolfan Cydweithredol Cymru ac eraill i wneud hynny.

Ein her ni, os nad yw'r arian ar gael, fydd ein bod yn gorfod torri'r got yn ôl y brethyn, ac mae honno'n broblem wirioneddol. Rwyf am barhau i gefnogi'r sector hwn. Credaf fod ganddynt rôl fawr i'w chwarae mewn cymunedau ledled y wlad. Byddem mewn sefyllfa well o lawer i roi'r sefydlogrwydd y credaf eu bod ei angen ac y maent yn ei haeddu pe baem yn cael mwy o sicrwydd ynghylch y modd y byddai arian yn lle cronfeydd yr UE yn cael ei ddefnyddio. Byddwn wedi meddwl na ddylai'r pwynt hwnnw, ynddo'i hun, fod yn un sy'n ddadleuol yn wleidyddol mewn gwirionedd, ond byddwn yn gobeithio y gallem gael mwy o gytundeb ar yr angen am sefydlogrwydd o ran y cyllid a ddaw i Gymru i wneud yr hyn y mae'r Aelod yn awgrymu y dylai ddigwydd.

14:20
2. Cwestiynau i'r Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol
2. Questions to the Minister for Health and Social Services

Ac felly rŷn ni'n mynd ymlaen nesaf i'r cwestiynau i'r Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol. Mae cwestiwn 1 [OQ57459] wedi ei dynnu nôl. Ac felly cwestiwn 2 fydd gyntaf, sef cwestiwn Rhiannon Passmore.

We now move to questions to the Minister for Health and Social Services. Question 1 [OQ57459] is withdrawn. Question 2 first, therefore, and that is from Rhianon Passmore.

Cleifion yn yr Ysbyty gyda COVID-19
Patients Hospitalised with COVID-19

2. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am nifer y cleifion sy'n mynd i'r ysbyty gyda COVID-19 ym Mwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Aneurin Bevan? OQ57479

2. Will the Minister provide an update on the number of patients hospitalised with COVID-19 in the Aneurin Bevan University Health Board? OQ57479

As of 12 January, there were 178 COVID-related patients in hospital across the health board area.

Ar 12 Ionawr, roedd 178 o gleifion yn yr ysbyty yn gysylltiedig â COVID ar draws ardal y bwrdd iechyd.

Diolch, Llywydd and Minister. Thank you for that update. Sadly, 1,160 people have died in the Aneurin Bevan University Health Board with deaths relating to COVID-19. The citizens of Islwyn and Wales have sacrificed so much in our continued fight against this vicious virus during the pandemic. The World Health Organization's COVID chief, David Nabarro, this week stated:

'Looking at it from a UK point of view, there does appear to be light at the end of the tunnel',

and it is never too late to be vaccinated in Wales. With COVID restrictions set to be lightened over the next few weeks, what can the Welsh Government do to reach and persuade people who are still to be convinced of the value of vaccination, and does the Welsh Government have any further public information plans to target the unvaccinated sections of our society, either through direct correspondence, or via new public health messaging?

Diolch, Lywydd a Gweinidog. Diolch am y diweddariad hwnnw. Yn anffodus, mae 1,160 o bobl wedi marw ym Mwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Aneurin Bevan gyda marwolaethau'n gysylltiedig â COVID-19. Mae dinasyddion Islwyn a Chymru wedi aberthu cymaint yn ein brwydr barhaus yn erbyn y feirws dieflig hwn yn ystod y pandemig. Dywedodd prif swyddog COVID Sefydliad Iechyd y Byd, David Nabarro, yr wythnos hon:

'O edrych arno o safbwynt y DU, mae'n ymddangos bod golau ar ben draw'r twnnel',

ac nid yw byth yn rhy hwyr i gael eich brechu yng Nghymru. Gyda chyfyngiadau COVID i'w llacio dros yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf, beth y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud i gyrraedd a pherswadio pobl sy'n dal heb gael eu hargyhoeddi ynglŷn â gwerth brechiad, ac a oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru unrhyw gynlluniau gwybodaeth cyhoeddus pellach i dargedu rhannau o'n cymdeithas sydd heb eu brechu, naill ai drwy ohebiaeth uniongyrchol, neu drwy negeseuon iechyd cyhoeddus newydd?

Diolch yn fawr, Rhianon. I think what's really important is that we make it absolutely clear that it's never too late to arrange an appointment for a first or a second vaccine or a booster dose. So, together with our health boards and a wide range of partners, we're encouraging vaccine take-up, making it as easy as possible to get the vaccine, by offering a really flexible service that adapts according to local circumstances. So, obviously, in many places around Wales we have mass vaccination centres. They have extended hours, opening in the evening and on weekends as well. There have also been travel initiatives and pop-up clinics, walk-in centres and mobile services. And of course we've given additional incentives to GPs to take the vaccine into people's homes. And then, on top of that, we've had vaccine clinics in some very unusual places, making sure that people feel comfortable in surroundings where, if we hadn't done it there, they may not have stepped forward, particularly, in faith communities, cultural and community centres.

All of those are areas where we have tried to make a point of making sure that the information and the opportunity to have a vaccine are available, but also that the language issue is something that we're trying to overcome as well. There are details of all of this on the websites of the local health boards, and I would encourage everybody to take the opportunity to take up this vaccine offer. It's never too late to be protected.

Diolch yn fawr, Rhianon. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig iawn ein bod yn dweud yn gwbl glir nad yw hi byth yn rhy hwyr i drefnu apwyntiad i gael brechlyn cyntaf neu ail frechlyn neu ddos atgyfnerthu. Felly, gyda'n byrddau iechyd ac ystod eang o bartneriaid, rydym yn annog pobl i fanteisio ar y brechlyn, gan ei gwneud mor hawdd â phosibl i'w gael, drwy gynnig gwasanaeth hyblyg iawn sy'n addasu yn ôl amgylchiadau lleol. Felly, yn amlwg, mewn llawer o leoedd ledled Cymru mae gennym ganolfannau brechu torfol. Mae ganddynt oriau estynedig, ar agor gyda'r nos ac ar benwythnosau hefyd. Hefyd, cafwyd cynlluniau teithio a chlinigau dros dro, canolfannau galw i mewn a gwasanaethau symudol. Ac wrth gwrs rydym wedi rhoi cymelliadau ychwanegol i feddygon teulu fynd â'r brechlyn i gartrefi pobl. Ac ar ben hynny, rydym wedi cael clinigau brechu mewn mannau anarferol iawn, i sicrhau bod pobl yn teimlo'n gyfforddus mewn amgylchoedd lle na fyddent wedi dod i gael y brechiad o bosibl pe na baem wedi ei wneud yn y mannau hynny, yn enwedig cymunedau ffydd a chanolfannau diwylliannol a chymunedol.

Mae pob un o'r rheini'n fannau lle rydym wedi ceisio gwneud pwynt o sicrhau bod y wybodaeth a chyfle i gael brechlyn ar gael, ond hefyd fod y mater iaith yn rhywbeth rydym yn ceisio'i oresgyn hefyd. Mae manylion am hyn i gyd ar wefannau'r byrddau iechyd lleol, a hoffwn annog pawb i fanteisio ar y cyfle i gael y brechlyn. Nid yw byth yn rhy hwyr i gael eich diogelu.

Minister, whilst I understand that COVID has put the NHS in Wales under immense pressure, as it currently stands, hospitalisations for COVID are stable. With this in mind, Minister—. I'm contacted by constituents on a daily basis, as I'm sure we all are, with constituents in pain wondering how much longer they can go on. Minister, for example, an 83-year-old gentleman with osteoarthritis desperately waiting for a hip operation for three years, living in constant pain, is wondering how much longer he can go on living like this. Minister, we cannot continue to delay; waiting lists were far too long before the pandemic hit. Now that we are seeing COVID numbers falling and hospital rates stable, can you press to get elective surgery started again, to give people some hope? Thank you.

Weinidog, er fy mod yn deall bod COVID wedi rhoi'r GIG yng Nghymru dan bwysau aruthrol, fel y mae ar hyn o bryd mae'r niferoedd sy'n mynd i'r ysbyty oherwydd COVID yn sefydlog. Gyda hyn mewn golwg, Weinidog—. Mae etholwyr yn cysylltu â mi bob dydd, fel pawb ohonom mae'n siŵr, gydag etholwyr mewn poen yn meddwl tybed faint yn hwy y gallant ddal ati. Er enghraifft, Weinidog, mae gŵr 83 oed ag osteoarthritis wedi bod yn aros am lawdriniaeth ar y glun ers tair blynedd, ac mae'n byw mewn poen diddiwedd, yn meddwl faint yn hwy y gall ddal ati i fyw fel hyn. Weinidog, ni allwn barhau i oedi; roedd rhestrau aros yn llawer rhy hir cyn i'r pandemig daro. Gan ein bod bellach yn gweld niferoedd COVID yn gostwng a chyfraddau ysbytai'n sefydlog, a allwch bwyso i sicrhau bod llawdriniaeth ddewisol yn ailddechrau, er mwyn rhoi rhywfaint o obaith i bobl? Diolch.

Thanks very much, Laura. I can't tell you how aware I am of the many thousands of people—not just your constituents, but people across the whole of Wales—who are genuinely suffering at the moment and are in a lot of pain. So, it is, after COVID, my first priority to get those waiting lists down. We're already working very hard with the health boards. We've set out some clear guidance in terms of what we expect to happen. We're waiting for them to report with their integrated medium-term plans, so they'll be presenting plans that they would like to bring forward.

I've made it clear to them, for example, that I want to see in those plans an opportunity for us to address some of these issues on a regional basis—so, not just keep them within the footprint of the health boards themselves—because I firmly believe that, if people are in pain, they're actually probably willing to travel a little bit further afield if they can go back and recover and recuperate closer to home. So, I'm very keen to see that kind of new model being developed. We're waiting for these to be presented. I've made it absolutely clear that it's going to be difficult during this period and we all knew that, as omicron was going to work itself through the NHS system, there would have to be a cutback in terms of the number of planned care operations carried out.

We'll be getting the new and latest statistics on waiting lists tomorrow. I've made it absolutely clear that I don't expect us to get back to normal or to get to a place where we're really trying to be really tackling that waiting list until maybe the spring because of the restrictions that we have to put in place due to COVID. So, it's not an easy option. I have absolute empathy for all those people in pain, and I would encourage your constituent to get in touch with their GP just to make sure that they've got some support and some help and some painkillers to get them through to that point where we can offer them that support that we're all desperate to get to them.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Laura. Ni allaf ddweud wrthych pa mor ymwybodol rwyf fi o'r miloedd lawer o bobl—nid eich etholwyr yn unig, ond pobl ledled Cymru gyfan—sy'n dioddef yn enbyd ar hyn o bryd ac sydd mewn llawer o boen. Felly, ar ôl COVID, fy mlaenoriaeth gyntaf yw cael y rhestrau aros i lawr. Rydym eisoes yn gweithio'n galed iawn gyda'r byrddau iechyd. Rydym wedi nodi canllawiau clir ynglŷn â'r hyn y disgwyliwn ei weld yn digwydd. Rydym yn aros iddynt adrodd gyda'u cynlluniau tymor canolig integredig, felly byddant yn cyflwyno cynlluniau y byddent yn dymuno eu rhoi ar waith.

Rwyf wedi dweud yn glir wrthynt, er enghraifft, fy mod am weld cyfle yn y cynlluniau hynny inni fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r materion hyn yn rhanbarthol—felly, nid eu cadw o fewn ôl troed y byrddau iechyd eu hunain yn unig—oherwydd credaf yn gryf, os yw pobl mewn poen, mae'n debyg y byddant yn barod i deithio ychydig ymhellach i ffwrdd os gallant fynd yn ôl a gwella ac ymadfer yn nes at adref. Felly, rwy'n awyddus iawn i weld y math hwnnw o fodel newydd yn cael ei ddatblygu. Rydym yn aros i'r rhain gael eu cyflwyno. Rwyf wedi dweud yn gwbl glir y bydd yn anodd yn ystod y cyfnod hwn ac roeddem i gyd yn gwybod, wrth i omicron weithio'i ffordd drwy system y GIG, y byddai'n rhaid torri'n ôl ar nifer y llawdriniaethau gofal wedi'i gynllunio a gâi eu cyflawni.

Byddwn yn cael yr ystadegau newydd a diweddaraf ar restrau aros yfory. Rwyf wedi dweud yn gwbl glir nad wyf yn disgwyl inni ddychwelyd at y drefn arferol neu gyrraedd man lle rydym yn ceisio mynd i'r afael o ddifrif â'r rhestr aros honno tan y gwanwyn efallai oherwydd y cyfyngiadau sy'n rhaid inni eu rhoi ar waith oherwydd COVID. Felly, nid yw'n opsiwn hawdd. Rwy'n cydymdeimlo'n llwyr â'r holl bobl sydd mewn poen, a hoffwn annog eich etholwr i gysylltu â'u meddyg teulu i sicrhau eu bod yn cael cefnogaeth a chymorth a chyffur lladd poen i'w cynnal tan y gallwn gynnig y cymorth rydym yn dymuno'n daer iddynt ei gael.

14:25

One crucial factor in ensuring hospitals can provide care is the level of staff absences. You've said, Minister, that there were around 10,000 staff absences in the Welsh NHS last week, and 98 per cent of British Medical Association Cymru members said they're concerned about staffing levels because of those absences. Last week, I asked the First Minister about providing higher grade masks for NHS staff, and he told me that the Welsh Government's policy was based on the advice of a UK-wide specialist group and, at the time, it wasn't advising making these masks available nationally. Following that exchange, Minister, concerns were relayed to me by doctors who feared that that advice was not scientifically sound in terms of ensuring their safety. I understand that the UK advice has now been updated and new guidance states that FFP3 masks must be worn by staff caring for patients with suspected or confirmed COVID infection. So, could you confirm whether the Welsh Government has received this new advice, and, if so, whether you intend to implement it, and, if you do, finally, could you give us an idea of timescale in terms of how long it'll take to fit-test all remaining front-line staff, to get these respirators to where they're needed, please?

Un ffactor hollbwysig wrth sicrhau y gall ysbytai ddarparu gofal yw lefel absenoldebau staff. Rydych wedi dweud, Weinidog, fod tua 10,000 o absenoldebau staff yn GIG Cymru yr wythnos diwethaf, a dywedodd 98 y cant o aelodau Cymdeithas Feddygol Prydain Cymru eu bod yn pryderu am lefelau staffio oherwydd yr absenoldebau hynny. Yr wythnos diwethaf, gofynnais i'r Prif Weinidog ynglŷn â darparu masgiau gradd uwch i staff y GIG, a dywedodd wrthyf fod polisi Llywodraeth Cymru yn seiliedig ar gyngor grŵp arbenigol ledled y DU ac ar y pryd, nid oedd yn cynghori y dylid sicrhau bod y masgiau hyn ar gael yn genedlaethol. Yn dilyn y drafodaeth honno, Weinidog, clywais bryderon gan feddygon a oedd yn ofni nad oedd y cyngor hwnnw'n wyddonol gadarn mewn perthynas â sicrhau eu diogelwch. Deallaf fod cyngor y DU bellach wedi'i ddiweddaru ac mae canllawiau newydd yn nodi bod rhaid i staff sy'n gofalu am gleifion yr amheuir neu y cadarnhawyd bod COVID arnynt wisgo masgiau FFP3. Felly, a allech gadarnhau bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi derbyn y cyngor newydd hwn, ac os felly, a ydych yn bwriadu ei weithredu, ac os gwnewch hynny, yn olaf, a allech roi syniad inni o'r amserlen ar gyfer pa mor hir y bydd yn ei gymryd i baratoi'r holl staff rheng flaen sy'n weddill, i gael yr anadlyddion hyn i'r mannau lle mae eu hangen, os gwelwch yn dda?

Thanks very much, Delyth. I'm pleased to say that the sickness levels within the NHS have actually reduced from a week ago, so they were at about 8.3 per cent of staff off a week ago, now down to 7.3 per cent and, of those, around 1.7 per cent were off with COVID, and about 1 per cent of them were off for self-isolation reasons. So, the rest of them were kind of normal sickness that happens to lots of people at this time of year anyway.

In relation to the masks, I haven't seen that advice. I'm very happy to go and see if something's arrived, but I obviously can't give you any commitment on that until I've seen that advice, but I'll make a point of going to ask if we have received any additional update. I know it's something that we're constantly looking at; it's constantly kind of, 'Look, should we be doing this?' And we're waiting for the advice to change. We have been waiting for the advice to change. If the advice has changed, then, obviously, we will have to look at that again, but I haven't seen that updated advice, but I'll make a point of going to look for it now, Delyth.FootnoteLink

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Delyth. Rwy'n falch o ddweud bod y lefelau salwch o fewn y GIG wedi gostwng o wythnos yn ôl, felly roedd tua 8.3 y cant o'r staff yn absennol wythnos yn ôl, ac mae bellach i lawr i 7.3 y cant ac o'r rheini, roedd tua 1.7 y cant yn absennol gyda COVID, ac roedd tua 1 y cant ohonynt yn absennol am resymau'n ymwneud â hunanynysu. Felly, roedd y gweddill ohonynt yn dioddef o'r math o salwch arferol sy'n digwydd i lawer o bobl ar yr adeg hon o'r flwyddyn beth bynnag.

Ar y masgiau, nid wyf wedi gweld y cyngor hwnnw. Rwy'n hapus iawn i fynd i weld a oes rhywbeth wedi cyrraedd, ond yn amlwg, ni allaf roi unrhyw ymrwymiad i chi ar hynny nes fy mod wedi gweld y cyngor hwnnw, ond fe wnaf bwynt o fynd i ofyn a ydym wedi derbyn unrhyw ddiweddariad ychwanegol. Rwy'n gwybod ei fod yn rhywbeth rydym yn edrych arno'n gyson; yn gyson mae'n fater o, 'Edrychwch, a ddylem ni fod yn gwneud hyn?' Ac rydym yn aros i'r cyngor newid. Rydym wedi bod yn aros i'r cyngor newid. Os yw'r cyngor wedi newid, yn amlwg, bydd yn rhaid inni edrych ar hynny eto, ond nid wyf wedi gweld y cyngor hwnnw wedi'i ddiweddaru, ond fe wnaf bwynt o fynd i chwilio amdano yn awr, Delyth.FootnoteLink

Mynediad at Ofal Iechyd i Bobl â Nam ar y Clyw
Access to Healthcare for People with Hearing Loss

3. Pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o'r rhwystrau o ran cael mynediad at ofal iechyd y mae pobl sydd wedi colli eu clyw yn eu hwynebu? OQ57440

3. What assessment has the Welsh Government made of the barriers in accessing healthcare that affect people with hearing loss? OQ57440

Thanks very much, Joel. The Welsh Government requires NHS organisations to assess barriers to accessing healthcare that affect people with hearing loss in line with the Equality Act 2010. Annual reports are submitted for assessment, detailing achievements made towards implementation of the all-Wales standards for accessible communication and information for people with sensory loss.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Joel. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i sefydliadau'r GIG asesu rhwystrau i fynediad at ofal iechyd sy'n effeithio ar bobl sy'n drwm eu clyw yn unol â Deddf Cydraddoldeb 2010. Cyflwynir adroddiadau blynyddol i'w hasesu, sy'n manylu ar y cyflawniadau a wnaed tuag at weithredu safonau Cymru gyfan ar gyfer darparu gwybodaeth hygyrch i bobl â nam ar eu synhwyrau a chyfathrebu â hwy.

Thank you, Minister, and, as you mentioned, the all-Wales standards for accessible communication and information for people with sensory loss policy provides clear guidance on what GPs and hospitals should do to make their services more accessible for people with hearing and sight loss. It aims to make sure people with sensory loss can understand the health information they're given and have access to qualified British Sign Language interpreters or other forms of communication support during NHS appointments. Disappointingly, patients with sensory loss have reported to the group Action on Hearing Loss Cymru that they're not seeing the increased accessibility they were promised.

In 2018, a Welsh health circular stated that all relevant staff must be made aware of their responsibilities for recording such information, in order to support individuals with information and/or communication needs that are related to or caused by sensory loss. However, a Social Care Institute for Excellence survey found that, in Wales, more than half the people surveyed still leave their GP surgery unclear about their diagnosis or how to take their medication. In addition, 42 per cent of deaf BSL users say that communication at their appointments is inadequate because they don't have an interpreter and 36 per cent of survey respondents have to travel to their GP to book an appointment in person as they can't use the phone. With this in mind, would the Minister outline what action they intend to take to make sure that local health boards have mandatory induction training on sensory loss for NHS staff? And will the Minister outline what the Welsh Government proposes to do to enforce implementation of the current policy? Thank you.

Diolch, Weinidog, ac fel y sonioch chi, mae polisi safonau Cymru gyfan ar gyfer darparu gwybodaeth hygyrch i bobl â nam ar eu synhwyrau a chyfathrebu â hwy yn rhoi arweiniad clir ar yr hyn y dylai meddygon teulu ac ysbytai ei wneud i sicrhau bod eu gwasanaethau'n fwy hygyrch i bobl sydd â nam ar eu clyw a'u golwg. Ei nod yw sicrhau bod pobl sydd â nam ar y synhwyrau yn gallu deall y wybodaeth iechyd a roddir iddynt a chael mynediad at ddehonglwyr Iaith Arwyddion Prydain cymwys neu fathau eraill o gymorth cyfathrebu yn ystod apwyntiadau'r GIG. Mae'n siomedig fod cleifion sydd â nam ar y synhwyrau wedi dweud wrth y grŵp Action on Hearing Loss Cymru nad ydynt yn gweld y cynnydd mewn hygyrchedd a addawyd iddynt.

Yn 2018, nododd cylchlythyr iechyd ar gyfer Cymru fod yn rhaid i'r holl staff perthnasol fod yn ymwybodol o'u cyfrifoldebau i gofnodi gwybodaeth o'r fath, er mwyn cefnogi unigolion ag anghenion gwybodaeth a/neu gyfathrebu sy'n gysylltiedig â nam ar y synhwyrau neu wedi'u hachosi gan nam o'r fath. Fodd bynnag, canfu arolwg gan y Sefydliad Gofal Cymdeithasol er Rhagoriaeth fod mwy na hanner y bobl a holwyd yng Nghymru yn dal i adael eu meddygfa yn aneglur ynglŷn â'u diagnosis neu sut i gymryd eu meddyginiaeth. Yn ogystal, mae 42 y cant o ddefnyddwyr BSL byddar yn dweud bod cyfathrebu yn eu hapwyntiadau yn annigonol gan nad oes ganddynt ddehonglwr a rhaid i 36 y cant o ymatebwyr yr arolwg deithio at eu meddyg teulu i drefnu apwyntiad wyneb yn wyneb am na allant ddefnyddio'r ffôn. Gyda hyn mewn golwg, a wnaiff y Gweinidog amlinellu pa gamau y maent yn bwriadu eu cymryd i sicrhau bod byrddau iechyd lleol yn cael hyfforddiant cynefino gorfodol ar nam ar y synhwyrau i staff y GIG? Ac a wnaiff y Gweinidog amlinellu'r hyn y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwriadu ei wneud i sicrhau bod y polisi presennol yn cael ei orfodi? Diolch.

14:30

Thanks very much, Joel, and it's disappointing to hear what you're setting out there. I know that officials are currently assessing the most recent submissions against those criteria that we set out in those all-Wales standards for communication and information for people with hearing loss. What those standards do is set out what every patient or service user should expect from those standards. And obviously I am concerned if we're not meeting those standards. So, presumably that will come through when those submissions are assessed. So, I'm just waiting for those. They then are going to report their findings to the NHS Wales national executive board and the NHS delivery framework board. And the idea then is to discuss any concerns they have in terms of the implementation of standards with those appropriate organisations, and if you're saying that there's a particular problem with GP surgeries, then obviously we'd expect that to come out in those assessments.

I guess that actually the move to online may be helpful in this regard, that the eConsult process should be easier for people with hearing loss in terms of being able to access GP surgeries. But the key thing is that we do need to learn from best practice, so I'll look forward to seeing that assessment and those submissions when they come in.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Joel, ac mae'n siomedig clywed yr hyn rydych yn ei ddisgrifio. Gwn fod swyddogion ar hyn o bryd yn asesu'r cyflwyniadau diweddaraf yn erbyn y meini prawf a nodwyd gennym yn safonau Cymru gyfan ar gyfer cyfathrebu a gwybodaeth i bobl drwm eu clyw. Yr hyn y mae'r safonau hynny'n ei wneud yw nodi'r hyn y dylai pob claf neu ddefnyddiwr gwasanaeth ei ddisgwyl o'r safonau hynny. Ac yn amlwg, rwy'n bryderus os nad ydym yn bodloni'r safonau hynny. Felly, mae'n debyg y daw hynny i'r amlwg pan asesir y cyflwyniadau hynny. Felly, rwy'n aros am y rheini. Yna, byddant yn adrodd eu canfyddiadau i fwrdd gweithredol cenedlaethol GIG Cymru a bwrdd fframwaith cyflawni'r GIG. A'r syniad wedyn yw trafod unrhyw bryderon sydd ganddynt ynghylch gweithredu safonau gyda'r sefydliadau priodol hynny, ac os ydych yn dweud bod problem benodol gyda meddygfeydd, byddem yn amlwg yn disgwyl gweld hynny yn yr asesiadau.

Rwy'n tybio y gallai'r symud ar-lein fod o gymorth yn hyn o beth, y dylai proses eConsult fod yn haws i bobl drwm eu clyw ei defnyddio i gysylltu â meddygfeydd. Ond y peth allweddol yw bod angen inni ddysgu o arferion gorau, felly edrychaf ymlaen at weld yr asesiad a'r cyflwyniadau pan ddônt i law.

Cwestiynau Heb Rybudd gan Lefarwyr y Pleidiau
Questions Without Notice from Party Spokespeople

Cwestiynau nawr gan lefarwyr y pleidiau. Llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr yn gyntaf, James Evans. 

Questions now from the party spokespeople. The Welsh Conservative spokesperson first, James Evans.

Diolch, Llywydd. Deputy Minister, are you aware that the latest figures from the Intensive Care National Audit and Research Centre suggest that a staggering 81 per cent of patients confirmed with COVID-19 in Wales had a BMI of over 25, when the healthy range is between 18.5 and 24.9. We're already seeing the stage when nearly two thirds of Welsh adults are overweight or obese, with a quarter of Welsh adults being obese. This is one of the highest rates in the UK. Obesity causes one of the biggest risks to your health, from heart disease, diabetes, high cholesterol and orthopaedic problems, and this costs the NHS millions of pounds each year. Minister, do you think that 'Healthy Weight: Healthy Wales' has reduced obesity figures over the last few years or is it yet again a Welsh Government strategy that is simply not working?

Diolch, Lywydd. Ddirprwy Weinidog, a ydych yn ymwybodol fod y ffigurau diweddaraf gan Ganolfan Genedlaethol Ymchwil ac Archwilio Gofal Dwys yn awgrymu bod gan gymaint ag 81 y cant o gleifion y cadarnhawyd bod ganddynt COVID-19 yng Nghymru BMI o dros 25, pan fo'r ystod iach rhwng 18.5 a 24.9. Rydym eisoes yn gweld bod bron i ddwy ran o dair o oedolion Cymru dros bwysau neu'n ordew, gyda chwarter oedolion Cymru yn ordew. Dyma un o'r cyfraddau uchaf yn y DU. Gordewdra sy'n achosi un o'r risgiau mwyaf i'ch iechyd, o glefyd y galon, diabetes, colesterol uchel a phroblemau orthopedig, ac mae hyn yn costio miliynau o bunnoedd i'r GIG bob blwyddyn. Weinidog, a ydych yn credu bod 'Pwysau Iach: Cymru Iach' wedi lleihau ffigurau gordewdra dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf neu a yw ond yn strategaeth arall eto gan Lywodraeth Cymru nad yw'n gweithio?

Can the Deputy Minister's microphone be unmuted, please? Lynne Neagle. Yes, there it is; sorry for that. Deputy Minister.

A all y Dirprwy Weinidog ddadfudo'i meicroffon, os gwelwch yn dda? Lynne Neagle. Ie, dyna ni; mae'n ddrwg gennyf am hynny. Ddirprwy Weinidog.

Thank you. Thank you, James, for that question. I haven't seen the study that you have referred to, although of course I'm very well aware of the link between being overweight and increased susceptibility to having serious COVID. But I completely refute your suggestion that our strategy, 'Healthy Weight: Healthy Wales', is just another Welsh Government strategy. We're investing £6.6 million every year in this strategy, which is about to be re-launched and will take account of the fact that the pandemic has actually worsened the problems that we face with obesity. We will have a range of measures in place to drive down the levels of obesity, which are not just a problem in Wales, they are a problem throughout the UK.

Diolch. Diolch am y cwestiwn hwnnw, James. Nid wyf wedi gweld yr astudiaeth y cyfeirioch chi ati, er fy mod wrth gwrs yn ymwybodol iawn o'r cysylltiad rhwng bod dros bwysau a'r cynnydd yn y risg o gael COVID difrifol. Ond rwy'n anghytuno'n llwyr â'ch awgrym mai dim ond strategaeth arall gan Lywodraeth Cymru yw ein strategaeth 'Pwysau Iach: Cymru Iach'. Rydym yn buddsoddi £6.6 miliwn bob blwyddyn yn y strategaeth hon, sydd ar fin cael ei hail-lansio a byddwn yn ystyried y ffaith bod y pandemig wedi gwaethygu'r problemau sy'n ein hwynebu gyda gordewdra. Bydd gennym amryw o fesurau ar waith i leihau lefelau gordewdra, sy'n broblem nid yn unig yng Nghymru, mae'n broblem ledled y DU.

14:35

Thank you, Deputy Minister. And I do appreciate it isn't just a problem in Wales, it is a problem across the UK. You said to myself and colleagues on the Children, Young People and Education Committee that you're due to set out a new delivery plan for 'Healthy Weight: Healthy Wales' between 2022 and 2024 on 1 March, which is due to be a cross-departmental effort, with seven national priority areas. I'd just be interested to know, given that the previous delivery plan was published less than a year ago, how much progress has been made on the eight national priority areas in that plan. And do you think that the £6.6 million in the 2022-24 budget for 'Healthy Weight: Healthy Wales' is enough to carry out your aims in the new delivery plan, considering the rising numbers of people becoming overweight?

Diolch ichi, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Ac rwy'n derbyn nad problem yng Nghymru yn unig yw hi, mae'n broblem ledled y DU. Fe ddywedoch chi wrthyf fi a chyd-aelodau o'r Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg y byddwch yn cyflwyno cynllun cyflawni newydd ar gyfer 'Pwysau Iach: Cymru Iach' rhwng 2022 a 2024 ar 1 Mawrth, a disgwylir i hwnnw fod yn ymdrech drawsadrannol, gyda saith maes blaenoriaeth cenedlaethol. Byddai'n dda gennyf wybod, o gofio bod y cynllun cyflawni blaenorol wedi'i gyhoeddi lai na blwyddyn yn ôl, faint o gynnydd a wnaed ar yr wyth maes blaenoriaeth cenedlaethol yn y cynllun hwnnw. Ac a ydych yn credu bod y £6.6 miliwn yng nghyllideb 2022-24 ar gyfer 'Pwysau Iach: Cymru Iach' yn ddigon i gyflawni eich nodau yn y cynllun cyflawni newydd, gan ystyried y cynnydd yn nifer y bobl sydd dros eu pwysau?

Well, in terms of the delivery plan we've been working to, that had to be adapted because of the impact of the pandemic. The pandemic has undoubtedly had an impact on our ability to take action in this area and, as I've already said, has actually worsened the problems with obesity and people being overweight. I set out the figures that we are investing, which are very substantial, in the children's committee last week. But we are keeping the delivery plan under regular review, so that we can actually flex our actions to respond to the outcomes that we're seeing. For instance, I referred in the committee last week to the investment that we're putting in to the children and families pilot. Well, obviously, we'll want to look at the impact of those pilots, identify how we can use the learning, and then, if necessary, will use further funding to take that forward. So, I don't see the document as being set in stone at all. Obviously, it's something that has to be a living document, particularly in light of the impact we've seen the pandemic having on people's physical and mental health; we're all moving less, and that presents more significant challenges.

Wel, o ran y cynllun cyflawni rydym wedi bod yn ei ddilyn, bu'n rhaid ei addasu oherwydd effaith y pandemig. Heb os, mae'r pandemig wedi cael effaith ar ein gallu i weithredu yn y maes hwn ac fel y dywedais eisoes, mae wedi gwaethygu'r problemau gyda gordewdra a phobl dros bwysau. Nodais y ffigurau rydym yn eu buddsoddi, sy'n sylweddol iawn, yng nghyfarfod y pwyllgor plant yr wythnos diwethaf. Ond rydym yn adolygu'r cynllun cyflawni'n rheolaidd, fel y gallwn addasu ein camau gweithredu i ymateb i'r canlyniadau rydym yn eu gweld. Er enghraifft, cyfeiriais yng nghyfarfod y pwyllgor yr wythnos diwethaf at y buddsoddiad rydym yn ei wneud i'r peilot plant a theuluoedd. Wel, yn amlwg, byddwn eisiau edrych ar effaith y cynlluniau peilot hynny, nodi sut y gallwn ddefnyddio'r hyn a ddysgwn, ac os oes angen, byddwn yn defnyddio cyllid pellach i fwrw ymlaen â hynny. Felly, nid wyf yn ystyried y ddogfen fel rhywbeth digyfnewid o gwbl. Yn amlwg, mae'n rhaid iddi fod yn ddogfen fyw, yn enwedig yng ngoleuni'r effaith y gwelwyd y pandemig yn ei chael ar iechyd corfforol a meddyliol pobl; rydym i gyd yn symud llai, ac mae hynny'n arwain at heriau mwy sylweddol.

Thank you, Deputy Minister. And I do agree that these documents should be live, working documents that do change and adapt, but it is nice to see what delivery comes from those sorts of measures that are in those documents.

Finally, you mentioned last week that the diabetes prevention programme was now live in Wales, and I'm really, really pleased to see that. But I am concerned that we have a lot of catching up to do with our neighbours, given that the English NHS launched their own programme in 2016, and the Scottish NHS not long after, in 2017. Current estimates suggest that one in five of the Welsh population are at risk of developing type 2 diabetes, and this is going to cost the Welsh NHS up to £500 million a year to help manage diabetes and the complications that come with that, so we need to be reassured that this new programme will be a success. So, I want to know what milestones and targets you're working towards in the programme, and how you will ensure that it's reviewed honestly and regularly. Diolch, Llywydd, and thank you very much, Minister.

Diolch, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Ac rwy'n cytuno y dylai'r dogfennau hyn fod yn ddogfennau byw sy'n newid ac yn addasu, ond mae'n braf gweld pa ddarpariaeth sy'n deillio o'r mathau hynny o fesurau sydd yn y dogfennau hynny.

Yn olaf, fe sonioch chi yr wythnos diwethaf fod y rhaglen atal diabetes bellach ar waith yng Nghymru, ac rwy'n falch iawn o weld hynny. Ond rwy'n pryderu bod gennym lawer o waith dal i fyny â'n cymdogion, o gofio bod GIG Lloegr wedi lansio eu rhaglen eu hunain yn 2016, a GIG yr Alban wedi gwneud yr un peth heb fod ymhell ar ôl hynny, yn 2017. Mae amcangyfrifon cyfredol yn awgrymu bod un o bob pump o boblogaeth Cymru mewn perygl o ddatblygu diabetes math 2, a bydd hyn yn costio hyd at £500 miliwn y flwyddyn i GIG Cymru i helpu i reoli diabetes a'r cymhlethdodau sy'n deillio o hynny, felly mae angen inni gael sicrwydd y bydd y rhaglen newydd hon yn llwyddiant. Felly, rwyf eisiau gwybod pa gerrig milltir a thargedau rydych yn gweithio tuag atynt yn y rhaglen, a sut y byddwch yn sicrhau ei bod yn cael ei hadolygu'n onest ac yn rheolaidd. Diolch, Lywydd, a diolch yn fawr iawn, Weinidog.

Thank you, James. As I said last week in the committee, we've been piloting the diabetes prevention programme, and what we're doing now is upscaling that across the whole of Wales. But that is not the only measure that we're taking to prevent type 2 diabetes. We've also got the all-Wales weight management pathway, which covers children and adults, and I think we shouldn't forget that, unfortunately, we're seeing more children now being at risk of type 2 diabetes, which is incredibly worrying. But also, in terms of what we are doing as Ministers to drive delivery in this area, both myself and Eluned Morgan have been very clear that we see this area as a priority for prevention. It has been set out in the measures that have been issued to NHS bodies in Wales by the Minister, and we are both making sure that, in our discussions with the NHS, we continue to drive home the message that we expect them to deliver on this agenda and to make a difference in this agenda. It is challenging to set targets in this area, especially as we come out of, hopefully, the pandemic, because things like the child measurement programme have been affected, but we have been very, very clear that we expect those services to be recovered, and that the expectation of Ministers is that reducing levels of overweight and obesity is a priority for us, and that's something that we will be measuring going forward.

Diolch, James. Fel y dywedais yr wythnos diwethaf yn y pwyllgor, rydym wedi bod yn treialu'r rhaglen atal diabetes, a'r hyn rydym yn ei wneud yn awr yw ehangu'r rhaglen honno ar draws Cymru. Ond nid dyna'r unig fesur rydym yn ei roi ar waith i atal diabetes math 2. Mae gennym hefyd lwybr rheoli pwysau Cymru gyfan, sy'n cynnwys plant ac oedolion, a chredaf na ddylem anghofio ein bod, yn anffodus, yn gweld mwy o blant bellach mewn perygl o ddiabetes math 2, sy'n peri pryder mawr. Ond hefyd, o ran yr hyn a wnawn fel Gweinidogion i sbarduno cyflawniad yn y maes, rwyf fi ac Eluned Morgan wedi bod yn glir iawn ein bod yn ystyried y maes hwn yn flaenoriaeth ar gyfer atal. Mae wedi'i nodi yn y mesurau a roddwyd i gyrff y GIG yng Nghymru gan y Gweinidog, ac mae'r ddwy ohonom yn sicrhau ein bod, yn ein trafodaethau gyda'r GIG, yn parhau i bwysleisio'r hyn rydym yn disgwyl iddynt ei gyflawni ar yr agenda hon ac i wneud gwahaniaeth i'r agenda hon. Mae'n heriol gosod targedau yn y maes, yn enwedig wrth inni gefnu, gobeithio, ar y pandemig, oherwydd mae pethau fel y rhaglen mesur plant wedi cael eu heffeithio, ond rydym wedi bod yn glir iawn ein bod yn disgwyl i'r gwasanaethau hynny gael eu hadfer, a bod Gweinidogion yn disgwyl i leihau lefelau gorbwysau a gordewdra fod yn flaenoriaeth i ni, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y byddwn yn ei fesur wrth symud ymlaen.

14:40

Llefarydd Plaid Cymru nawr, Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Rhun ap Iorwerth. 

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Llywydd. Mae 70 y cant o breswylwyr cartrefi gofal yn byw efo dementia, ac mae cyswllt cymdeithasol, yn enwedig efo teulu neu ofalwyr anffurfiol, yn bwysig iawn iddyn nhw o ran dal gafael ar eu sgiliau cognitive ac ati. Mi oedd mesurau diogelwch y cyfnod clo, wrth gwrs, yn allweddol o ran atal lledaeniad COVID, ond o ystyried tystiolaeth fel ymchwil y Gymdeithas Alzheimer's, sy'n awgrymu bod 82 y cant o bobl efo dementia wedi gweld eu cyflwr yn dirywio yn ystod y clo cyntaf a bod lleihad mewn cyswllt cymdeithasol wedi bod yn ffactor fawr yn hynny, a fyddai'r Gweinidog yn cyd-fynd ag egwyddor yr hyn mae John's Campaign yn galw amdano fo, sef bod yn rhaid canfod ffyrdd o warchod y cyswllt yna, hyd yn oed yn wyneb heriau COVID? Ac ydy'r newid yn y ddeddf i wneud hawliau ymweld yn hawl dynol sylfaenol i gleifion dementia, fel galwodd yr Aelod Seneddol Plaid Cymru Liz Saville Roberts amdano fo yn ddiweddar, yn rhywbeth y gallai'r Gweinidog ei gefnogi?

Thank you very much, Llywydd. Seventy per cent of care home residents live with dementia, and social contact, particularly with family or informal carers, is very important to them in terms of keeping hold of their cognitive skills and so on. The safety measures during lockdown were crucial in terms of preventing the spread of COVID, but given the evidence, such as research by the Alzheimer's Society, that suggests that 82 per cent of people with dementia had seen their condition decline during the first lockdown and that the reduction in social contact was a major factor in that, would the Minister agree with the principle of what John's Campaign is calling for, namely that we must find ways of safeguarding those contacts, even in the face of the challenges of COVID? And is the change in legislation to make visiting rights a fundamental human right for patients with dementia, as the Plaid Cymru MP Liz Saville Roberts called for recently, something the Minister could support?

Diolch yn fawr, Rhun. Dwi'n ymwybodol dros ben o'r ffaith bod cymaint o bobl yn dioddef o ddementia ar hyd a lled Cymru, nid jest y rheini mewn cartrefi gofal, ond mae lot o bobl gartref hefyd wedi cael eu hynysu, wedi gweld llai o gysylltiad, ac rŷn ni wedi gweld dirywiad yn ystod y cyfnodau yna ymysg hen bobl yn arbennig. A dyna pam rŷn ni wedi, dro ar ôl tro, gwneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n edrych yn fanwl ar beth ddylai'r canllawiau fod o ran ymweld â chartrefi gofal. Rŷn ni wedi ceisio cael y balans yn iawn, ac mae yn anodd i gael y balans yn iawn, achos byddai pob un yn dechrau sgrechian pe byddem ni'n gweld system lle byddem ni'n cyflwyno omicron neu COVID mewn i gartrefi gofal. Felly, mae'n rhaid i ni gael y balans yn iawn, ac mae e'n anodd. 

Mae'r canllawiau sydd gyda ni yn glir. Mae hawl gan bobl i fynd i weld eu hanwyliaid nhw yn y cartrefi gofal, ond y drafferth yw, mae'r rhan fwyaf o'r rhain yn gartrefi preifat sy'n cael eu rhedeg gan bobl sydd yn gorfod talu am yswiriant, ac maen nhw ofn na fyddai eu hyswiriant nhw yn eu diogelu nhw pe bai yna gyflwyniad o COVID i mewn i'r cartref gofal. Felly, o ran newid i'r ddeddf, dwi'n meddwl byddai hwnna'n gam mawr iawn i'w gymryd o ran beth yw hawl dynol. Nawr, mae hawl dynol yn dweud bod hawl gan berson i gael perthynas deuluol neu rywbeth. Felly, mi fyddech chi'n gallu apelio at hynny eisoes, dwi'n cymryd. Felly, y cwestiwn wedyn yw: a fyddai hwnna'n sefyll mewn llys barn? Dwi'n meddwl byddai fe'n anodd iawn i fynd ymhellach na hynny. Dwi ddim yn gwybod os oes yna enghreifftiau mewn llefydd eraill yn y byd, ond mae'r hawl yna eisoes yn bodoli, yr hawl i gael perthynas deuluol.

Thank you very much, Rhun. I am highly aware of the fact that so many people are experiencing dementia the length and breadth of Wales, not just those in care homes, but there are many people living at home too who have been isolated, have had less social contact, and we have seen decline during that period among elderly people particularly. And that is why, time and time again, we have ensured that we look in detail at what the guidance should be in terms of visiting care homes. We have tried to strike the right balance, and it is difficult to do that, because everyone would be screaming and shouting if we had seen a system where we were introducing omicron or COVID into care homes. So, we have to strike the right balance, and it's difficult. 

Our guidance is clear. People do have a right to visit a loved one in a care home, but the problem is that most of these are privately run homes, run by people who have to pay for insurance, and they fear that their insurance wouldn't safeguard them if COVID was introduced into their care home. So, in terms of a change in legislation, I think that would be a very major step to take in terms of what constitutes a human right. Now, a human right says that an individual has a right to a family life—I think that's the wording, I'm not sure. So, I'm sure you could appeal to that already. So, the question following on from that is whether that would stand up in a court of law. I think it would be very difficult to go any further than that. I don't know if there are other examples elsewhere in the world, but that right already exists, the right to a family life. 

Diolch am yr ymateb yna. Byddai, mi fyddai fo'n gam mawr, ond yn gam pwysig. A'r holl bwynt o'i roi o mewn deddfwriaeth fyddai sicrhau bod yr egwyddor ddim yn gallu cael ei hanwybyddu; byddai'n rhaid gweithredu.

Yng Nghymru, mae yna gamau addawol iawn wedi cael eu cymryd—yr egwyddor o bartneriaid gofal yng nghynllun gweithredu Cymru ar gyfer dementia, er enghraifft—ond mae yna agendor mawr rhwng beth sy'n cael ei ddisgrifio yn y cynllun hwnnw a realiti. Mae yna leoliadau iechyd a gofal lle dydy'r canllawiau ddim yn cael eu dilyn. Fel y cyfeiriodd y Gweinidog, mae yna broblemau ychwanegol efo'r anhawster mewn cael yswiriant ar gyfer materion yn gysylltiedig â COVID mewn cartrefi gofal erbyn hyn, a dwi'n ategu cais Fforwm Gofal Cymru am gynllun indemnity tebyg i un yr NHS ar gyfer y sector gofal. Ond â ninnau rŵan ym mlwyddyn olaf y cynllun dementia presennol—a dyma'r mater allweddol—sut mae'r Llywodraeth am drio sicrhau bod geiriau cadarnhaol yn troi yn realiti?

Thank you for that response. And, yes, it would be a major step, but an important step too. And the whole point of placing it in legislation would be to ensure that the principle couldn't be ignored; one would have to act on that principle.

In Wales, very promising steps have been taken—the principle of care partners in the Wales dementia action plan, for example—but there is a great gulf between what is described in that plan and the reality of the situation. There are health and care settings where guidance isn't followed. As the Minister mentioned, there are additional problems in terms of having insurance for issues related to COVID in care homes, and I echo Care Forum Wales's own request for an indemnity scheme, similar to the NHS's indemnity scheme, for the care sector. But as we are now in the last year of the current dementia plan—and this is the key issue—how will the Government seek to ensure that positive words are made a reality?

14:45

Diolch yn fawr. Rydyn ni wedi rhoi'r canllawiau yn glir. Dwi'n gwybod bod Julie Morgan wedi bod yn sicrhau ei bod hi wedi gwneud popeth mae'n gallu i geisio cael pobl i gael yr access maen nhw ei angen i fynd i weld eu teuluoedd nhw. Mae'r cynllun dementia presennol—. Yn amlwg, rydyn ni'n edrych nawr ar fel y bydd y dyfodol yn edrych, a dwi'n meddwl bod yna gyfle yn fanna i weld pa mor bell rydyn ni'n gallu mynd gyda hawliau. Ond buaswn i'n meddwl y byddai hawliau—. Mae hawl yn gam deddfwriaethol eithaf mawr i'w gymryd. Yn amlwg, fe fyddai angen inni wedyn wneud lle yn yr agenda wleidyddol ar gyfer hynny. Mi fyddai fe'n gam mawr iawn. Felly, dwi'n barod i edrych i weld os byddai fe'n gwneud synnwyr, ond dwi'n meddwl mai'r peth gorau fyddai ceisio parhau i ddarbwyllo'r rheini sydd ddim wedi bod yn dilyn y canllawiau ei bod hi'n rhan o'u cyfrifoldeb nhw i ddilyn y canllawiau. Ac, wrth gwrs, mae'r rhan fwyaf o'r cartrefi gofal yma yn derbyn arian o gynghorau lleol, o'r Llywodraeth, felly mae yna bosibilrwydd yn fanna efallai i geisio gweld pa effaith rydym ni'n gallu ei chael drwy'r contracts rydym ni'n eu rhoi i'r bobl yma. 

Thank you very much. We have set out the guidance clearly. I know that Julie Morgan has ensured that she's done everything in her power to allow people the access they need to go and visit their families. The current dementia plan—. We're looking to the future now, and I think there is an opportunity there to see how far we could go with individual rights. But I would have thought that rights—. A right is a major legislative step to take. Clearly, we would then need to make place in the political agenda to deal with that. It would be a very major step. So, I'm willing to look at the issue and to consider whether it would make sense, but I think the best thing would be to try to continue to convince those who haven't been following guidance that it is part of their responsibility to do so. And, of course, most of these care homes are in receipt of funding from local authorities, from the Government, and therefore there is a possibility there to try and see what impact we could have through the contracts that we provide to these homes. 

Mae'r cwestiwn nesaf i'w ateb gan y Dirprwy Weinidog Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol, ac, i ofyn cwestiwn 4, Natasha Asghar. 

The next question is to be answered by the Deputy Minister for Social Services and to be asked by Natasha Asghar. That's question 4. 

Anhwylder Diffyg Canolbwyntio a Gorfywiogrwydd
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder

4. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am gynlluniau i wella gwasanaethau i bobl ag anhwylder diffyg canolbwyntio a gorfywiogrwydd? OQ57468

4. Will the Minister provide an update on plans to improve services for people with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder? OQ57468

Thank you. It is vital that all children and adults with a neurodevelopmental condition, including those with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, can access the services that they need. A demand and capacity review of all neurodevelopmental services will report in March, and we will act on the recommendations it makes for improvement across Wales.

Diolch. Mae'n hanfodol fod pob plentyn ac oedolyn sydd â chyflwr niwroddatblygiadol, gan gynnwys y rhai sydd ag anhwylder diffyg canolbwyntio a gorfywiogrwydd, yn gallu cael y gwasanaethau y maent eu hangen. Bydd adolygiad galw a chapasiti o'r holl wasanaethau niwroddatblygiadol yn adrodd ym mis Mawrth, a byddwn yn gweithredu ar yr argymhellion y mae'n eu gwneud ar gyfer gwella ledled Cymru.

Thank you for your reply, Minister, and also for your prompt reply to my written question on this issue. I'm very pleased to hear that you have plans for a new time framework to improve children's early access to the right support, as well as a collaboration across Government to improve support for people with ADHD. However, as I said during last week's business statement, many adults across Wales are being undiagnosed in their childhood, and we know that a person's personal circumstances can bring about profound change within their mental health. Sufferers go undiagnosed until adulthood, because the diagnostic criteria is based on research that focuses on traits exhibited by young boys. Leading psychologists have warned that gender bias is leaving many women with ADHD undiagnosed, and it's estimated that tens of thousands of women in the UK were actually unaware that they have the condition and are not receiving the help that they need. I was surprised to see with my own eyes the NHS 111 Wales website state, with regard to such services, and I quote, 

'Who you are referred to depends on your age and what is available in your local area.'

Minister, this began with a constituent who had contacted me to complain that his doctor's surgery could not do a referral for his wife, as there is no such service available. And since my statement in the Senedd previously, more and more people are writing to me from various areas in Wales expressing the hurdles they have faced personally and for their loved ones. So, can you, please, Deputy Minister, confirm that the planned new framework will address these concerns of those adults who have not yet been diagnosed in their childhood and require support? And will you be able to give some insight as to when your proposals will be published? Thank you. 

Diolch ichi am eich ateb, Weinidog, a hefyd am eich ateb prydlon i fy nghwestiwn ysgrifenedig ar y mater hwn. Rwy'n falch iawn o glywed bod gennych gynlluniau ar gyfer amserlen newydd i wella mynediad cynnar plant at y cymorth cywir, yn ogystal â chydweithrediad ar draws y Llywodraeth i wella'r gefnogaeth i bobl ag ADHD. Fodd bynnag, fel y dywedais yn ystod datganiad busnes yr wythnos diwethaf, mae llawer o oedolion ledled Cymru ddim yn cael diagnosis yn ystod eu plentyndod, a gwyddom y gall amgylchiadau personol unigolyn arwain at newid difrifol yn eu hiechyd meddwl. Nid yw dioddefwyr yn cael diagnosis nes eu bod yn oedolion, oherwydd mae'r meini prawf diagnostig yn seiliedig ar ymchwil sy'n canolbwyntio ar nodweddion a arddangosir gan fechgyn ifanc. Mae seicolegwyr blaenllaw wedi rhybuddio bod rhagfarn rhyw yn gadael llawer o fenywod ag ADHD heb ddiagnosis, ac amcangyfrifir bod degau o filoedd o fenywod yn y DU heb fod yn ymwybodol fod ganddynt y cyflwr ac nad ydynt yn cael y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt. Synnais weld gyda fy llygaid fy hun fod gwefan GIG 111 Cymru yn datgan, mewn perthynas â'r cyfryw wasanaethau, ac rwy'n dyfynnu, 

'Mae pwy y cewch eich atgyfeirio atynt yn dibynnu ar eich oedran a'r hyn sydd ar gael yn eich ardal leol.'

Weinidog, dechreuodd hyn gydag etholwr a oedd wedi cysylltu â mi i gwyno na allai ei feddygfa atgyfeirio ei wraig, gan nad oes gwasanaeth o'r fath ar gael. Ac ers fy natganiad yn y Senedd yn flaenorol, mae mwy a mwy o bobl yn ysgrifennu ataf o wahanol ardaloedd yng Nghymru yn disgrifio'r rhwystrau y maent wedi'u hwynebu'n bersonol ac ar ran eu hanwyliaid. Felly, os gwelwch yn dda, Ddirprwy Weinidog, a allwch gadarnhau y bydd y fframwaith newydd arfaethedig yn mynd i'r afael â phryderon yr oedolion nad ydynt wedi cael diagnosis yn eu plentyndod ac sydd angen cymorth? Ac a allwch roi gwybodaeth ynghylch pryd y cyhoeddir eich argymhellion? Diolch. 

Thank you very much, Natasha, for that question, and thank you very much for the work that you've been doing to raise the profile of ADHD. I think it's been well publicised, and thank you for that. We know how important it is to concentrate on assessment and support for neurodevelopment conditions, which includes, of course, ADHD, and, of course, includes adults. And the review I've already mentioned will cover children and adults. It will report in March and will provide options for service improvements. It will say where the pathway is ahead, and we plan to publish a delivery plan before we go for the summer recess. So, before summer, we will know what the plans are. I'm very aware of the situations that you describe, and I'm aware that many adults were not diagnosed when they were children and that there is a need there amongst the adult population that we're only just beginning to recognise and we're not really aware of the extent of it. So, we need to find out much more about it, and we are looking at the data that we collect in order to do that.

I'm also aware about the issue that Natasha mentions about women and girls and the fact that, with conditions such as ADHD and autism, they are much less likely to receive a diagnosis than men and boys are. I think the reasons for this are very complex, but we're working with our stakeholders, which of course does include women who have ADHD themselves, to consider the impact of this disparity and how we can increase good practice in this area.

So, we're very aware of all those points you make and we have a pathway ahead, and, as I said, thank you for the attention you're giving to this subject.

Diolch yn fawr iawn am y cwestiwn hwnnw, Natasha, a diolch yn fawr am y gwaith y buoch yn ei wneud i godi proffil ADHD. Credaf ei fod wedi cael cyhoeddusrwydd da, a diolch am hynny. Gwyddom pa mor bwysig yw canolbwyntio ar asesu a chymorth ar gyfer cyflyrau niwroddatblygiadol, sy'n cynnwys ADHD, ac yn cynnwys oedolion wrth gwrs. A bydd yr adolygiad rwyf eisoes wedi'i grybwyll yn cynnwys plant ac oedolion. Bydd yn adrodd ym mis Mawrth a bydd yn darparu opsiynau ar gyfer gwella gwasanaethau. Bydd yn amlinellu'r llwybr ymlaen, ac rydym yn bwriadu cyhoeddi cynllun cyflawni cyn toriad yr haf. Felly, cyn yr haf, byddwn yn gwybod beth yw'r cynlluniau. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r sefyllfaoedd rydych yn eu disgrifio, ac rwy'n ymwybodol fod llawer o oedolion heb gael diagnosis pan oeddent yn blant a bod yna angen ymhlith y boblogaeth oedolion nad ydym ond yn dechrau ei gydnabod ac nid ydym yn ymwybodol iawn o'i hyd a'i led. Felly, mae angen inni ddarganfod llawer mwy amdano, ac rydym yn edrych ar y data a gasglwn er mwyn gwneud hynny.

Rwyf hefyd yn ymwybodol o'r mater y mae Natasha yn ei nodi am fenywod a merched a'r ffaith eu bod, gyda chyflyrau fel ADHD ac awtistiaeth, yn llawer llai tebygol o gael diagnosis na dynion a bechgyn. Credaf fod y rhesymau am hyn yn gymhleth iawn, ond rydym yn gweithio gyda'n rhanddeiliaid, sy'n cynnwys menywod ag ADHD eu hunain wrth gwrs, i ystyried effaith y gwahaniaeth hwn a sut y gallwn gynyddu arferion da yn y maes.

Felly, rydym yn ymwybodol iawn o'r holl bwyntiau a wnewch ac mae gennym lwybr o'n blaenau, ac fel y dywedais, diolch am y sylw rydych yn ei roi i'r pwnc hwn.

14:50
Lefelau Trosglwyddo COVID-19
COVID-19 Transmission Levels

5. Pa gamau newydd y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i fynd i'r afael â lefelau trosglwyddo COVID-19? OQ57467

5. What new steps is the Welsh Government taking to address COVID-19 transmission levels? OQ57467

Rydyn ni’n cefnogi pob ardal i leihau lefelau trosglwyddo yn y gymuned. Mae camau diogelu lleol wedi’u targedu at ardaloedd lle mae cyfraddau ar gynnydd. Mae’r feirws yn lledaenu’n haws mewn ardaloedd trefol lle mae dwysedd y boblogaeth yn uwch.

We are supporting all areas in reducing community transmission. Local action and protections are targeted at areas where rates are increasing. The virus spreads more easily in urban areas where the population density is higher.

Diolch, Weinidog. Rwy'n croesawu'r camau rŷch chi wedi'u hamlinellu yn eich ateb. Mae'r pandemig wedi datgelu'n glir yr anghydraddoldebau sosio-economaidd sy'n bodoli yn ein cymdeithas, ac yn wir wedi gwaethygu'r anghydraddoldebau hyn. Mae'r anghydraddoldebau hyn hefyd yn rhai iechyd, gyda pherthynas glir yn bodoli rhwng sefyllfa sosio-economaidd rhywun ac effaith COVID arnynt. Mae ffigurau o Loegr yn dangos bod pobl sy'n byw mewn cymunedau sy'n cael eu disgrifio fel rhai left behind 46 y cant yn fwy tebygol o farw o COVID o'i gymharu â rhai nad ydynt yn byw yn y cymunedau hyn, ac fe ddatgelodd adroddiad 'Locked Out' yng Nghymru fod ffactorau sosio-economaidd yn chwarae rhan allweddol yn niferoedd uwch y marwolaethau ymhlith pobl anabl a'r effaith ar eu hiechyd a'u gofal o gymharu â gweddill y boblogaeth o ganlyniad i COVID. Mae'n glir felly fod angen i bolisi iechyd y Llywodraeth i'r dyfodol wneud mwy i unioni'r anghydraddoldebau hyn wrth i ni barhau i fynd i'r afael â lefelau COVID a'i effaith, gan gynnwys COVID hir. A all y Llywodraeth felly sicrhau bod unrhyw gamau newydd i daclo trosglwyddiad ac effaith COVID yn ymgorffori strategaethau clir i daclo'r anghydraddoldebau iechyd hyn? Diolch.

Thank you, Minister. I welcome the steps that you have outlined in your respone. The pandemic has clearly revealed the socioeconomic inequalities that exist within our society, and indeed have exacerbated those inequalities. These inequalities are also health inequlaities, with a clear relationship between one's socioeconomic situation and the impact of COVID on them. Figures from England show that those living in communities described as being left behind are 46 per cent more likely to die of COVID as compared to those not living in these communities, and the 'Locked Out' report in Wales noted that socioeconomic factors play a crucial role in the higher level of deaths among disabled people and the impact on their health and care compared to the rest of the population as a result of COVID. It's clear therefore that the Government's health policy for the future needs to do more to deal with these inequalities as we continue to tackle COVID levels and its impact, including long COVID. Could the Government therefore ensure that any new steps to tackle the transmission and impact of COVID incorporate clear strategies to tackle these health inequalities? Thank you.

Diolch yn fawr, Sioned. Mae hwn yn dilyn o'r drafodaeth gawsom ni yn y Senedd yr wythnos diwethaf. Roeddwn i'n meddwl bod honno'n drafodaeth fanwl a chywir gan bob un oedd wedi cyfrannu. Rŷn ni'n ymwybodol dros ben o'r gwahaniaeth o ran lle mae COVID wedi bwrw, ac mae'n amlwg bod y rheini mewn ardaloedd tlawd, mewn cartrefi tlawd wedi dioddef yn fwy nag ardaloedd eraill. Felly, pan fyddwn ni'n ailgodi ar ôl y pandemig, yn amlwg byddwn ni'n ei ystyried nid jest o safbwynt iechyd ond ar draws y Llywodraeth i gyd, i wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n mynd ati i geisio gwneud mwy i sicrhau nad ydym ni'n gweld yr anghydraddoldebau yna yn y dyfodol.

O safbwynt iechyd, dwi wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir iawn i'r byrddau iechyd na fyddwn ni yn gallu—. Byddwn ni'n gweld yr un canlyniad pe byddem ni'n cael pandemig eto os nad ydyn ni'n gwneud rhywbeth yn wahanol. Felly, o'm safbwynt i, dwi wedi bod yn hollol glir gyda'r byrddau iechyd fod rhaid i ni fynd i'r afael gyda prevention. Mae'n rhaid i ni stopio pobl rhag ysmygu. Rŷn ni wedi bod yn trafod gorfwyta. Mae'r holl ffactorau yna yn hollbwysig o ran beth mae iechyd un yn edrych fel yn y dyfodol. Ond, dyw e ddim yn rhywbeth sydd jest wedi'i gyfyngu i fyd iechyd; mae'n hollbwysig ein bod ni'n ystyried addysg, yr economi, a'r holl bethau eraill sydd yn cyfrannu at y ffordd mae pobl yn byw. 

Thank you very much, Sioned. This follows on from the discussion we had in the Senedd last week. I thought that was a very detailed and appropriate debate from everyone who contributed. We're highly aware of the difference in terms of where COVID has hit hardest, and it's clear that those in poorer areas, in poorer households have suffered more than other areas. Therefore, as we rebuild from the pandemic, clearly we consider these issues not just in terms of health but across Government in order that we do more to ensure that we don't see those inequalities for the future.

From a health perspective, I have made it very clear to the health boards that we would see the same outcome if we were to have another pandemic, unless we do things differently. So, from my perspective, I've been entirely clear with the health boards that we do have to tackle the issue of prevention. We have to stop people from smoking. We've been discussing obesity too. All of those factors are crucially important in terms of individual health for the future. But it's not something that is limited to health; it is crucial that we consider education, the economy, and all of the other issues that contribute to the way in which people live.

Minister, despite having the most stringent measures in place to curb the transmission of COVID-19, Wales has the highest infection rates of any home nation and one of the highest per capita death rates in the world. Does your Government now accept that the non-pharmaceutical interventions are now doing more harm than good? And with, according to your chief medical officer, over 90 per cent of the Welsh population possessing COVID-19 antibodies, do you accept that we now have to learn to live with COVID, rather than focusing our efforts on how to stop it?

Weinidog, er bod y mesurau mwyaf llym i leihau trosglwyddiad COVID-19 ar waith yma, Cymru sydd â'r cyfraddau heintio uchaf o blith pedair gwlad y DU ac un o'r cyfraddau marwolaeth uchaf yn y byd fesul y pen o'r boblogaeth. A yw eich Llywodraeth bellach yn derbyn bod yr ymyriadau anfferyllol yn gwneud mwy o ddrwg nag o les erbyn hyn? A chyda dros 90 y cant o boblogaeth Cymru, yn ôl eich prif swyddog meddygol, yn cario gwrthgyrff COVID-19, a ydych yn derbyn bod yn rhaid inni ddysgu byw gyda COVID yn awr, yn hytrach na chanolbwyntio ein hymdrechion ar sut i'w atal?

14:55

Thanks very much, Gareth. I almost encouraged you, didn't I, yesterday, to ask me this question, so I'm very pleased that you have asked me this question, because it gives me an opportunity to say that, actually, the data we've had so far actually suggests that those restrictions were helpful. We've certainly seen a difference in terms of hospitalisation. We're just waiting for that data to be processed. England certainly had higher rates in terms of hospitalisation compared to all of the other three nations that introduced restrictions. It's still early days, so we'll wait for that final data to be published, hopefully by the end of this week.

I think, also, this is about counting, Gareth. So, the way we count cases is different in all four nations. For example, England doesn't count reinfections, so that could make a considerable difference. Wales does count reinfections if they are 42 days apart. That makes a big difference to the numbers. Our policy on testing changed, of course, so that may have made a difference. Also, I think what you'll find is that people modified their behaviour in England when they heard the chief medical officer, because, obviously, your Prime Minister was not in a position to tell anyone to do anything because of all the parties he'd been holding. So, what happened is that people listened to the chief medical officer in England and they curbed their behaviour. What they didn't have in England was the kind of economic support that we were able to give to our businesses because of the protections that we put in place. I'm pleased to say that the indications so far are that it was helpful to put those restrictions in place, but, obviously, we will need to wait for a few more days just to be absolutely confident that that is the case.

Certainly, the statistics I've seen so far are that we had about 170,000 people with COVID. If we were in the same position as England, we'd have had 40,000 extra people with COVID, and if we were in London, we'd have seen almost 70,000 people additional having COVID. That would be the whole of the millennium stadium being filled additionally on top of the numbers that we had. So, those are some of the early calculations, but, obviously, we wait for that data to be comprehensive.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Gareth. Roeddwn i bron wedi eich annog ddoe, onid oeddwn, i ofyn y cwestiwn hwn i mi, felly rwy'n falch iawn eich bod wedi gofyn y cwestiwn, oherwydd mae'n rhoi cyfle i mi ddweud, mewn gwirionedd, fod y data a gawsom hyd yma yn awgrymu bod y cyfyngiadau wedi helpu. Rydym yn sicr wedi gweld gwahaniaeth yn y nifer sy'n mynd i'r ysbyty. Rydym yn aros i'r data hwnnw gael ei brosesu. Yn sicr, roedd gan Loegr gyfraddau uwch o bobl yn mynd i'r ysbyty o'u cymharu â phob un o'r tair gwlad arall a gyflwynodd gyfyngiadau. Mae'n ddyddiau cynnar o hyd, felly fe arhoswn i'r data terfynol hwnnw gael ei gyhoeddi, erbyn diwedd yr wythnos hon gobeithio.

Rwy'n credu hefyd fod a wnelo hyn â chyfrif, Gareth. Felly, mae'r ffordd rydym yn cyfrif achosion yn wahanol ym mhob un o'r pedair gwlad. Er enghraifft, nid yw Lloegr yn cyfrif ailheintiadau, felly gallai hynny wneud gwahaniaeth sylweddol. Mae Cymru'n cyfrif ailheintiadau os oes 42 diwrnod rhwng yr heintiadau. Mae hynny'n gwneud gwahaniaeth mawr i'r niferoedd. Newidiodd ein polisi ar brofi, wrth gwrs, felly efallai bod hynny wedi gwneud gwahaniaeth. Hefyd, credaf mai'r hyn a welwch yw bod pobl wedi addasu eu hymddygiad yn Lloegr pan glywsant yr hyn a ddywedodd y prif swyddog meddygol, oherwydd, yn amlwg, nid oedd eich Prif Weinidog mewn sefyllfa i ddweud wrth unrhyw un beth i'w wneud oherwydd yr holl bartïon y bu'n eu cynnal. Felly, gwrandawodd pobl ar y prif swyddog meddygol yn Lloegr ac addasu eu hymddygiad. Yr hyn nad oedd ganddynt yn Lloegr oedd y math o gymorth economaidd roeddem yn gallu ei roi i'n busnesau ni oherwydd y mesurau diogelu a roesom ar waith. Rwy'n falch o ddweud bod yr arwyddion hyd yma yn awgrymu bod rhoi'r cyfyngiadau hynny ar waith wedi helpu, ond yn amlwg, bydd angen inni aros am ychydig ddyddiau eto i fod yn gwbl hyderus fod hynny'n wir.

Yn sicr, dengys yr ystadegau a welais hyd yma fod gennym tua 170,000 o bobl â COVID. Pe baem yn yr un sefyllfa â Lloegr, byddem wedi cael 40,000 yn fwy o bobl â COVID, a phe baem yn Llundain, byddem wedi gweld bron i 70,000 yn fwy o bobl â COVID. Byddai hynny'n ddigon i lenwi stadiwm y mileniwm yn ychwanegol at y niferoedd a gawsom. Felly, dyna rai o'r cyfrifiadau cynnar, ond yn amlwg, fe arhoswn i'r data hwnnw fod yn gyflawn.

Presgripsiynu Cymdeithasol
Social Prescribing

6. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am gyflwyno presgripsiynu cymdeithasol yn ardal Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Cwm Taf Morgannwg? OQ57442

6. Will the Minister provide an update on the roll-out of social prescribing in the Cwm Taf Morgannwg University Health Board area? OQ57442

Thank you, Buffy. The community development hubs in Rhondda Cynon Taf are good examples of projects embodying social prescribing principles across the Cwm Taf Morgannwg University Health Board area. We are also taking forward our programme for government commitment to develop an all-Wales framework to support social prescribing.

Diolch, Buffy. Mae'r hybiau datblygu cymunedol yn Rhondda Cynon Taf yn enghreifftiau da o brosiectau sy'n ymgorffori egwyddorion presgripsiynu cymdeithasol ar draws ardal Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Cwm Taf Morgannwg. Rydym hefyd yn bwrw ymlaen â'n hymrwymiad yn y rhaglen lywodraethu i ddatblygu fframwaith Cymru gyfan i gefnogi presgripsiynu cymdeithasol.

Thank you, Deputy Minister. Since the beginning of the pandemic, we've seen GP surgeries completely change the way that they operate. In Rhondda, this has meant an astronomical increase to the number of residents that GPs support. Around 20 per cent of these residents won't require medical support and will instead benefit from social prescribing. I recently visited Men's Shed Treorchy, who provide an invaluable service at the top of the Rhondda Fawr, alongside Forest View surgery and a local housing association. We know that social prescribing works and has changed many people's lives. How will the Welsh Government work with multiple agencies to ensure that we see the roll-out of social prescribing right across the Cwm Taf Morgannwg University Health Board area, and not just in small pockets, which so many residents in need of this specific support can benefit from?

Diolch, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Ers dechrau'r pandemig, gwelsom feddygfeydd meddygon teulu yn newid y ffordd y maent yn gweithredu yn llwyr. Yn y Rhondda, mae hyn wedi golygu cynnydd anferth yn nifer y trigolion y mae meddygon teulu yn eu cynnal. Ni fydd angen cymorth meddygol ar tua 20 y cant o'r trigolion hyn ac yn hytrach byddant yn elwa o bresgripsiynu cymdeithasol. Yn ddiweddar, ymwelais â Men's Shed yn Nhreorci, sy'n darparu gwasanaeth amhrisiadwy ar ben uchaf y Rhondda Fawr, ochr yn ochr â meddygfa Forest View a chymdeithas dai leol. Gwyddom fod presgripsiynu cymdeithasol yn gweithio ac wedi newid bywydau llawer o bobl. Sut y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gydag asiantaethau lluosog i sicrhau bod presgripsiynu cymdeithasol yn cael ei gyflwyno ar draws ardal Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Cwm Taf Morgannwg, ac nid mewn pocedi bach yn unig, fel y gall cymaint o'r trigolion sydd angen y cymorth penodol hwn elwa ohono?

Thank you for that supplementary, Buffy. As you know, we are developing a national framework for social prescribing in Wales, which is designed to make sure that there is good coverage everywhere really, not just in pockets. There are some brilliant examples of social prescribing, and I'm a huge fan of the Men's Shed movement. We've been very clear that, as we take forward this national framework, what we want to do is add value. We're not looking to duplicate what's working well at the moment; we want to add value and augment and support services to ensure that everybody has access to good-quality services. We're already this year investing £89 million through the integrated care fund in social prescribing, but, going forward, our new health and social care regional integration fund will also have set funding for social prescribing. That will be a five-year funding model, so that will provide more sustainability. We're making really good progress with the national framework. There's going to be engagement now over the next few months with stakeholders on a draft framework, and then we'll be going out to consultation. So, the work is proceeding really well. The aim will be to make sure that everywhere in Wales has a good social prescribing offer that is appropriate to local needs.

Diolch ichi am y cwestiwn atodol hwnnw, Buffy. Fel y gwyddoch, rydym yn datblygu fframwaith cenedlaethol ar gyfer presgripsiynu cymdeithasol yng Nghymru, wedi'i gynllunio i sicrhau bod darpariaeth dda ym mhobman mewn gwirionedd, nid mewn pocedi yn unig. Ceir rhai enghreifftiau gwych o bresgripsiynu cymdeithasol, ac rwy'n frwd fy nghefnogaeth i fudiad Men's Shed. Rydym wedi dweud yn glir iawn, wrth inni fwrw ymlaen â'r fframwaith cenedlaethol hwn, mai'r hyn rydym eisiau ei wneud yw ychwanegu gwerth. Nid ydym yn ceisio dyblygu'r hyn sy'n gweithio'n dda ar hyn o bryd; rydym eisiau ychwanegu gwerth ac ymestyn a chefnogi gwasanaethau i sicrhau bod gan bawb fynediad at wasanaethau o ansawdd da. Eleni eisoes, rydym yn buddsoddi £89 miliwn mewn presgripsiynu cymdeithasol drwy'r gronfa gofal integredig, ond wrth symud ymlaen, bydd gan ein cronfa integreiddio rhanbarthol newydd ar gyfer iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol gyllid ar gyfer presgripsiynu cymdeithasol hefyd. Bydd hwnnw'n fodel ariannu pum mlynedd, felly bydd yn darparu mwy o gynaliadwyedd. Rydym yn gwneud cynnydd da iawn gyda'r fframwaith cenedlaethol. Bydd ymgysylltu'n digwydd â rhanddeiliaid ar fframwaith drafft dros y misoedd nesaf, a byddwn yn ymgynghori wedyn. Felly, mae'r gwaith yn mynd rhagddo'n dda iawn. Y nod fydd sicrhau bod gan bob man yng Nghymru gynnig presgripsiynu cymdeithasol da sy'n briodol ar gyfer anghenion lleol.

15:00
Gwasanaethau Anhwylderau Bwyta
Eating Disorder Services

7. Pa gamau y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i sicrhau cynnydd cyflymach a theg o ran gwella gwasanaethau anhwylderau bwyta ledled Cymru? OQ57443

7. What action will the Welsh Government take to ensure faster and equitable progress in improving eating disorder services across Wales? OQ57443

Thank you, Mark. We continue to prioritise support for eating disorder services in line with the recommendations in the 2018 independent review. We have increased investment each year since 2017 to support equitable service improvements, including increasing community treatment and support and early intervention services.

Diolch, Mark. Rydym yn parhau i flaenoriaethu cymorth ar gyfer gwasanaethau anhwylderau bwyta yn unol â’r argymhellion yn adolygiad annibynnol 2018. Rydym wedi cynyddu buddsoddiad bob blwyddyn ers 2017 i gefnogi gwelliannau teg i wasanaethau, gan gynnwys cynyddu triniaeth a chymorth cymunedol a gwasanaethau ymyrraeth gynnar.

Thank you. The Welsh Government's eating disorder service review in 2018 set out an ambitious vision based on early intervention, evidence-based treatment and support for families. Eating disorder charity Beat played a key role in this review. Beat's 'The Welsh Eating Disorder Service Review: 3 years on' report, published this week, found that progress towards achieving that vision has varied widely across Wales. Will the Welsh Government, in line with Beat's recommendation, publish a new service model or framework, including timescales that set out what they would expect from health boards? If so, when would you expect this to happen?

Diolch. Nododd adolygiad o wasanaeth anhwylderau bwyta Llywodraeth Cymru yn 2018 weledigaeth uchelgeisiol yn seiliedig ar ymyrraeth gynnar, triniaethau seiliedig ar dystiolaeth a chymorth i deuluoedd. Chwaraeodd yr elusen anhwylderau bwyta Beat ran allweddol yn yr adolygiad hwn. Canfu adolygiad Beat, 'The Welsh Eating Disorder Service Review: 3 years on', a gyhoeddwyd yr wythnos hon, fod cynnydd tuag at gyflawni’r weledigaeth honno yn amrywio’n fawr ledled Cymru. A wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru, yn unol ag argymhelliad Beat, gyhoeddi model gwasanaeth neu fframwaith newydd, i gynnwys amserlenni sy’n nodi’r hyn y byddent yn ei ddisgwyl gan y byrddau iechyd? Os felly, pryd fyddech yn disgwyl i hyn ddigwydd?

Thank you, Mark. As you highlighted, the 2018 review did set out a radical agenda for change, but we were very clear that that would have to be undertaken in a phased way. The Welsh Government funds Beat; we give Beat £100,000. So, I would just like to take this opportunity to thank Beat for the really important support that they're providing as a third sector organisation. Their report, which I believe was just published today, I've only had a chance to have a very quick look at, but we will be using that report to inform our work going forward. We have invested very substantially in eating disorder services—£3.8 million funding since 2017. Given the very significant additional funding that the Welsh Government is making to mental health services for the next three years, I can also confirm that we will be using some of that money to improve eating disorder services. You rightly highlight the need for there to be clear national direction to ensure equitable services going forward. The national lead for eating disorder services has left to take up a new service, so we're currently looking at a new model to make sure that the improvements we want to see are taken forward on a national basis. I'll be happy to update you further on that in due course.

Diolch, Mark. Fel y dywedoch chi, nododd adolygiad 2018 agenda radical ar gyfer newid, ond roeddem yn glir iawn y byddai’n rhaid gwneud hynny fesul cam. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ariannu Beat; rydym yn rhoi £100,000 i Beat. Felly, hoffwn achub ar y cyfle hwn i ddiolch i Beat am y cymorth hynod bwysig y maent yn ei ddarparu fel sefydliad trydydd sector. Ni chefais gyfle i gael mwy na chipolwg sydyn iawn ar eu hadroddiad, sydd newydd ei gyhoeddi heddiw, rwy'n credu, ond byddwn yn defnyddio’r adroddiad hwnnw i lywio ein gwaith wrth symud ymlaen. Rydym wedi buddsoddi’n sylweddol iawn mewn gwasanaethau anhwylderau bwyta—cyllid o £3.8 miliwn ers 2017. O ystyried y cyllid ychwanegol sylweddol iawn y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei roi i wasanaethau iechyd meddwl ar gyfer y tair blynedd nesaf, gallaf gadarnhau hefyd y byddwn yn defnyddio rhywfaint o’r cyllid hwnnw i wella gwasanaethau anhwylderau bwyta. Rydych yn tynnu sylw, yn gwbl briodol, at yr angen am gyfeiriad cenedlaethol clir i sicrhau gwasanaethau teg wrth symud ymlaen. Mae'r arweinydd cenedlaethol ar gyfer gwasanaethau anhwylderau bwyta wedi gadael i ymuno â gwasanaeth newydd, felly rydym yn edrych ar fodel newydd ar hyn o bryd i sicrhau bod y gwelliannau rydym am eu gweld yn cael eu gweithredu ar sail genedlaethol. Rwy'n fwy na pharod i roi’r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i chi am hynny maes o law.

Gwasanaethau Iechyd Meddwl
Mental Health Services

8. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y ddarpariaeth o wasanaethau iechyd meddwl yng Ngorllewin Caerfyrddin a De Sir Benfro? OQ57470

8. Will the Minister provide an update on the provision of mental health services in Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire? OQ57470

Thank you. Mental health support in Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire is provided by the NHS and a range of partners. Hywel Dda University Health Board's transforming mental health services programme is providing further benefits.

Diolch. Darperir cymorth iechyd meddwl yng Ngorllewin Caerfyrddin a De Sir Benfro gan y GIG ac amrywiaeth o bartneriaid. Mae rhaglen drawsnewid gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Hywel Dda yn darparu manteision pellach.

Thank you, Deputy Minister. I recently met with representatives of Dezza's Cabin, a charity set up following the tragic suicide of Derek Brundrett, a pupil at Ysgol Harri Tudur, formerly Pembroke comprehensive school, back in 2013. The charity aims to provide support to reduce the suicide and self-harm risk in young people, as well as offering signposting for mental health support services. Will you join me in praising the work of organisations such as Dezza's Cabin, who provide such a valuable service to the local community? And will you commit to look into what support is available to provide longer term funding to this organisation, so they can continue to grow and expand their service?

Diolch, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Cyfarfûm yn ddiweddar â chynrychiolwyr Dezza's Cabin, elusen a sefydlwyd yn dilyn hunanladdiad trasig Derek Brundrett, disgybl yn Ysgol Harri Tudur, ysgol gyfun Penfro gynt, yn ôl yn 2013. Nod yr elusen yw darparu cymorth i leihau risg o hunanladdiad a hunan-niweidio ymhlith pobl ifanc, yn ogystal â chyfeirio at wasanaethau cymorth iechyd meddwl. A wnewch chi ymuno â mi i ganmol gwaith sefydliadau fel Dezza’s Cabin, sy’n darparu gwasanaeth mor werthfawr i’r gymuned leol? Ac a wnewch chi ymrwymo i ymchwilio i ba gymorth sydd ar gael i ddarparu cyllid mwy hirdymor i'r sefydliad hwn, fel y gallant barhau i dyfu ac ehangu eu gwasanaeth?

15:05

Thank you for that question. I'm really sorry to hear about the young person that you referred to. I'm really pleased to see any organisation that is working to support people either affected by suicide or to prevent suicide. I've not come across this organisation myself, but I'm very happy to have a look at the work that they do. We recently closed a bidding round for a significant amount of bereavement support in Wales—some £1 million that I'll be making an announcement on shortly—but I would advise that the organisation makes contact with the health board and the regional partnership board, as there may be funding opportunities through there. But I'd be very happy to have a look at the work that they do and to signpost to further opportunities for support.

Diolch am eich cwestiwn. Mae’n ddrwg iawn gennyf glywed am yr unigolyn ifanc y cyfeirioch chi ato. Rwy'n falch iawn o weld unrhyw sefydliad sy'n gweithio i gefnogi pobl sydd naill ai wedi eu heffeithio gan hunanladdiad neu i atal hunanladdiad. Nid wyf yn gyfarwydd â'r sefydliad hwn fy hun, ond rwy’n fwy na pharod i gael golwg ar y gwaith a wnânt. Yn ddiweddar, caeodd cylch ceisiadau am swm sylweddol o gymorth profedigaeth yng Nghymru—oddeutu £1 filiwn y byddaf yn gwneud cyhoeddiad yn ei gylch cyn bo hir—ond byddwn yn cynghori'r sefydliad i gysylltu â’r bwrdd iechyd a’r bwrdd partneriaeth rhanbarthol, gan y gallai fod cyfleoedd ariannu ar gael drwy'r llwybr hwnnw. Ond rwy'n fwy na pharod i gael golwg ar y gwaith y maent yn ei wneud ac i gyfeirio at gyfleoedd pellach am gymorth.

Ac yn olaf, cwestiwn 9, Mabon ap Gwynfor.

Finally, question 9, Mabon ap Gwynfor.

Cyfarpar Diogelu Personol ar gyfer Gweithwyr Gofal
Personal Protective Equipment for Care Workers

9. A wnaiff y Gweinidog ddatganiad ynghylch y cyfrifoldeb dros ddarparu cyfarpar diogelu personol i weithwyr gofal? OQ57473

9. Will the Minister make a statement on responsibility for the provision of personal protective equipment to care workers? OQ57473

Thank you. The Welsh Government has already committed to providing the recommended personal protective equipment to social care workers, free of charge, until the end of the pandemic. This is managed through regular deliveries to local authorities for their onward distribution to public and private services.

Diolch. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru eisoes wedi ymrwymo i ddarparu’r cyfarpar diogelu personol a argymhellir i weithwyr gofal cymdeithasol, yn rhad ac am ddim, tan ddiwedd y pandemig. Caiff y gwaith hwn ei reoli drwy gyflenwadau rheolaidd i awdurdodau lleol i'w dosbarthu ymlaen i wasanaethau cyhoeddus a phreifat.

Diolch yn fawr iawn i'r Dirprwy Weinidog am yr ymateb hwnnw. Mae'n ddifyr iawn, oherwydd mae etholwraig i mi wedi bod mewn cyswllt â'r swyddfa yn sôn ei bod hi bellach, oherwydd problemau anadlu, yn gorfod cael peiriant CPAP yn ei hystafell wely. Oherwydd hyn, mae hi wedi derbyn cyngor gan y tîm anadlu yn yr ysbyty bod angen iddi ddarparu—iddi hi'n bersonol, felly, ddarparu—mygydau FFP3 i'w gofalwyr. Mae hi felly wedi cysylltu â'r meddyg teulu, a'r meddyg teulu wedi dweud wrthi hi mai cyfrifoldeb y gwasanaethau cymdeithasol oedd hyn. Yna, yn eu tro, mae'r gwasanaethau cymdeithasol wedi dweud wrthi hi mai cyfrifoldeb y meddyg teulu oedd darparu yr offer yma. Mae'n offer drud iawn i unigolion, a dydy hi ddim yn medru fforddio prynu yr offer yma bob tro mae rhywun yn ymweld. Fedrwch chi felly gadarnhau y cymysgedd yma i fy etholwraig, i sicrhau bod pobl yn gwybod sut maen nhw'n cael yr offer a phwy sydd i fod i'w darparu, os gwelwch yn dda?

Thank you very much to the Deputy Minister for that response. It's interesting, because a constituent of mine has been in touch with the office, mentioning that she now, because of breathing difficulties, needs a CPAP machine in her bedroom. As a result of this, she's received advice from the respiratory team in hospital that she herself needs to provide FFP3 masks to her carers. Now, she has contacted her GP, and the GP has told her that it is the responsibility of social services to provide this equipment. In turn, social services have told her that it's the responsibility of the GP to provide these masks. Now, they're very expensive for individuals, and she can't afford to buy this equipment every time someone visits. So, can you therefore confirm what accounts for this confusion for my constituent and ensure that people know how people should get equipment and who should provide that equipment?

Thank you very much, Mabon, for that question, and, obviously, this is of great importance to your constituent. I think the best way of dealing with the individual situation is perhaps if you write in about that situation. We will take it up to look at the specific circumstances that you're referring to.

Certainly, enhanced PPE, such as FFP3 face masks, is recommended in instances where a member of the health or social care staff may be undertaking an aerosol-generating procedure. And, certainly, I think we need to look at what procedure your constituent is having undertaken. And, certainly, throughout the whole of this pandemic, the Welsh Government has provided items of PPE, free of charge, to hospitals and to social care, to ensure that the protection is there. And, in fact, since March 2020, 514.6 million items of PPE have been issued. So, I think we have certainly got a very good record in terms of delivering PPE, but, obviously, I think this particular incident is one that we should look into.

Diolch yn fawr iawn am eich cwestiwn, Mabon, ac yn amlwg, mae hyn yn bwysig iawn i’ch etholwraig. Rwy'n credu efallai mai'r ffordd orau o ymdrin â'r sefyllfa unigol yw drwy ysgrifennu atom ynghylch y sefyllfa honno. Awn ati i edrych ar yr amgylchiadau penodol y cyfeiriwch atynt.

Yn sicr, argymhellir cyfarpar diogelu personol gwell, fel masgiau wyneb FFP3, mewn achosion lle gallai aelod o'r staff iechyd neu ofal cymdeithasol fod yn cyflawni triniaeth sy'n cynhyrchu aerosol. Ac yn sicr, credaf fod angen inni edrych ar ba driniaeth y mae eich etholwraig yn ei chael. Ac yn sicr, drwy gydol y pandemig hwn, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi darparu cyfarpar diogelu personol, yn rhad ac am ddim, i ysbytai ac i ofal cymdeithasol, er mwyn sicrhau eu bod yn ddiogel. Ac mewn gwirionedd, ers mis Mawrth 2020, mae 514.6 miliwn eitem o gyfarpar diogelu personol wedi'u darparu. Felly, credaf fod gennym hanes da iawn yn sicr o ddarparu cyfarpar diogelu personol, ond yn amlwg, credaf fod y digwyddiad penodol hwn yn un y dylem edrych arno.

Diolch i'r Dirprwy Weinidog a gweddill y Gweinidogion.

I thank the Deputy Minister and the rest of the Ministers.

3. Cwestiynau Amserol
3. Topical Questions

Y cwestiynau amserol sydd nesaf. Un cwestiwn heddiw, ac mae'r cwestiwn hwnnw gan Heledd Fychan, ac i'w ateb gan Ddirprwy Weinidog y Celfyddydau a Chwaraeon, a’r Prif Chwip. Heledd Fychan.

We now move to topical questions. There is one topical question today—that's from Heledd Fychan, to be answered by the Deputy Minister for Arts and Sport, and Chief Whip. Heledd Fychan

Rhewi Ffi'r Drwydded
The Licence Fee Freeze

1. Pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o effaith rhewi ffi'r drwydded ar ddarlledu yng Nghymru? TQ592

1. What assessment has the Welsh Government made of the impact of the licence fee freeze on Welsh broadcasting? TQ592

Can I thank Heledd Fychan for that question? I met with the BBC yesterday, and we are working with them to understand the impact of the deeply concerning UK Government licence fee announcement and what it means for services and the media sector in Wales.

A gaf fi ddiolch i Heledd Fychan am ei chwestiwn? Cyfarfûm â’r BBC ddoe, ac rydym yn gweithio gyda hwy i ddeall effaith cyhoeddiad Llywodraeth y DU ar ffi’r drwydded, sy’n peri cryn bryder, a’r hyn y mae’n ei olygu i wasanaethau a’r sector cyfryngau yng Nghymru.

15:10

Diolch, Dirprwy Weinidog. Mae cyhoeddiad Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig am ffi'r drwydded ddydd Llun yn brawf pellach na fydd anghenion cyfryngol Cymru byth yn cael eu diwallu dan reolaeth San Steffan, ac mae'n nodi dechrau'r diwedd i'r holl syniad o ddarlledu cyhoeddus ym Mhrydain. Mae rhewi'r ffi drwydded am ddwy flynedd yn arwain at ansicrwydd mawr ar gyfer dyfodol cyfryngau Cymru, yn enwedig ein sianel genedlaethol, S4C, a Radio Cymru, a fydd yn cael eu hariannu yn gyfan gwbl o ffi'r drwydded. Cadarnhaodd Nadine Dorries y bydd y ffi drwydded yn cael ei rhewi am ddwy flynedd, sy'n cynrychioli toriad difrifol mewn termau real yng nghyllid y gorfforaeth.

Mae llawer ar feinciau'r Ceidwadwyr yn San Steffan wedi nodi pwysigrwydd darlledu Cymraeg a'r cyllid ychwanegol ar gyfer S4C. Fodd bynnag, a ydynt yn cydnabod y bydd toriad mewn termau real i setliad y BBC yn anochel yn effeithio ar ddarpariaeth Gymraeg, o gofio bod y BBC yn darparu gwerth tua £20 miliwn o raglenni i S4C bob blwyddyn? Ni all y cynnydd yn y cyllid ar gyfer allbwn digidol S4C wneud iawn am y toriad hwnnw, heb sôn am Radio Cymru. Mae'n gliriach nag erioed bod angen tirwedd cyfryngau iachach yng Nghymru. Mae Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig yn dangos gelyniaeth gynyddol tuag at y BBC, tra ar yr un pryd mae allbwn newyddion lleol yn gwanhau. Mae hyn yn gwthio Cymru i mewn i gornel o ran diffyg y cyfryngau yn y Gymraeg a'r Saesneg, sy'n niweidio ein democratiaeth.

Gyda sôn pellach am ddileu ffi'r drwydded yn gyfan gwbl ar ôl 2027, rwy'n croesawu mwy nag erioed y bwriad i wthio am ddatganoli darlledu, sydd wedi ei gynnwys yn y cytundeb cydweithredu. A fyddai'r Dirprwy Weinidog yn cytuno gyda fi bod y datblygiadau diweddar yn tanlinellu pwysigrwydd ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi datganoli cyfathrebu a darlledu i Gymru fel nad ydyn ni'n gaeth mewn ras i'r gwaelod lle mae elw'n clodfori darpariaeth o safon?

Thank you, Deputy Minister. The UK Government announcement on the licence fee on Monday is further proof that Wales's needs with regard to media will never be met while Westminster remains in control of them, and marks the beginning of the end for the whole concept of public broadcasting in the UK. Freezing the licence fee for two years will lead to major uncertainty for the future of the media in Wales, especially for our national channel, S4C, and Radio Cymru, which will be funded entirely from the licence fee. Nadine Dorries confirmed that the licence fee will be frozen for two years, which represents a significant real-terms cut in the corporation's budget.

Many on the Conservative benches in Westminster have noted the importance of Welsh-medium broadcasting and the additional funding for S4C. However, do they acknowledge that a real-terms cut to the BBC settlement will inevitably have an impact on Welsh language provision, bearing in mind that the BBC provides around £20 million-worth of S4C programming every year? An increase in funding for S4C's digital output cannot compensate for that cut, not to mention Radio Cymru. It is clearer than ever that we need a healthier media landscape in Wales. The UK Government is increasingly hostile to the BBC, while, at the same time, local news output is declining. This is pushing Wales into a corner in terms of a media deficit in Welsh and English, which is damaging our democracy.

With further talk of abolishing the licence fee entirely after 2027, I welcome more than ever the intention to call for the devolution of broadcasting that has been included in the co-operation agreement. Would the Deputy Minister agree that recent developments underline the importance of the Welsh Government's commitment to support the devolution of communication and broadcasting to Wales, so that we are not trapped in a race to the bottom where profit trumps quality provision?

Can I thank Heledd Fychan for those further comments? I largely agree with everything that she has said. Public service broadcasters play an incredibly important role in Wales's cultural and economic life, and we're deeply concerned at the reckless UK Government announcement made concerning both their immediate and long-term future. The people of Wales expect and deserve public service broadcasting that reflects Welsh life, supports our diverse creative expressions and promotes the Welsh language. The confirmed real-terms funding cut announced in recent days could threaten all those key elements of existing services, as well as the development of the media industry in Wales. It's simply not credible to believe that the UK Government has prepared longer term plans to take account of these issues.

The manner of these announcements clearly demonstrates that the opposite is true. Although we had an announcement from Nadine Dorries about the abolition of the licence fee, it does appear that Rishi Sunak has rolled back on that somewhat over the last couple of days, when they've seen the backlash from the public on that particular announcement. Because that announcement clearly wasn't credible insofar as any kind of comprehensive plan that was ready to be announced so soon after No. 10 had found itself yet again mired in another political crisis of its own making. What I would say is that the expansion of the BBC operation in Wales has been integral to the remarkable success of the tv and film industry in Wales over recent years, and any threat to this progress would be a visible demonstration of this Government's intent to level down and hold back the Welsh economy.

In relation to the devolution of broadcasting, as Heledd Fychan knows, there is a commitment in the co-operation agreement, which is to jointly explore the creation of a shadow broadcasting and communications authority for Wales, providing additional investment to develop enterprises to improve Welsh-based media and journalism. We're working on plans to pursue the case for devolution of broadcasting and communication powers in readiness for the devolution of those powers to Wales. I think it's true to say that there is a broad consensus that the current broadcasting and communications framework is inadequate. It's hampering the democratic life of our country, it's not serving the needs or the ambitions of the Welsh language, and its latest attack on public service broadcasting is the latest proof that this current system will not deliver that.

I'll just finish by repeating what the First Minister said yesterday, and that is that there is now an urgent need for a coalition of support to defend public funding for public service broadcasting in the UK.

A gaf fi ddiolch i Heledd Fychan am ei sylwadau pellach? Rwy’n cytuno at ei gilydd â phopeth a ddywedodd. Mae darlledwyr gwasanaeth cyhoeddus yn chwarae rhan hynod bwysig ym mywyd diwylliannol ac economaidd Cymru, ac rydym yn bryderus iawn ynghylch y cyhoeddiad byrbwyll a wnaed gan Lywodraeth y DU ynglŷn â'u dyfodol yn y tymor byr ac yn hirdymor. Mae pobl Cymru yn disgwyl ac yn haeddu darlledu gwasanaeth cyhoeddus sy'n adlewyrchu bywyd yng Nghymru, yn cefnogi ein mynegiant creadigol amrywiol ac yn hyrwyddo'r Gymraeg. Gallai’r toriad cyllid mewn termau real a gyhoeddwyd yn y dyddiau diwethaf fygwth yr holl elfennau allweddol hynny o’r gwasanaethau presennol, yn ogystal â datblygiad y diwydiant cyfryngau yng Nghymru. Nid yw'r syniad fod Llywodraeth y DU wedi paratoi cynlluniau mwy hirdymor i ystyried y materion hyn yn gredadwy.

Mae'r ffordd y gwnaed y cyhoeddiadau hyn yn dangos yn glir mai'r gwrthwyneb sy'n wir. Er y cawsom gyhoeddiad gan Nadine Dorries ynghylch diddymu ffi'r drwydded, ymddengys bod Rishi Sunak wedi camu'n ôl ar hynny i raddau dros y dyddiau diwethaf, ar ôl iddynt weld adwaith y cyhoedd i'r cyhoeddiad penodol hwnnw. Oherwydd mae'n amlwg nad oedd y cyhoeddiad hwnnw'n gredadwy fel unrhyw fath o gynllun cynhwysfawr a oedd yn barod i gael ei gyhoeddi mor fuan ar ôl i Rif 10 wynebu argyfwng gwleidyddol arall wedi'i achosi ganddynt hwy eu hunain. Yr hyn y byddwn yn ei ddweud yw bod ehangu gweithgarwch y BBC yng Nghymru wedi bod yn rhan annatod o lwyddiant rhyfeddol y diwydiant teledu a ffilm yng Nghymru dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf, a byddai unrhyw fygythiad i'r cynnydd hwn yn arddangosiad amlwg o fwriad y Llywodraeth hon i iselhau a llesteirio economi Cymru.

Mewn perthynas â datganoli darlledu, fel y gŵyr Heledd Fychan, mae ymrwymiad yn y cytundeb cydweithio i archwilio, ar y cyd, y posibilrwydd o greu awdurdod darlledu a chyfathrebu cysgodol i Gymru, gan ddarparu buddsoddiad ychwanegol i ddatblygu mentrau i wella cyfryngau a newyddiaduraeth yng Nghymru. Rydym yn gweithio ar gynlluniau i fynd ar drywydd yr achos dros ddatganoli pwerau darlledu a chyfathrebu yn barod ar gyfer datganoli’r pwerau hynny i Gymru. Credaf ei bod yn deg dweud bod consensws eang fod y fframwaith darlledu a chyfathrebu presennol yn annigonol. Mae’n llesteirio bywyd democrataidd ein gwlad, nid yw’n gwasanaethu anghenion nac uchelgeisiau’r Gymraeg, a’i ymosodiad diweddaraf ar ddarlledu gwasanaeth cyhoeddus yw’r dystiolaeth ddiweddaraf na fydd y system bresennol yn cyflawni hynny.

Rwyf am gloi drwy ailadrodd yr hyn a ddywedodd Prif Weinidog Cymru ddoe, sef bod angen brys am glymblaid o gefnogaeth yn awr i amddiffyn cyllid cyhoeddus ar gyfer darlledu gwasanaeth cyhoeddus yn y DU.

15:15

Deputy Minister, I wish to welcome the commitment to Welsh language broadcasting that has been realised with the significant extra funding for S4C. Our party established the channel over 40 years ago, and we will always secure its role in Welsh life, regardless of how the BBC is funded and frivolous claims from opposition parties. I joined my colleague Tom Giffard in writing to the then Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport calling for an increased funding settlement for S4C last year, and I'm glad that our calls were heeded. Indeed, I was pleased to see that S4C's senior leadership have also welcomed the extra funding, with S4C's new chief executive Siân Doyle saying

'This is great news for S4C's audience in Wales and beyond'.

And S4C's chair, Rhodri Williams, saying

'This settlement reflects the faith of the DCMS, and the Secretary of State Nadine Dorries, in S4C's vision for the next five years.'

During the meeting I had with the new chief executive last week, the passion for bringing the channel into the digital age was evident. The additional funding of £7.5 million per annum to support digital services is an acknowledgment that online streaming services now play a huge role in our consumption of television shows. Putting S4C up there with the streaming giants such as Netflix and Amazon Prime will bring a new and growing audience to Welsh language content. Will you join not only me but also the senior leadership team of S4C in welcoming this additional funding announcement to support Welsh language broadcasting here in Wales?

Ddirprwy Weinidog, hoffwn groesawu’r ymrwymiad i ddarlledu Cymraeg sydd wedi’i wireddu gyda’r cyllid ychwanegol sylweddol ar gyfer S4C. Ein plaid ni a sefydlodd y sianel dros 40 mlynedd yn ôl, a byddwn bob amser yn diogelu ei rôl ym mywyd Cymru, ni waeth sut y caiff y BBC ei ariannu a honiadau gwamal gan y gwrthbleidiau. Ysgrifennodd fy nghyd-Aelod Tom Giffard a minnau at yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol dros Dechnoleg Ddigidol, Diwylliant, y Cyfryngau a Chwaraeon ar y pryd i alw am gynnydd yn y setliad cyllid ar gyfer S4C y llynedd, ac rwy’n falch eu bod wedi gwrando ar ein galwadau. Yn wir, roeddwn yn falch o weld bod uwch arweinwyr S4C hefyd wedi croesawu’r cyllid ychwanegol, gyda phrif weithredwr newydd S4C, Siân Doyle, yn dweud

'Mae hyn yn newyddion gwych i gynulleidfa S4C yng Nghymru a thu hwnt.'

A dywedodd cadeirydd S4C, Rhodri Williams

'Mae'r setliad yma'n adlewyrchu ffydd y DCMS, a'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Nadine Dorries, yng ngweledigaeth S4C ar gyfer y pum mlynedd nesaf.'

Yn ystod y cyfarfod a gefais gyda’r prif weithredwr newydd yr wythnos diwethaf, roedd yr angerdd dros ddod â’r sianel i’r oes ddigidol yn amlwg. Mae’r cyllid ychwanegol o £7.5 miliwn y flwyddyn i gefnogi gwasanaethau digidol yn gydnabyddiaeth fod gwasanaethau ffrydio ar-lein bellach yn chwarae rhan enfawr yn y ffordd rydym yn gwylio rhaglenni teledu. Bydd rhoi S4C ar yr un llwyfan â chewri ffrydio fel Netflix ac Amazon Prime yn creu cynulleidfa newydd a chynyddol i gynnwys Cymraeg. A wnewch chi ymuno nid yn unig gyda mi ond hefyd gydag uwch dîm arwain S4C i groesawu’r cyhoeddiad hwn o gyllid ychwanegol i gefnogi darlledu Cymraeg yma yng Nghymru?

Well, can I thank Samuel Kurtz for that further question? He is absolutely right, S4C did have a more favourable settlement than the BBC, and the work that S4C are undertaking in terms of developing Welsh language programming is to be welcomed and I am absolutely happy to do that. However, this question was about funding of the BBC, and the BBC and its wider role in terms of supporting public service broadcasting, not just in Wales but in the UK and across the world. We shouldn't forget the role that the BBC plays in developing and supporting the Welsh language in Wales with BBC Radio Cymru et cetera, and some of the programming that they do for S4C as well. So, whilst I absolutely do welcome the far better settlement that S4C had compared to the BBC, I am not suggesting for one moment that what we have seen here in the announcement on BBC funding is anywhere near adequate, and does present an absolute threat to the future of public service broadcasting unless this is addressed as a matter of urgency.

Wel, a gaf fi ddiolch i Samuel Kurtz am ei gwestiwn pellach? Mae’n llygad ei le, cafodd S4C setliad mwy ffafriol na’r BBC, ac mae’r gwaith y mae S4C yn ei wneud ar ddatblygu rhaglenni Cymraeg i’w groesawu ac rwy’n fwy na pharod i wneud hynny. Fodd bynnag, roedd y cwestiwn hwn yn ymwneud â chyllid y BBC, a'r BBC a'i rôl ehangach yn cefnogi darlledu gwasanaeth cyhoeddus, nid yn unig yng Nghymru ond yn y DU ac ar draws y byd. Ni ddylem anghofio’r rhan y mae’r BBC yn ei chwarae yn datblygu a chefnogi’r Gymraeg yng Nghymru gyda BBC Radio Cymru ac ati, a rhai o’r rhaglenni y maent yn eu cynhyrchu ar gyfer S4C hefyd. Felly, er fy mod yn llwyr groesawu'r setliad llawer gwell a gafodd S4C o gymharu â’r BBC, nid wyf yn awgrymu am eiliad fod yr hyn a welsom yma yn y cyhoeddiad ar gyllid y BBC yn agos at ddigon, ac mae'n fygythiad pendant i ddyfodol darlledu gwasanaeth cyhoeddus onid eir i’r afael â hyn fel mater o frys.

4. Datganiadau 90 Eiliad
4. 90-second Statements

Y datganiadau 90 eiliad sydd nesaf. Dim ond un datganiad heddiw, a hwnnw gan Janet Finch-Saunders.

The 90-second statements are next. There's only one of those, and it comes from Janet Finch-Saunders. 

Diolch, Llywydd. I wish to place on record my most sincere congratulations and gratitude to Her Majesty's Coastguard in celebrating their two-hundredth year anniversary of service and dedication to our coastal communities. Originally founded in 1822 to tackle the tax-dodging illicit trade in goods, Her Majesty's Coastguard has evolved into a British institution that ensures our people's safety around UK shores. Working 24 hours a day, the innovative and dedicated organisation now boasts 3,500 volunteers and 310 teams nationwide, and they are supported by 10 search-and-rescue helicopters.

It would be remiss of me, Llywydd, to not take this opportunity to express my particular thanks to the team of the Llandudno coastguard, who working with the Royal National Lifeboat Institution and whose professionalism continues to save lives at sea and among our local coastal areas, such as the Great Orme and the Little Orme. As record numbers of people have holidayed along British shores over recent years, the unassuming sandbanks of the Conwy estuary on the west shore have at times become a regular hotspot for rescues, with the cool-headed co-ordination of our coastguard and the RNLI in conducting their responses remaining a point of local pride. On this important two-hundredth anniversary, Members across the Siambr will, I hope, agree that the selfless bravery shown by its members in the most turbulent of conditions, responding to those in distress, is something that we all remain thankful for.

As we approach 27 January, it will be the very sad anniversary of the sinking of the Nicola Faith, and we lost three members of our community—Ross Ballantine, Alan Minard and Carl McGrath. I hope Members will join me with our thoughts about the members of the family, and also again thank the coastguard for all the work and the two-day search-and-rescue operation that took place there, hoping to bring these fishermen home. Thank you for your time, Llywydd, and diolch.

Diolch, Lywydd. Hoffwn gofnodi fy llongyfarchiadau mwyaf diffuant a fy niolch i Wylwyr y Glannau Ei Mawrhydi ar ddathlu dau gan mlynedd o wasanaeth ac ymroddiad i’n cymunedau arfordirol. Wedi'i sefydlu'n wreiddiol ym 1822 i fynd i'r afael ag osgoi trethi drwy fasnachu nwyddau'n anghyfreithlon, mae Gwylwyr y Glannau Ei Mawrhydi wedi datblygu i fod yn sefydliad Prydeinig sy'n sicrhau diogelwch ein pobl ar lannau'r DU. Gan weithio 24 awr y dydd, bellach mae gan y sefydliad arloesol ac ymroddedig 3,500 o wirfoddolwyr a 310 o dimau ledled y wlad, a chânt eu cefnogi gan 10 hofrennydd chwilio ac achub.

Lywydd, byddwn ar fai yn peidio â manteisio ar y cyfle hwn i ddiolch yn benodol i dîm gwylwyr y glannau Llandudno sy'n gweithio gyda Sefydliad Cenedlaethol Brenhinol y Badau Achub, ac y mae eu proffesiynoldeb yn parhau i achub bywydau ar y môr a'n hardaloedd arfordirol lleol, megis Pen y Gogarth a Thrwyn y Fuwch. Wrth i’r niferoedd uchaf erioed o bobl dreulio gwyliau ar arfordir Prydain dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf, mae banciau tywod dirodres aber afon Conwy ar y lan orllewinol wedi dod yn fan problemus rheolaidd ar gyfer achub, gyda gwaith cydgysylltu penigamp gwylwyr y glannau a Sefydliad Cenedlaethol Brenhinol y Badau Achub yn parhau i fod yn destun balchder lleol. Ar y deucanmlwyddiant pwysig hwn, rwy'n gobeithio y bydd yr Aelodau ar draws y Siambr yn cytuno bod dewrder anhunanol eu haelodau dan yr amodau mwyaf cythryblus, wrth ymateb i'r rheini sydd mewn trybini, yn rhywbeth y mae pob un ohonom yn parhau i fod yn ddiolchgar amdano.

Wrth inni agosáu at 27 Ionawr, bydd yn achlysur trist gan y bydd blwyddyn ers i'r Nicola Faith suddo, a chollasom dri aelod o’n cymuned—Ross Ballantine, Alan Minard a Carl McGrath. Rwy'n gobeithio y gwnaiff yr Aelodau ymuno â mi i gydymdeimlo ag aelodau’r teulu, a diolch unwaith eto i wylwyr y glannau am yr holl waith a’r gweithgarwch chwilio ac achub a ddigwyddodd yno dros ddeuddydd yn y gobaith y gallent ddod â’r pysgotwyr hyn adref. Diolch am eich amser, Lywydd.

15:20
5. Dadl ar ddeiseb P-06-1243 Adfer sgrinio serfigol i bob tair blynedd
5. Debate on petition P-06-1243 Reinstate cervical screening to every three years

Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r ddadl ar ddeiseb ar adfer sgrinio serfigol i bob tair blynedd, a dwi'n galw ar Gadeirydd y Pwyllgor Deisebau i wneud y cynnig—Jack Sargeant.

The next item, therefore, is the debate on a petition on reinstating cervical screening to every three years, and I call on the Chair of the Petitions Committee to move the motion—Jack Sargeant.

Cynnig NDM7887 Jack Sargeant

Cynnig bod y Senedd:

Yn nodi’r ddeiseb P-06-1243 'Adfer sgrinio serfigol i bob tair blynedd' a gasglodd 30,133 o lofnodion.

Motion NDM7887 Jack Sargeant

To propose that the Senedd:

Notes the petition P-06-1243 'Reinstate cervical screening to every 3 years' which received 30,133 signatures.

Cynigiwyd y cynnig.

Motion moved.

Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Ar ran y Pwyllgor Deisebau, diolch am y cyfle i gyflwyno'r ddadl ar y ddeiseb bwysig hon heddiw.

Thank you very much, Llywydd. On behalf of the committee, thank you very much for the opportunity to present this debate on this important petition.

As Members will know, the recent change in the cervical screening arrangements in Wales has been of significant public interest. This petition to the Senedd, titled 'Reinstate cervical screening to every 3 years' gathered 30,133 signatures in just three days, and a similar petition on the change.org platform has so far received over 1.2 million signatures. Llywydd, to put this into perspective, that is over 100,000 more people than who voted in the Senedd elections last May. This is utterly remarkable and it demonstrates the strength of feeling and concern about women's health in Wales.

I don't pretend to be a medical expert, but what is clear to me is that women right across Wales want and deserve answers. The petitioner, Joanne Stroud, is passionate about the importance of regular screening and is pleased that the Senedd's petitions process has ensured that her voice will be heard on the floor of this Chamber today. Her petition represents thousands of women's fears, disappointment and dismay about how and why this change happened. Therefore, Llywydd, we asked the petitioner to close the petition after just three days, so that it could come forward to the Petitions Committee last week, and they agreed to request it be considered for debate immediately. I'm grateful to the Llywydd and members of the Business Committee for enabling this debate to take place today, and I'm also grateful of the Welsh Conservatives for offering some of their time in today's proceedings. I'd also like to extend my thanks, on behalf of the committee, to Gareth and Mared and the wider clerking team for all their work on this important petition.

At the start of January, Cervical Screening Wales extended the routine screening for 25 to 49-year-olds from three to five years. The change was recommended by the UK National Screening Committee in 2019 due to the success of the human papillomavirus vaccine roll-out and the use of, and I quote, 'more accurate' cervical screening. This was announced on 4 January and a social media storm erupted—challenging, questioning and seeking clarification about why there would be a longer interval between life-saving cervical screenings. Such an important decision and change should have been carefully and fully explained and effectively communicated to all women in Wales. Social media is excellent for many things, but it should not have been used as the way to announce such an important issue.

I do hope that this debate today will provide an opportunity to listen to the concerns women in Wales have, and to hear facts about why the changes to the screening framework have been made. Many women will not have been offered the highly effective HPV vaccine, which was introduced in 2008. For them, the key question is whether it is possible to come into contact with HPV and for problems to develop in the five-year gap between screenings. I know many of you will have read similar concerned e-mails to the ones I have received from women in my constituency who feel they are bearing the brunt of cost-cutting and time-saving measures during a period of extreme pressure on our NHS.

Llywydd, in her petition Joanne states her concerns that these important changes have been made without public consultation, stating that the response to the announcement on 4 January was, and I quote, 

'met with anger, sadness and serious concern for the cervical health of Welsh women.'

She shares the concerns and questions of thousands of people in Wales about whether this change would result in later detection of cancers resulting in, and, again, I quote,

'more aggressive, lengthy and costly treatments',

and is it ultimately a risk to life.

These concerns have been widely reported in the media and on social media platforms following the announcement at the beginning of the month. And as I mentioned at the start of my contribution, over a million people have signed a similar petition on change.org, emphasising the genuine concerns, the genuine anxiety and the genuine distress resulting from the announcement, made without sufficient clarity or explanation regarding why the change was made.

I'm glad to see that Public Health Wales apologised on social media, acknowledging that they didn't do enough to explain the changes, which created so much confusion and so much anxiety. They have since provided more information to explain the decision and tried to reassure women. Their communication strategy was clearly flawed to say the least, and I would call on them to carefully reflect and review their policy for the future. Clear, high-quality information is vital when sharing such important information and messages. When communicating with residents, you should do so. Isn't it in everyone's next appointment? Wouldn't that have been much easier, and wouldn't that have been the time to raise this important message?

I must say I was also disappointed that such a significant change in our public health approach was not announced by the Minister for Health and Social Services on the floor of our Parliament in advance of the changes.

All their adult life, women have been told about the dangers of delaying their smear tests, that a quick trip to the doctor every three years could make all the difference. It should come as no surprise that the announcement of a two-year delay via Twitter caused such extreme outrage. We, as Members of the Senedd, as their representatives, should have been given the chance to raise their fears and concerns openly, and for the Minister to explain the reasons behind the change in full.

Gweinidog, I did read with interest the reports this morning from medical professionals, pointing to the vaccine as a crucial development, and I accept this. I would welcome you using your response to update the Chamber on the percentage of women in Wales who have been vaccinated. I would also urge you to use your response to address the information vacuum that was left by the way this was announced, and in that vacuum, I'm aware of young women throughout Wales who have been targeted by Facebook ads encouraging them to pay £500 for the vaccine. This has really troubled me. 

Llywydd, before I conclude, I would like to thank Joanne for petitioning the Senedd so that these important concerns about women's health are discussed here in our Parliament today. There are around 166 new cervical cancer cases in Wales every year according to Cancer Research UK. Screening to identify those at risk or who have cancer is essential. It can save lives, ensuring women or people with a cervix receive the treatment they need.

Coincidentally, this debate is taking place during Cervical Cancer Prevention Week, and I hope it will contribute to raise awareness of the importance and benefits of cervical screening. There are many who don't take up screening opportunities for various reasons. We all need to support that campaign to raise awareness and aim to increase the take-up to protect lives.

Llywydd, I look forward to hearing the Members' contributions this afternoon, and I look forward to the Minister's response, and I trust she will answer the questions of the many women who signed this petition, and those similar petitions out there. Diolch yn fawr.

Fel y gŵyr yr Aelodau, mae'r newid diweddar yn y trefniadau sgrinio serfigol yng Nghymru wedi bod o gryn ddiddordeb i'r cyhoedd. Mae'r ddeiseb hon i'r Senedd, 'Adfer sgrinio serfigol i bob tair blynedd' wedi casglu 30,133 o lofnodion mewn tri diwrnod yn unig, ac mae deiseb debyg ar blatfform change.org wedi derbyn dros 1.2 miliwn o lofnodion hyd yn hyn. Lywydd, i roi hyn mewn persbectif, mae hynny dros 100,000 yn fwy o bobl nag a bleidleisiodd yn etholiadau'r Senedd fis Mai diwethaf. Mae hyn yn gwbl ryfeddol ac mae'n dangos cryfder y teimladau a'r pryderon ynghylch iechyd menywod yng Nghymru.

Nid wyf yn esgus bod yn arbenigwr meddygol, ond yr hyn sy'n amlwg i mi yw bod menywod ledled Cymru eisiau ac yn haeddu atebion. Mae’r deisebydd, Joanne Stroud, yn angerddol ynglŷn â phwysigrwydd sgrinio rheolaidd, ac mae’n falch fod proses ddeisebau’r Senedd wedi sicrhau y bydd ei llais yn cael ei glywed ar lawr y Siambr hon heddiw. Mae ei deiseb yn cynrychioli ofnau, siom a gofid miloedd o fenywod ynglŷn â sut a pham y digwyddodd y newid hwn. Felly, Lywydd, fe wnaethom ofyn i’r deisebydd gau’r ddeiseb ar ôl tridiau yn unig, er mwyn ei chyflwyno i'r Pwyllgor Deisebau yr wythnos diwethaf, ac fe wnaethant gytuno i ofyn iddi gael ei hystyried ar gyfer dadl ar unwaith. Rwy’n ddiolchgar i’r Llywydd ac aelodau’r Pwyllgor Busnes am ei gwneud hi'n bosibl cynnal y ddadl hon heddiw, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar hefyd i’r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig am gynnig peth o’u hamser yn y trafodion heddiw. Hoffwn ddiolch hefyd, ar ran y pwyllgor, i Gareth a Mared a’r tîm clercio ehangach am eu holl waith ar y ddeiseb bwysig hon.

Ddechrau mis Ionawr, ymestynnodd Sgrinio Serfigol Cymru y cyfnod sgrinio arferol ar gyfer pobl 25 i 49 oed o dair i bum mlynedd. Argymhellwyd y newid gan Bwyllgor Sgrinio Cenedlaethol y DU yn 2019 oherwydd llwyddiant y broses o gyflwyno’r brechlyn feirws papiloma dynol a'r defnydd o, a dyfynnaf, sgrinio serfigol ‘mwy cywir’. Cyhoeddwyd hyn ar 4 Ionawr a ffrwydrodd storm ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol—yn herio, cwestiynu a cheisio eglurhad ynghylch pam y byddai cyfnod hwy rhwng sgriniadau serfigol sy'n gallu achub bywydau. Dylai penderfyniad a newid mor bwysig fod wedi cael ei esbonio’n ofalus ac yn llawn a’i gyfathrebu'n effeithiol i bob menyw yng Nghymru. Mae'r cyfryngau cymdeithasol yn ardderchog ar gyfer llawer o bethau, ond ni ddylid bod wedi'u defnyddio fel y ffordd o gyhoeddi mater mor bwysig.

Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd y ddadl hon heddiw yn rhoi cyfle i wrando ar y pryderon sydd gan fenywod yng Nghymru, ac i glywed ffeithiau ynghylch pam fod y newidiadau wedi’u gwneud i’r fframwaith sgrinio. Bydd llawer o fenywod heb gael cynnig y brechlyn feirws papiloma dynol (HPV) hynod effeithiol, a gyflwynwyd yn 2008. Iddynt hwy, y cwestiwn allweddol yw a yw’n bosibl dod i gysylltiad â HPV a bod problemau yn datblygu yn y bwlch pum mlynedd rhwng sgriniadau. Gwn y bydd llawer ohonoch wedi darllen e-byst pryderus tebyg i’r rhai a gefais gan fenywod yn fy etholaeth sy’n teimlo eu bod yn dioddef yn sgil mesurau torri costau ac arbed amser mewn cyfnod o bwysau aruthrol ar ein GIG.

Lywydd, yn ei deiseb, mae Joanne yn datgan ei phryderon fod y newidiadau pwysig hyn wedi’u gwneud heb ymgynghoriad cyhoeddus, gan nodi mai’r ymateb i’r cyhoeddiad ar 4 Ionawr oedd, a dyfynnaf,

'dicter, tristwch a phryderon difrifol am iechyd serfigol menywod Cymru.'

Mae’n rhannu pryderon a chwestiynau miloedd o bobl yng Nghymru ynglŷn ag a fyddai’r newid hwn yn arwain at ganfod canserau yn hwyrach, gan arwain at driniaeth, a dyfynnaf eto,

'fwy ffyrnig, hir a chostus'

a fydd yn bygwth bywydau yn y pen draw.

Mae’r pryderon hyn wedi cael llawer o sylw yn y cyfryngau ac ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol yn dilyn y cyhoeddiad ddechrau’r mis. Ac fel y soniais ar ddechrau fy nghyfraniad, mae dros filiwn o bobl wedi llofnodi deiseb debyg ar change.org, yn pwysleisio’r ofnau gwirioneddol, y pryder gwirioneddol a’r trallod gwirioneddol sy’n deillio o’r cyhoeddiad, a wnaed heb ddigon o eglurder nac esboniad ynghylch pam y gwnaed y newid.

Rwy’n falch o weld bod Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru wedi ymddiheuro ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol, gan gydnabod na wnaethant ddigon i egluro’r newidiadau, a greodd gymaint o ddryswch a chymaint o bryder. Ers hynny, maent wedi darparu mwy o wybodaeth i egluro'r penderfyniad ac wedi ceisio tawelu meddyliau menywod. Roedd eu strategaeth gyfathrebu yn amlwg yn ddiffygiol a dweud y lleiaf, a hoffwn alw arnynt i ystyried yn ofalus ac adolygu eu polisi ar gyfer y dyfodol. Mae gwybodaeth glir o ansawdd uchel yn hanfodol wrth rannu gwybodaeth a negeseuon mor bwysig. Wrth gyfathrebu â thrigolion, dylech wneud yn union hynny. Onid yw yn apwyntiadau nesaf pawb? Oni fyddai hynny wedi bod yn llawer haws, ac onid dyna'r adeg i rannu'r neges bwysig hon?

Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud fy mod hefyd yn siomedig na chafodd newid mor arwyddocaol o ran iechyd y cyhoedd ei gyhoeddi gan y Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol ar lawr ein Senedd cyn y newidiadau.

Drwy gydol eu hoes fel oedolion, mae menywod wedi cael gwybod am beryglon gohirio profion ceg y groth, y gallai ymweliad sydyn â'r meddyg bob tair blynedd wneud byd o wahaniaeth. Ni ddylai fod yn syndod fod cyhoeddi oedi o ddwy flynedd drwy Twitter wedi achosi cymaint o ddicter. Dylem ni, fel Aelodau o’r Senedd, fel eu cynrychiolwyr, fod wedi cael cyfle i drafod eu hofnau a’u pryderon yn agored, ac i’r Gweinidog egluro’r rhesymau sy'n sail i’r newid.

Weinidog, darllenais yr adroddiadau gan weithwyr meddygol proffesiynol gyda chryn ddiddordeb y bore yma, ac roeddent yn tynnu sylw at y brechlyn fel datblygiad hollbwysig, ac rwy’n derbyn hyn. Byddwn yn falch pe baech yn defnyddio eich ymateb i roi’r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i’r Siambr am ganran y menywod yng Nghymru sydd wedi cael eu brechu. Hoffwn eich annog hefyd i ddefnyddio eich ymateb i fynd i’r afael â’r gwactod gwybodaeth a ddeilliodd o'r ffordd y cafodd hyn ei gyhoeddi, ac yn y gwactod hwnnw, rwy’n ymwybodol o fenywod ifanc ledled Cymru sydd wedi cael eu targedu gan hysbysebion Facebook yn eu hannog i dalu £500 am y brechlyn. Mae hyn wedi fy mhoeni'n fawr.

Lywydd, cyn imi gloi, hoffwn ddiolch i Joanne am gyflwyno'r ddeiseb i’r Senedd fel bod y pryderon pwysig hyn ynglŷn ag iechyd menywod yn cael eu trafod yma yn ein Senedd heddiw. Ceir oddeutu 166 o achosion newydd o ganser ceg y groth yng Nghymru bob blwyddyn yn ôl Cancer Research UK. Mae sgrinio i ganfod pwy sydd mewn perygl neu sydd â chanser yn hanfodol. Gall achub bywydau, gan sicrhau bod menywod neu bobl â serfics yn cael y driniaeth sydd ei hangen arnynt.

Drwy gyd-ddigwyddiad, cynhelir ddadl hon yn ystod Wythnos Atal Canser Ceg y Groth, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd yn cyfrannu at y gwaith o godi ymwybyddiaeth o bwysigrwydd a manteision sgrinio serfigol. Ceir llawer o bobl nad ydynt yn manteisio ar gyfleoedd sgrinio am wahanol resymau. Mae angen i bob un ohonom gefnogi’r ymgyrch i godi ymwybyddiaeth ac anelu at gynyddu’r niferoedd sy’n manteisio ar gyfleoedd sgrinio er mwyn diogelu bywydau.

Lywydd, edrychaf ymlaen at glywed cyfraniadau’r Aelodau y prynhawn yma, ac edrychaf ymlaen at ymateb y Gweinidog, a hyderaf y bydd yn ateb cwestiynau’r nifer o fenywod a lofnododd y ddeiseb hon, a deisebau tebyg. Diolch yn fawr.

15:25

Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (David Rees) i’r Gadair.

The Deputy Presiding Officer (David Rees) took the Chair.

I welcome the chance to debate this in the Senedd today, particularly during cancer awareness week, as Jack Sargeant has just pointed out, and given the strength of feeling on this from women, and in support of women, on these significant changes that have taken place. And I thank Jack Sargeant and the Petitions Committee, the Government and the Llywydd, for allowing this to come forward at such speed. The strength of feeling has been exceptionally high, as demonstrated by the sheer amount of signatures the petition has gained, as outlined by Jack earlier, with the shocking statistic, as he said, of 100,000 more people signing that than voted in our Senedd elections.

Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i gael dadl ar hyn yn y Senedd heddiw, yn enwedig yn ystod wythnos ymwybyddiaeth canser, fel y mae Jack Sargeant newydd ei nodi, ac o ystyried cryfder teimladau menywod ynglŷn â hyn, ac i gefnogi menywod, ar y newidiadau arwyddocaol hyn a wnaed. A diolch i Jack Sargeant a'r Pwyllgor Deisebau, y Llywodraeth a'r Llywydd, am ganiatáu i hyn ddigwydd mor gyflym. Mae'r teimladau a fynegwyd wedi bod yn eithriadol o gryf, fel y dangoswyd gan y nifer fawr o lofnodion ar y ddeiseb, fel y nododd Jack yn gynharach, gyda’r ystadegyn rhyfeddol, fel y nododd, fod 100,000 yn fwy o bobl wedi'i llofnodi nag a bleidleisiodd yn etholiadau ein Senedd.

I find it very concerning that the decision to extend the time between cervical cancer screenings from three to five years wasn't given the right, careful promotion that was needed to ensure that half of the population of Wales were educated properly on these hugely significant changes. The way that the news was broken to women the length and breadth of our country was shameful, with a snappy headline on social media that ensued panic. That's not a bad use of the word; there was panic amongst women and families across Wales because, as Mr Sargeant pointed out earlier, we have been educated for years on the timing and how significant it is at catching cervical cancer as early as possible.

The lack of information following from that snappy headline just assumed everyone knew why this was happening, that everyone would know the move was due to a positive development in science, rather than an alarming extension of two years where women would be unable to be screened as they previously were and any cancerous cells would not be picked up. People know full well that when you're diagnosed can mean the difference between life and death—that's how we've been educated. The lack of information from this Government and Public Health Wales on such an important development and change caused anxiety and distress across our nation, worried about developing cervical cancer and not catching it in time. And for families as well there was panic, particularly those who have lost people to cervical cancer.

It brings me some comfort that both Jo's Cervical Cancer Trust and Cancer Research UK are in support of this change, as outlined today. But this and the reasons for it need to be brought to women's attention. Due to the communication being so appalling on this, I must admit my own panic initially when hearing the news. And I can recall the awful situation that Jade Goody endured whilst suffering from cervical cancer, who was a former Big Brother celebrity, for those who don't know. She had a horrendous time from not catching it early enough; she didn't go to her screenings. And as result she lost—oh, it makes me sad—her life, and left behind her two young boys. It was quite emotive. Sorry, I don't mean to cry, but it was quite an emotive campaign and period of time, and what happened from that, the result, was that many, many women, who hadn't even thought about it—it hadn't even been on their radar—came forward and were tested. It was very traumatising at the time, and, obviously, it still rings true. But she was very brave, and used her celebrity status for good, taking everyone on that journey with her until her sad death. It shook a lot of women into action, and the take-up for cervical smears increased substantially. The publicity campaign that followed was a huge success, and I ask that this Welsh Government look at doing something similar.

It is clear that a substantial public awareness campaign is needed now, particularly given the clear message from over a million people signing a petition opposing this change. This tells me there are countless more women out there needing to know about the reasons for this change from three to five years still. An apology from Public Health Wales was great, but there will be many women out there who won't have seen that one social media post and will still not understand why these significant changes have happened and what they mean.

When the reasons for change were relayed to me, it brought me some comfort initially—not totally, because there are examples, as has been posted on social media, as I'm sure others have seen. There are people who still will slip through the net because, with the change, some people will develop those cancerous cells in that time frame that will be missed. But, for the majority, this technological advance will mean that HPV cells will be detected sooner, and that is very welcome. And it will mean for the majority of people that they will have now longer gaps between screenings, which is absolutely fine. We must make absolutely sure that this is not a cost-cutting exercise though, as Jack said, and that it will be 100 per cent safe to do this.

Minister, there are still a lot of concerns, as the virus can, as I said earlier, lay dormant for many years and present no sign or symptom of infection. And although I've seen many e-mails regarding cervical cancer screening from constituents over the last fortnight, one in particular caught my attention. It was from a woman aged 30 who had developed stage 1 cervical cancer, which had thankfully been picked up on her third smear test. If that test would have been delayed another two years further, the cancer would have likely developed and it could have been either infertility for her or death. 

There is a lot of work still to be done—

Rwy'n bryderus iawn nad oedd y penderfyniad i ymestyn yr amser rhwng sgriniadau canser ceg y groth o dair i bum mlynedd wedi ei hyrwyddo yn y ffordd gywir a gofalus roedd ei hangen i sicrhau bod hanner poblogaeth Cymru yn cael eu haddysgu'n briodol ar y newidiadau hynod arwyddocaol hyn. Roedd y ffordd y torrwyd y newyddion i fenywod ar hyd a lled ein gwlad yn gywilyddus, gyda phennawd bachog ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol yn arwain at banig. Nid yw hwnnw'n ddefnydd gwael o'r gair; cafwyd panig ymhlith menywod a theuluoedd ledled Cymru oherwydd, fel y nododd Mr Sargeant yn gynharach, cawsom ein dysgu ers blynyddoedd am yr amseru a pha mor bwysig yw yn dal canser ceg y groth cyn gynted â phosibl.

Roedd y diffyg gwybodaeth a ddilynodd y pennawd bachog hwnnw'n rhagdybio bod pawb yn gwybod pam fod hyn yn digwydd, y byddai pawb yn gwybod bod y newid yn digwydd o ganlyniad i ddatblygiad cadarnhaol mewn gwyddoniaeth, yn hytrach nag estyniad brawychus o ddwy flynedd pan na fyddai modd sgrinio menywod fel y caent eu sgrinio'n flaenorol a phan na fyddai celloedd canser yn cael eu canfod. Mae pobl yn gwybod yn iawn, pan fyddwch yn cael diagnosis, y gall hynny olygu'r gwahaniaeth rhwng bywyd a marwolaeth—dyna sut y cawsom ein dysgu. Achosodd y diffyg gwybodaeth gan y Llywodraeth hon ac Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru ar ddatblygiad a newid mor bwysig bryder a gofid ar draws ein gwlad, a phryder am ddatblygu canser ceg y groth a pheidio â'i ddal mewn pryd. Ac i deuluoedd hefyd roedd panig, yn enwedig y rhai sydd wedi colli pobl i ganser ceg y groth.

Mae'n dod â rhywfaint o gysur i mi fod Ymddiriedolaeth Canser Ceg y Groth Jo a Cancer Research UK yn cefnogi'r newid hwn, fel yr amlinellir heddiw. Ond mae angen tynnu sylw menywod at hyn a'r rhesymau drosto. Oherwydd bod y cyfathrebu mor warthus ar hyn, rhaid imi gyfaddef fy mhanig fy hun i ddechrau wrth glywed y newyddion. A gallaf gofio'r sefyllfa ofnadwy a ddioddefodd Jade Goody, un o gyn sêr Big Brother i'r rhai nad ydynt yn gwybod, tra'n dioddef o ganser ceg y groth. Cafodd amser erchyll o fod wedi methu ei ddal yn ddigon cynnar; nid aeth i'w sgriniadau. Ac o ganlyniad bu farw—o, mae'n fy nhristau—gan adael ei dau fachgen ifanc ar ôl. Roedd yn emosiynol iawn. Mae'n ddrwg gennyf, nid wyf am grio, ond roedd yn ymgyrch a chyfnod emosiynol, a'r hyn a ddigwyddodd o hynny, o ganlyniad, oedd bod nifer fawr o fenywod, nad oeddent hyd yn oed wedi meddwl amdano—nid oedd wedi bod ar eu radar hyd yn oed—wedi mynd i gael eu profi. Roedd yn drawmatig iawn ar y pryd, ac yn amlwg, mae'n dal i fod felly. Ond roedd hi'n ddewr iawn, a defnyddiodd ei statws fel seren er daioni, ac aeth â phawb ar y daith honno gyda hi tan ei marwolaeth drist. Fe barodd i lawer o fenywod weithredu, a chynyddodd y nifer a aeth am brawf ceg y groth yn sylweddol. Roedd yr ymgyrch gyhoeddusrwydd a ddilynodd yn llwyddiant ysgubol, a gofynnaf i Lywodraeth Cymru ystyried gwneud rhywbeth tebyg.

Mae'n amlwg fod angen ymgyrch sylweddol i godi ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd yn awr, yn enwedig o ystyried y neges glir yn sgil y ffaith bod dros filiwn o bobl wedi llofnodi deiseb yn gwrthwynebu'r newid hwn. Mae hyn yn dweud wrthyf fod llawer iawn mwy o fenywod allan yno o hyd sydd angen gwybod y rhesymau am y newid hwn o dair i bum mlynedd. Roedd ymddiheuriad gan Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru yn wych, ond bydd llawer o fenywod allan yno na fyddant wedi gweld yr un postiad hwnnw ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol a byddant yn dal i fethu deall pam y mae'r newidiadau arwyddocaol hyn wedi digwydd a'r hyn a olygant.

Pan gafodd y rhesymau dros newid eu rhoi i mi, daeth â pheth cysur i mi ar y dechrau—nid yn gyfan gwbl, oherwydd ceir enghreifftiau, fel y gwelwyd ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol, fel y mae eraill wedi'u gweld, rwy'n siŵr. Mae yna bobl sy'n dal i lithro drwy'r rhwyd oherwydd, gyda'r newid, bydd rhai pobl yn datblygu celloedd canseraidd na chaiff eu canfod o fewn y ffrâm amser honno. Ond i'r mwyafrif, bydd y datblygiad technolegol hwn yn golygu y bydd celloedd HPV yn cael eu canfod yn gynt, ac mae hynny i'w groesawu'n fawr. A bydd yn golygu i'r rhan fwyaf o bobl y bydd ganddynt fylchau hwy yn awr rhwng sgriniadau, sy'n hollol iawn. Ond mae'n rhaid inni sicrhau'n bendant nad ymarfer torri costau yw hwn, fel y dywedodd Jack, ac y bydd hi 100 y cant yn ddiogel inni wneud hyn.

Weinidog, mae llawer o bryderon o hyd, oherwydd fel y dywedais yn gynharach, gall y feirws orwedd yn segur am flynyddoedd lawer heb fod unrhyw arwydd na symptom o haint. Ac er fy mod wedi gweld llawer o negeseuon e-bost ynghylch sgrinio canser serfigol gan etholwyr dros y pythefnos diwethaf, daliodd un yn arbennig fy sylw. Daeth gan fenyw 30 oed a oedd wedi datblygu canser ceg y groth cam 1, a oedd, diolch byth, wedi ei ganfod yn ei thrydydd prawf ceg y groth. Pe bai'r prawf hwnnw wedi'i ohirio am ddwy flynedd arall, mae'n debyg y byddai'r canser wedi datblygu a gallai fod wedi ei gwneud yn anffrwythlon neu ei lladd. 

Mae llawer o waith i'w wneud o hyd—

15:35

—to improve life chances for women who develop cervical cancer, and I fear that this extension of two years will not contribute towards saving more lives. There's still so much more to be done. 

I will reiterate now, Deputy Presiding Officer, the calls I made last week to the First Minister and this Government, and I strongly urge them, and Public Health Wales, to launch a public awareness campaign to help inform our Welsh citizens of the significant developments that have occurred. We need to actively encourage more people to come forward for a cervical screening than have done recently. These new changes will not work and not be effective unless everyone now comes forward for a new screening with this new screening technology. Thank you very much.

—ar wella cyfleoedd bywyd i fenywod sy'n datblygu canser ceg y groth, ac ofnaf na fydd yr estyniad hwn o ddwy flynedd yn cyfrannu at achub mwy o fywydau. Mae cymaint mwy i'w wneud o hyd.

Ddirprwy Lywydd, rwyf am ailadrodd yn awr y galwadau a wneuthum yr wythnos diwethaf i'r Prif Weinidog a'r Llywodraeth hon, ac rwy'n eu hannog yn gryf, ac Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru, i lansio ymgyrch ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd i helpu i hysbysu ein dinasyddion yng Nghymru am y datblygiadau sylweddol sydd wedi digwydd. Mae angen inni fynd ati i annog mwy o bobl i fynd am sgriniad serfigol nag a wnaeth hynny yn ddiweddar. Ni fydd y newidiadau newydd hyn yn gweithio ac ni fyddant yn effeithiol oni bai bod pawb bellach yn mynd am sgriniad newydd gyda'r dechnoleg sgrinio newydd hon. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Thank you for the opportunity to make a brief contribution to this debate. And, firstly, let me say how much I sympathise with all those people, the many, many thousands, who have spoken about their deep concerns about the change in the cervical cancer screening regime. Screening has, of course, become a valuable part of the preventative armoury when it comes to women's health, and many, many lives have been saved through early diagnosis stemming from the screening programme. And the sudden announcement that three-year tests would become five left so many people distressed and worried. And my own reaction, I must say, was one of incredulity: could this really be the result of the current pressures on the NHS, another effect of systems under strain?

But, in trying to learn more then about the change, what became apparent is that we are talking not about a downgrading of this invaluable protective health measure, but, in fact, a serious failure to communicate change that is in fact the right change, and one we should celebrate, in fact, as a step forward in preventative healthcare. I'm immensely grateful to those organisations, Cancer Research UK and Jo's Cervical Cancer Trust in particular, for stepping in with explanations of why this is a positive change, why advancements in technology means testing for the HPV virus, which causes the vast majority of cervical cancers, allows for earlier identification of what could ultimately lead to increased risk, early enough in fact to allow five years between testing episodes if no evidence of HPV is found. In the past, screening tested for changes in cells, the beginning of cancer; now we can find earlier signs of what might eventually lead to that and so allow for more timely intervention.

Now, can I draw the attention of Members to the statement of opinion I've tabled this week, following discussion with Jo's Cervical Cancer Trust, noting that this week is Cervical Cancer Prevention Week, and expressing again how vital screening is? The statement expresses regret that recent changes to the cervical screening programme—the way they were communicated—have caused anxiety and confusion, and urges Ministers and Public Health Wales to prioritise restoring confidence in the programme through clear and direct communication to answer the concerns that so many have. Now, I've written to the health Minister the week before last, I think, to ask for that direct communication to happen. It has to happen. The handling of this change by Welsh Government and its agencies has caused a great amount of anxiety, and it's up to Government and its agencies to put that right. 

Now, may this be a real lesson in the importance of getting communication right, and, at the same time, a reminder of the importance of screening. We must encourage more to come forward, so that we can be confident that as many women as possible can be giving themselves the chance of an early diagnosis. 

Diolch am y cyfle i wneud cyfraniad byr i'r ddadl hon. Ac yn gyntaf, gadewch imi ddweud cymaint rwy'n cydymdeimlo â'r holl bobl, y miloedd lawer, sydd wedi siarad am eu pryderon dwfn am y newid yn y trefniadau sgrinio canser ceg y groth. Mae sgrinio, wrth gwrs, wedi dod yn rhan werthfawr o'r arfogaeth ataliol ym maes iechyd menywod, ac mae llawer o fywydau wedi'u hachub drwy ddiagnosis cynnar yn deillio o'r rhaglen sgrinio. Ac fe achosodd y cyhoeddiad sydyn y byddai profion bob tair blynedd yn newid yn brofion bob pum mlynedd gymaint o ofid a phryder i bobl. A rhaid imi ddweud, fy ymateb i oedd anghrediniaeth: ai dyma ganlyniad y pwysau presennol ar y GIG, canlyniad arall systemau dan straen?

Ond wrth geisio dysgu mwy am y newid, yr hyn a ddaeth yn amlwg yw ein bod yn sôn nid am israddio'r mesur diogelu iechyd amhrisiadwy hwn, ond am fethiant difrifol i gyfathrebu newid sy'n newid cywir mewn gwirionedd, a newid y dylem ei ddathlu fel cam ymlaen mewn gofal iechyd ataliol. Rwy'n hynod ddiolchgar i'r sefydliadau, Cancer Research UK ac Ymddiriedolaeth Canser Ceg y Groth Jo yn benodol, am gamu i mewn gydag esboniadau ynglŷn â pham y mae'n newid cadarnhaol, pam y mae datblygiadau mewn technoleg yn golygu bod profi am y feirws HPV, sy'n achosi'r mwyafrif llethol o ganserau serfigol, yn caniatáu inni ganfod yr hyn a allai arwain yn y pen draw at fwy o risg, yn ddigon cynnar mewn gwirionedd i ganiatáu pum mlynedd rhwng profion os na cheir tystiolaeth o HPV. Yn y gorffennol, roedd sgrinio'n edrych am newidiadau mewn celloedd, dechrau canser; yn awr gallwn ddod o hyd i arwyddion cynharach o'r hyn a allai arwain ato yn y pen draw a chaniatáu felly ar gyfer ymyrraeth fwy amserol.

Nawr, a gaf fi dynnu sylw'r Aelodau at y datganiad barn a gyflwynais yr wythnos hon, yn dilyn trafodaeth gydag Ymddiriedolaeth Canser Ceg y Groth Jo, i nodi ei bod hi'n Wythnos Atal Canser Ceg y Groth yr wythnos hon, a mynegi eto pa mor hanfodol yw sgrinio? Mae'r datganiad yn mynegi gofid fod newidiadau diweddar i'r rhaglen sgrinio serfigol—y ffordd y cawsant eu cyfathrebu—wedi achosi pryder a dryswch, ac yn annog Gweinidogion ac Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru i flaenoriaethu gwaith i adfer hyder yn y rhaglen drwy gyfathrebu clir ac uniongyrchol i ateb y pryderon sydd gan gynifer o bobl. Nawr, rwyf wedi ysgrifennu at y Gweinidog iechyd yr wythnos cyn diwethaf, rwy'n credu, i ofyn i'r cyfathrebu uniongyrchol hwnnw ddigwydd. Mae'n rhaid iddo ddigwydd. Mae'r ffordd yr ymdriniwyd â'r newid hwn gan Lywodraeth Cymru a'i hasiantaethau wedi achosi cryn dipyn o bryder, a mater i'r Llywodraeth a'i hasiantaethau yw unioni hynny. 

Nawr, gobeithio y bydd hon yn wers go iawn ynglŷn â phwysigrwydd cael cyfathrebu'n iawn, ac ar yr un pryd, gobeithio y bydd yn ein hatgoffa ynghylch pwysigrwydd sgrinio. Rhaid inni annog mwy o bobl i ddod i gael eu sgrinio, fel y gallwn fod yn hyderus y gall cynifer o fenywod â phosibl roi cyfle iddynt eu hunain gael diagnosis cynnar. 

On 4 January, Public Health Wales announced this important enhancement to the cervical screening service. Whilst it was disappointing that they failed to provide some context as to why this was an improvement, rather than a reduction in service, hindsight is a wonderful thing. And I can see why a change that was introduced nearly two years ago in England and Scotland was not deemed to be controversial in any way. This was following what the experts had told us was the best way of approaching this particular service. Clearly, it's entirely to be regretted that over 30,000 people were sufficiently exercised by what they were persuaded was a cut in service, rather than an enhancement, to sign this petition. But, really, I don't think that persisting with this inaccuracy is at all helpful. 

Ar 4 Ionawr, cyhoeddodd Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru y gwelliant pwysig hwn i'r gwasanaeth sgrinio serfigol. Er ei bod yn siomedig na lwyddasant i ddarparu cyd-destun i ddangos pam ei fod yn welliant, yn hytrach na lleihad yn y gwasanaeth, mae'n hawdd edrych yn ôl. A gallaf weld pam na chafodd newid a gyflwynwyd bron i ddwy flynedd yn ôl yn Lloegr a'r Alban ei ystyried yn ddadleuol mewn unrhyw ffordd. Roedd yn dilyn yr hyn roedd yr arbenigwyr wedi dweud wrthym oedd y ffordd orau o weithredu'r gwasanaeth penodol hwn. Yn amlwg, mae'n anffodus iawn fod dros 30,000 o bobl wedi teimlo'n ddigon dig ynglŷn â'r hyn y cawsant eu perswadio ei fod yn doriad i'r gwasanaeth, yn hytrach na gwelliant, i lofnodi'r ddeiseb hon. Ond nid wyf yn credu bod parhau â'r anghywirdeb o unrhyw fudd o gwbl.

This debate takes place on the afternoon when we've all had the opportunity to ask questions of our health Minister. So, we have fresh in our minds the areas of health provision where we can all agree we need to do better, whether that's eating disorders, ADHD, hearing loss, social prescribing, or, earlier, I attended a meeting about ovarian cancer, which was hosted by Mark Isherwood. On all these things we need to do better, and nobody in the Senedd would disagree with that. So, I have to just repeat that no change is not an option for us. It is our duty to ensure that we are constantly reshaping services to better meet the needs of our population, and that we are constantly delivering best value with limited resources. I was born in the era where people routinely had their tonsils and adenoids removed when they were aged seven, and how traumatic was that for a child to be removed from their parents for something that was proved to be a completely pointless intervention, unless there were very particular issues.

So, as with COVID, we need to follow the latest scientific evidence, and the experts tell us really clearly that HPV is what causes 99.7 per cent of cervical cancers. That's why we offer all teenagers the HPV vaccine, so that the HPV virus is going to be put out of business and no longer able to cause cervical cancers in the future, once the people who've benefited from the vaccine have grown up. So, we have to recognise that the cervical screen has changed substantially. It's much more sensitive, much more accurate and it's now checking first for the presence of HPV. And by reducing the period of time when women are screened, it makes it possible to free up time to concentrate on that small minority of the female population who are causes for concern, where they have HPV present in their cells and can be benefiting from even better screens to ensure that, were they to develop cervical cancer, that will be picked up earlier. 

I spent many, many years of my life, before I became a Senedd Member, trying to help drive up cervical cancer screening rates. So, I find it extremely disappointing that, despite all the evidence presented by Cancer Research UK and Jo's Cervical Cancer Trust, still Laura Jones decided she was going to put out a statement of opinion about the inaccurate information that people had been given. This simply won't do. Yes, this week is Cervical Screening Awareness Week, and a very important week it is too, because the people we need to focus on are the people who never turn up to have a cancer screen. The sort of people that we're talking about are people who have caring responsibilities and have nobody to leave their child with in order to go for a screen, who are in zero-hours work and therefore are unable to take time out from their work in order to go for their screening appointment.

So, one of the ways in which we can benefit from this blast of publicity on a pretty unnecessary story is to focus on how we improve the rates of young women who attend for screening, or who get the cancer screen. And I particularly want to focus on the pilot of home screening that has been going on at King's College London, in an area where there are predictable low levels of presentation for the regular screening because—

Cynhelir y ddadl hon ar y prynhawn pan fo pob un ohonom wedi cael cyfle i ofyn cwestiynau i'n Gweinidog iechyd. Felly, ar flaen ein meddyliau mae gennym y meysydd darpariaeth iechyd lle gallwn i gyd gytuno bod angen inni wneud yn well, boed hynny'n anhwylderau bwyta, ADHD, colli clyw, presgripsiynu cymdeithasol, neu, yn gynharach, mynychais gyfarfod ar ganser yr ofari a gynhaliwyd gan Mark Isherwood. Ar yr holl bethau hyn mae angen inni wneud yn well, ac ni fyddai neb yn y Senedd yn anghytuno â hynny. Felly, rhaid imi ailadrodd nad yw peidio â newid yn opsiwn i ni. Ein dyletswydd yw sicrhau ein bod yn ail-lunio gwasanaethau'n gyson i ddiwallu anghenion ein poblogaeth yn well, a'n bod yn darparu'r gwerth gorau gydag adnoddau cyfyngedig yn gyson. Cefais fy ngeni yn yr oes pan oedd pobl yn cael tynnu eu tonsiliau a'u hadenoidau fel mater o drefn pan oeddent yn saith oed, ac roedd mynd â phlentyn o ofal ei rieni ar gyfer rhywbeth y profwyd ei bod yn ymyrraeth gwbl ddibwrpas, oni bai bod problemau penodol iawn, yn brofiad trawmatig i blentyn.

Felly, fel gyda COVID, mae angen inni ddilyn y dystiolaeth wyddonol ddiweddaraf, ac mae'r arbenigwyr yn dweud wrthym yn glir iawn mai HPV sy'n achosi 99.7 y cant o ganserau serfigol. Dyna pam ein bod yn cynnig y brechlyn HPV i rai yn eu harddegau er mwyn difa'r feirws HPV ac fel na all achosi canserau serfigol yn y dyfodol, pan fydd y bobl sydd wedi elwa o'r brechlyn wedi tyfu'n oedolion. Felly, rhaid inni gydnabod bod y sgriniad serfigol wedi newid yn sylweddol. Mae'n llawer mwy sensitif, yn llawer mwy cywir ac mae bellach yn edrych yn gyntaf am bresenoldeb HPV. A thrwy leihau'r cyfnod o amser pan gaiff menywod eu sgrinio, mae'n ei gwneud yn bosibl rhyddhau amser i ganolbwyntio ar y lleiafrif bach o'r boblogaeth fenywaidd sy'n peri pryder, lle mae ganddynt HPV yn bresennol yn eu celloedd a gallant fod yn elwa o sgriniadau gwell byth i sicrhau, pe baent yn datblygu canser serfigol, y bydd yn cael ei ganfod yn gynharach. 

Treuliais flynyddoedd lawer o fy mywyd, cyn imi ddod yn Aelod o'r Senedd, yn ceisio helpu i gynyddu cyfraddau sgriniadau canser ceg y groth. Felly, rwy'n siomedig iawn, er gwaethaf yr holl dystiolaeth a gyflwynwyd gan Cancer Research UK ac Ymddiriedolaeth Canser Ceg y Groth Jo, fod Laura Jones wedi penderfynu ei bod am barhau i gyflwyno datganiad barn am y wybodaeth anghywir a roddwyd i bobl. Nid yw hyn yn iawn. Ydy, mae'n Wythnos Ymwybyddiaeth o Sgrinio Serfigol yr wythnos hon, ac mae'n wythnos bwysig iawn, am mai'r bobl y mae angen inni ganolbwyntio arnynt yw'r bobl nad ydynt byth yn dod am sgriniad canser. Y math o bobl rydym yn sôn amdanynt yw pobl sydd â chyfrifoldebau gofalu ac nad oes ganddynt rywun y gallant adael eu plentyn gyda hwy er mwyn mynd am sgriniad, pobl sydd mewn gwaith ar drefniant dim oriau ac felly'n methu cymryd amser o'u gwaith er mwyn mynd am eu hapwyntiad sgrinio.

Felly, un o'r ffyrdd y gallwn elwa o'r ffrwydrad hwn o gyhoeddusrwydd i stori eithaf diangen yw canolbwyntio ar sut y gallwn wella cyfraddau'r menywod ifanc sy'n dod i gael eu sgrinio, neu sy'n cael sgriniad canser. Ac rwyf am ganolbwyntio'n benodol ar y peilot sgrinio yn y cartref sydd wedi bod ar y gweill yng Ngholeg King's Llundain, mewn ardal lle ceir lefelau rhagweladwy o isel o bobl yn mynd i'r apwyntiad sgrinio rheolaidd oherwydd—

15:45

Okay. I'd like to hear from the Minister how that compares with the bowel screening that takes place in the over-60s, because obviously once again this is something that takes place in people's homes, they don't need to go for an appointment, they don't need to travel to see the nurse who's going to do the screen. This is a very important way of ensuring that cervical cancer is something that is so rare as to be almost non-existent.

O'r gorau. Hoffwn glywed gan y Gweinidog sut y mae hynny'n cymharu â sgrinio coluddion sy'n digwydd gyda phobl dros 60 oed, oherwydd yn amlwg unwaith eto, dyma rywbeth sy'n digwydd yng nghartrefi pobl, nid oes angen iddynt fynd am apwyntiad, nid oes angen iddynt deithio i weld y nyrs sy'n mynd i wneud y sgrinio. Mae hon yn ffordd bwysig iawn o sicrhau bod canser ceg y groth yn rhywbeth sydd mor brin fel nad yw'n bodoli, bron iawn.

As we mark Cervical Cancer Prevention Week, I'd like to make a general point at the outset, and that is that girls don't always get taught enough about their bodies—neither do boys, of course. A mix of embarrassment, a lack of understanding, even body shaming, can coalesce from when girls are really quite young, and those factors surely contribute to the fact that one in three women fail to attend their cervical screening appointment when they're invited. We've heard already in the debate about the thousands of women who'll be told every year that they have cervical cell changes, so surely we have to find better ways of talking about these issues and normalising the process of smear tests.

Specifically on this petition, the changes to routine smear tests, it's already been said that they were communicated very poorly, and that did cause avoidable anxiety. The explanation that we have been given by Public Health Wales has set many minds at rest, but since that change was announced I've been contacted by women who are still nervous. I wanted to raise those concerns here so that I could get some constructive answers for them from the Minister. Some constituents have raised the fact—it's already been rehearsed—that a HPV infection can clear within one or two years, meaning that an infection could have cleared by the time a test is taken. Those constituents have queried how someone looking at the results could then know whether the infection has caused cellular changes if they're not looking for those changes. Another constituent was diagnosed with stage 1 cancer at age 30 in 2021 and the cancer was caught during her three-year smear test. She's worried that, had she waited an additional two years, the cancer could have progressed far more and potentially affected her fertility or something far graver.

Now, as I've said, the new test should work very well for most of those who've had the HPV vaccine, which is obviously something to be very much welcomed, because that will have reduced the incidence of abnormal cell changes. Not everyone will have been offered that vaccine, and I know that women, particularly in their 30s, will have missed out on that opportunity because that's true for me as well. So, I'd equally like to hear more about what could be done to put women's minds at rest about that. A further worry felt by some of my constituents concerns women who could develop cervical cancer that isn't linked to HPV. They would presumably be left without screening, so what provision, please, could be made for them? I've raised these concerns in order to get clarity for those constituents who are still feeling uneasy about this change.

Minister, all of this could, of course, have been avoided had a communication gone out before that graphic was shared on social media. I understand of course that lessons will have been learnt about this, but alongside those specific queries I would ask how Public Health Wales will be seeking to combat any sense that could develop of the wrong message being sent to women—that is, that it isn't as important to keep on top of smear tests. I know that that is in no way what's meant by this change, but again a vacuum could develop for the wrong assumptions to be made, unless that vacuum is filled. One constituent said to me that, like visiting the dentist, even if you don't think you need to go, it's important to go, and it's really important that public health messaging doesn't inadvertently discourage women from attending. So, I'd be grateful for any information the Minister could provide in summing up the debate that could alleviate those concerns of my constituents that I've relayed to you. 

But the overwhelming point I would make, just in concluding, Dirprwy Lywydd, is that again we need to make sure that women of all ages get the sense that smear tests are normal, that they're not something to be worried about. When I was in school, they were talked about in this hushed, quite horrified way—not by teachers, I should say, but by other pupils—and I got this impression it was going to be this very painful thing. Actually, for most women, it's totally painless; bit awkward—it needn't be awkward. But I think we need to find ways of countering this narrative, and it comes about because too many of these topics are considered taboo and they're not talked about.

Wrth inni nodi Wythnos Atal Canser Ceg y Groth, hoffwn wneud pwynt cyffredinol ar y dechrau, sef nad yw merched bob amser yn cael digon o addysg am eu cyrff—mae'n wir am fechgyn hefyd, wrth gwrs. Gall cyfuniad o embaras, diffyg dealltwriaeth, cywilyddio corfforol hyd yn oed, ymffurfio o'r adeg pan fydd merched yn eithaf ifanc, ac mae'n sicr fod y ffactorau hynny'n cyfrannu at y ffaith nad yw un o bob tair menyw yn mynd i'w hapwyntiad sgrinio serfigol pan gânt eu gwahodd. Clywsom eisoes yn y ddadl am y miloedd o fenywod a fydd yn cael gwybod bob blwyddyn fod ganddynt newidiadau yng nghelloedd ceg y groth, felly rhaid inni ddod o hyd i ffyrdd gwell o siarad am y materion hyn a normaleiddio'r broses o fynd am brawf ceg y groth.

Ar y ddeiseb hon yn benodol, y newidiadau i brofion ceg y groth rheolaidd, dywedwyd eisoes eu bod wedi cael eu cyfathrebu'n wael iawn, a bod hynny wedi achosi pryder y gellid bod wedi ei osgoi. Mae'r esboniad a roddwyd inni gan Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru wedi tawelu meddyliau llawer o bobl, ond ers cyhoeddi'r newid hwnnw mae menywod sy'n dal yn nerfus wedi cysylltu â mi. Roeddwn am godi'r pryderon hynny yma fel y gallwn gael atebion adeiladol iddynt gan y Gweinidog. Mae rhai etholwyr wedi codi'r ffaith—mae eisoes wedi'i nodi—y gall haint HPV glirio o fewn blwyddyn neu ddwy, sy'n golygu y gallai haint fod wedi clirio erbyn i brawf gael ei wneud. Mae'r etholwyr hynny wedi holi sut y gallai rhywun sy'n edrych ar y canlyniadau wedyn wybod a yw'r haint wedi achosi newidiadau i gelloedd os nad ydynt yn chwilio am y newidiadau hynny. Cafodd etholwraig arall ddiagnosis o ganser cam 1 yn 30 oed yn 2021 a chafodd y canser ei ganfod yn ystod ei phrawf ceg y groth tair blynedd. Pe bai hi wedi aros am ddwy flynedd ychwanegol, mae hi'n poeni y gallai'r canser fod wedi datblygu llawer mwy ac effeithio ar ei ffrwythlondeb o bosibl, neu rywbeth llawer mwy difrifol.

Nawr, fel y dywedais, dylai'r prawf newydd weithio'n dda iawn i'r rhan fwyaf o'r rhai sydd wedi cael y brechlyn HPV, sy'n amlwg yn rhywbeth i'w groesawu'n fawr, oherwydd bydd hynny wedi lleihau nifer yr achosion o newidiadau celloedd annormal. Ni fydd pawb wedi cael cynnig y brechlyn hwnnw, a gwn y bydd menywod, yn enwedig yn eu 30au, wedi colli'r cyfle hwnnw oherwydd mae hynny'n wir yn fy achos i hefyd. Felly, yn yr un modd, hoffwn glywed mwy am yr hyn y gellid ei wneud i dawelu meddyliau menywod ynglŷn â hynny. Mae pryder arall sydd gan rai o fy etholwyr yn ymwneud â menywod a allai ddatblygu canser ceg y groth nad yw'n gysylltiedig â HPV. Mae'n debyg y byddent yn cael eu gadael heb eu sgrinio, felly pa ddarpariaeth y gellid ei gwneud ar eu cyfer hwy os gwelwch yn dda? Rwyf wedi codi'r pryderon hyn er mwyn cael eglurder i'r etholwyr sy'n dal i deimlo'n anesmwyth ynglŷn â'r newid hwn.

Weinidog, gellid bod wedi osgoi hyn i gyd wrth gwrs pe bai neges wedi mynd allan cyn i'r graffig hwnnw gael ei rannu ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol. Deallaf wrth gwrs y bydd gwersi wedi'u dysgu ynglŷn â hyn, ond ochr yn ochr â'r ymholiadau penodol hynny hoffwn ofyn sut y bydd Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru yn ceisio mynd i'r afael ag unrhyw arwydd a allai ddatblygu fod y neges anghywir yn cael ei chyfleu i fenywod—hynny yw, nad yw mor bwysig iddynt fynd i gael prawf ceg y groth. Gwn nad dyna a olygir gyda'r newid hwn mewn unrhyw ffordd, ond unwaith eto gallai gwactod ddatblygu i'r rhagdybiaethau anghywir gael eu gwneud, oni bai ein bod yn llenwi'r gwactod hwnnw. Dywedodd un etholwraig wrthyf ei bod hi'n bwysig mynd hyd yn oed os nad ydych yn credu bod angen i chi fynd, fel ymweld â'r deintydd, ac mae'n bwysig iawn nad yw negeseuon iechyd y cyhoedd yn annog menywod yn anfwriadol i beidio â mynd i gael eu sgrinio. Felly, byddwn yn ddiolchgar am unrhyw wybodaeth y gallai'r Gweinidog ei darparu wrth grynhoi'r ddadl a allai leddfu'r pryderon y soniais amdanynt sydd gan fy etholwyr. 

Ond y pwynt hanfodol y byddwn yn ei wneud wrth gloi, Ddirprwy Lywydd, yw bod angen i ni, unwaith eto, sicrhau bod menywod o bob oed yn teimlo bod profion ceg y groth yn normal, nad ydynt yn rhywbeth i boeni yn eu cylch. Pan oeddwn yn yr ysgol, byddai pobl yn sôn amdanynt o dan eu gwynt, fel pe baent yn bethau i arswydo rhagddynt—nid yr athrawon, dylwn ddweud, ond disgyblion eraill—a chefais yr argraff y byddent yn boenus iawn. Mewn gwirionedd, i'r rhan fwyaf o fenywod, mae'n gwbl ddi-boen; ychydig yn lletchwith—nid oes angen iddo fod yn lletchwith. Ond rwy'n credu bod angen inni ddod o hyd i ffyrdd o fynd i'r afael â'r naratif hwn, ac mae'n digwydd am fod gormod o'r pynciau hyn yn cael eu hystyried yn bynciau tabŵ ac am na chânt eu trafod.

Diolch to Jack as Chair of the Petitions Committee for making sure this debate could take place at such short notice.

Cervical screening isn't a pleasant experience to say the least, and I'm sure I'm not the only woman in Wales to have put off or dreaded attending a screening appointment, but we also understand that cervical screening is one of the most important appointments for us to attend as women and, without a doubt, saves lives. The scientific strides that have been made to make sure that the test for HPV is more accurate is fantastic news and should be celebrated. But, the way in which the announcement was made was appalling and left many women feeling anxious, frustrated and confused. For this petition to reach over 30,000 signatures over the space of a couple of days is testament to the strength of feeling out there. Although the announcement was followed by the apology, which was far more informative, many women still feel aggrieved, and I'm one of them.

It has taken generations and generations of women to fight to have control over their own bodies. Women should have the right to decide when they'd like to attend their screening appointment, be it every three years or five years, or anywhere in between, regardless of the improved test. For many women, life just gets in the way, be it due to work or childcare. And I think, if we're being honest with ourselves, more often than not, we let life get in the way. We know that three years between screening appointments then becomes more like four or five. If we are to see a change from three to five years, then for some women this could easily become up to 10 years.

Cervical screening appointments are, first and foremost, to detect HPV, but we all know that when you attend the all-important smear test, the test itself isn't the only thing that we discuss, it's the whole well-being package. Being at our most vulnerable during the smear test, we sometimes feel more able to have the more uncomfortable discussions that are usually left on the back burner. For some women, such as those experiencing domestic abuse, their cervical screening appointment could be the only time they're able to see a healthcare professional alone. These appointments aren't just about screening for HPV, they're about the wider package of checks and care available to them. To increase the duration between these appointments would be detrimental to women and their well-being. Let's acknowledge the huge scientific strides that we have made, but not take a step back on women's right to decide, especially when it comes to their well-being. 

Diolch i Jack fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Deisebau am sicrhau y gellid cynnal y ddadl hon ar fyr rybudd.

Nid yw sgrinio serfigol yn brofiad dymunol a dweud y lleiaf, ac rwy'n siŵr nad fi yw'r unig fenyw yng Nghymru i fod wedi gohirio neu gasáu mynychu apwyntiad sgrinio, ond rydym hefyd yn deall mai sgrinio serfigol yw un o'r apwyntiadau pwysicaf y gallwn eu mynychu fel menywod ac yn ddi-os, mae'n achub bywydau. Mae'r camau gwyddonol a wnaed i sicrhau bod y prawf ar gyfer HPV yn fwy cywir yn newyddion gwych a dylid ei ddathlu. Ond roedd y ffordd y gwnaed y cyhoeddiad yn warthus a gwnaeth i lawer o fenywod deimlo'n bryderus, yn rhwystredig ac yn ddryslyd. Mae'r ffaith bod y ddeiseb hon wedi cyrraedd dros 30,000 o lofnodion dros gyfnod o ddiwrnod neu ddau yn dyst i gryfder y teimladau. Er y cafwyd yr ymddiheuriad i ddilyn y cyhoeddiad, ymddiheuriad a oedd yn cynnwys llawer mwy o wybodaeth, mae llawer o fenywod yn dal i deimlo'n ddig, ac rwy'n un ohonynt.

Mae wedi cymryd cenedlaethau a chenedlaethau o fenywod i frwydro i gael rheolaeth dros eu cyrff eu hunain. Dylai menywod gael hawl i benderfynu pryd yr hoffent fynychu eu hapwyntiad sgrinio, boed hynny bob tair blynedd neu bum mlynedd, neu unrhyw adeg yn y canol, beth bynnag am y prawf gwell. I lawer o fenywod, mae bywyd yn mynd yn y ffordd, boed hynny oherwydd gwaith neu ofal plant. Ac os ydym yn onest, yn amlach na pheidio, credaf ein bod yn gadael i fywyd fynd yn y ffordd. Gwyddom fod tair blynedd rhwng apwyntiadau sgrinio wedyn yn mynd yn debycach i bedair neu bump. Os ydym am weld newid o dair i bum mlynedd, i rai menywod gallai hyn ddod yn hyd at 10 mlynedd yn hawdd.

Diben apwyntiadau sgrinio serfigol, yn bennaf oll, yw canfod HPV, ond gwyddom i gyd, pan fyddwch yn mynychu'r prawf ceg y groth hollbwysig, nid y prawf ei hun yw'r unig beth y byddwn yn ei drafod, ond y pecyn llesiant cyfan. Gan ein bod ar ein mwyaf hyglwyf yn ystod y prawf ceg y groth, rydym weithiau'n teimlo'n fwy abl i gael y trafodaethau mwy anghyfforddus sydd fel arfer yn cael eu gohirio. I rai menywod, fel y rhai sy'n profi cam-drin domestig, efallai mai eu hapwyntiad sgrinio serfigol yw'r unig adeg y gallant weld gweithiwr gofal iechyd proffesiynol ar eu pen eu hunain. Nid ymwneud â sgriniad ar gyfer HPV yn unig y mae'r apwyntiadau hyn, maent yn ymwneud â'r pecyn ehangach o archwiliadau a gofal sydd ar gael iddynt. Byddai cynyddu'r cyfnod rhwng yr apwyntiadau hyn yn niweidiol i fenywod a'u lles. Gadewch inni gydnabod y camau gwyddonol enfawr rydym wedi'u gwneud, ond heb gamu'n ôl ar hawl menywod i benderfynu, yn enwedig mewn materion yn ymwneud â'u llesiant. 

15:50

Galwaf ar y Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol, Eluned Morgan. 

I call on the Minister for Health and Social Services, Eluned Morgan. 

Diolch yn fawr. Thank you for the opportunity to respond to the debate today. I know that it has really produced some very strong responses from across our communities, and the tone and the passion that we've seen in the debate this afternoon demonstrates that this has touched many, many people. So, I would like to thank people for engaging in the conversation, but clearly there is a need to learn some lessons here.

As you've all pointed out, this follows a petition calling on the Welsh Government to reinstate cervical screening to every three years. This was announced by Public Health Wales on 4 January and the idea was to extend the routine screening interval for people aged 25 to 49 from three to five years if high-risk HPV is not found in their cervical screening test. And that will bring the screening interval into line with those aged 50 to 64.

Many this afternoon have pointed out the calamitous way in which this was communicated. Public Health Wales has apologised and I met with them earlier this week, where they were at pains to tell me that they have learned the lessons, that they understand the anger and the concern that people felt because of their failure to communicate in an adequate way. And it is important, I think, that Public Health Wales is reviewing its approach now to communicating public health messages following that feedback.

It's important to note that the interval change will not apply to those who are found to have high-risk HPV, with or without cell changes, as they will be offered annual screening and further tests as necessary. And that's the point, that's what we're doing here is really focusing on those people who are more at risk. This change is fully supported, as many have pointed out today, by the main cancer charities, and I've got to emphasise that this has not been made to save resources. Investing in preventative services, such as screening, and detecting cancers at earlier stages makes them easier and more cost-effective to treat.

The change has also not been made due to the success of the HPV vaccination programme in schools, although that has been successful, and I was asked by Jack what the rates are. The rates last week in terms of the uptake of vaccine in year 8, which is 12 to 13-year-olds, was around 71 per cent. So, far fewer than we'd hoped, but there will be a catch-up immunisation programme that we'll be looking to roll out—obviously it's a very disruptive year in our schools. And those people who've had the vaccination, they're only now entering the age cohort for the screening programme, although it's expected that in future the combination of vaccination and screening should see cervical cancers decline significantly in the near future.

The Welsh Government follows the advice of the UK National Screening Committee, which recommended that all nations implement the new cervical screening test and interval change because the new testing method is more accurate. The UK National Screening Committee is an independent scientific advisory committee that reports to all four UK chief medical officers, and is recognised globally for its expertise and its academic rigour. It requires a very high level of evidence, and its recommendations are based on years of research and public consultation. And that's, I guess, the frustration with this, that this should have been a good news story and, somehow or other, it's created a real sense of anxiety within our communities.

The aim of the cervical screening programme is to reduce the incidence of and mortality from cervical cancer. This is by detecting and treating changes at the cervix before they develop into cancer. But the new test, which was introduced in Wales in 2018, before any other part of the United Kingdom, I think it's important to state, is not a test for cancer itself. It helps to protect against cervical cancer by identifying the virus that causes it. Current screening looks for the presence of high-risk human papillomavirus, which causes nearly all cervical cancers. The data that Jenny Rathbone pointed out, I think, are accurate and should be considered. The new improved test involves the same procedure as the previous screening, whereby a sample is taken from the cervix, but instead of looking at abnormal cells, the sample is tested for HPV first.

As having a high-risk HPV infection comes before abnormal cells develop, HPV primary testing detects people at risk of developing cervical cancer at a much earlier point. If HPV is found, the sample is then also checked for cell changes and followed up with further tests if changes are present. If abnormal cells are not present, the person will be invited for screening again in one year's time. So, it's important to remember that if you don't have HPV, then there is a different system for those who are found to be higher risk. If no high-risk HPV is found in the sample, the person will be invited for screening in five years' time. And that interval change will apply to people whose next routine screening result shows that they don't have high-risk HPV, and this is because their risk of developing cervical cancer within the five years following their screening is very low.

Diolch yn fawr. Diolch am y cyfle i ymateb i'r ddadl heddiw. Gwn ei bod wedi cynhyrchu ymatebion cryf iawn ar draws ein cymunedau, ac mae'r cywair a'r angerdd a welsom yn y ddadl y prynhawn yma yn dangos bod hyn wedi cyffwrdd â llawer iawn o bobl. Felly, hoffwn ddiolch i bobl am gymryd rhan yn y sgwrs, ond yn amlwg mae angen dysgu gwersi yma.

Fel y dywedodd pawb, daw hyn yn sgil deiseb yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i adfer y drefn sgrinio serfigol bob tair blynedd. Cyhoeddwyd hyn gan Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru ar 4 Ionawr a'r syniad oedd ymestyn y cyfnod sgrinio rheolaidd ar gyfer pobl rhwng 25 a 49 oed o dair i bum mlynedd os na cheir HPV risg uchel yn eu prawf sgrinio serfigol. A bydd hynny'n sicrhau bod y cyfnod sgrinio yn cyd-fynd â'r hyn ydyw i rai rhwng 50 a 64 oed.

Mae nifer wedi tynnu sylw y prynhawn yma at y ffordd y cafodd hyn ei gyfathrebu. Mae Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru wedi ymddiheuro a chyfarfûm â hwy yn gynharach yr wythnos hon, ac roeddent yn hynod o awyddus i ddweud wrthyf eu bod wedi dysgu'r gwersi, eu bod yn deall y dicter a'r pryder a deimlai pobl oherwydd eu methiant i gyfathrebu mewn ffordd ddigonol. Ac rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig fod Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru bellach yn adolygu ei ddull o gyfathrebu negeseuon iechyd y cyhoedd yn dilyn yr adborth hwnnw.

Mae'n bwysig nodi na fydd y newid yn y cyfnod yn berthnasol i'r rhai y canfyddir bod ganddynt HPV risg uchel, gyda neu heb newidiadau celloedd, gan y byddant yn cael cynnig sgriniad blynyddol a phrofion pellach yn ôl yr angen. A dyna'r pwynt, yr hyn a wnawn yma yw canolbwyntio'n wirioneddol ar y bobl sy'n wynebu mwy o risg. Fel y mae nifer wedi'i nodi heddiw, cefnogwyd y newid hwn yn llawn gan y prif elusennau canser, ac mae'n rhaid imi bwysleisio nad yw hyn wedi'i wneud i arbed adnoddau. Mae buddsoddi mewn gwasanaethau ataliol, megis sgrinio, a chanfod canserau ar gamau cynharach yn eu gwneud yn haws ac yn fwy costeffeithiol i'w trin.

Nid yw'r newid wedi'i wneud ychwaith oherwydd llwyddiant y rhaglen frechu HPV mewn ysgolion, er bod honno wedi bod yn llwyddiannus, a gofynnodd Jack beth yw'r cyfraddau. Y cyfraddau yr wythnos diwethaf o ran y nifer sy'n manteisio ar y brechlyn ym mlwyddyn 8, sef pobl ifanc 12 i 13 oed, oedd tua 71 y cant. Felly, mae'n llawer llai nag y byddem wedi'i obeithio, ond byddwn yn ceisio cyflwyno rhaglen imiwneiddio dal i fyny—yn amlwg, bu'n flwyddyn lle cafwyd llawer o darfu ar ein hysgolion. A dim ond yn awr y mae'r bobl sydd wedi cael y brechiad yn cyrraedd y garfan oedran ar gyfer y rhaglen sgrinio, er y disgwylir y dylai'r cyfuniad o frechu a sgrinio arwain at gyfraddau sylweddol is o ganser ceg y groth yn y dyfodol agos.

Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn dilyn cyngor Pwyllgor Sgrinio Cenedlaethol y DU, a argymhellodd y dylai pob gwlad weithredu'r prawf sgrinio serfigol newydd a'r newid yn y cyfnod rhwng profion oherwydd bod y dull profi newydd yn fwy cywir. Pwyllgor cynghori gwyddonol annibynnol yw Pwyllgor Sgrinio Cenedlaethol y DU sy'n adrodd i bob un o bedwar prif swyddog meddygol y DU, ac mae'n cael ei gydnabod yn fyd-eang am ei arbenigedd a'i drylwyredd academaidd. Mae'n galw am lefel uchel iawn o dystiolaeth, a seilir ei argymhellion ar flynyddoedd o ymchwil ac ymgynghori â'r cyhoedd. Ac rwy'n tybio mai dyna yw achos y rhwystredigaeth gyda hyn, y dylai fod wedi bod yn newyddion da a rywsut neu'i gilydd, mae wedi creu teimlad gwirioneddol o bryder yn ein cymunedau.

Nod y rhaglen sgrinio serfigol yw lleihau nifer yr achosion o ganser ceg y groth a'r nifer sy'n marw ohono. Mae'n gwneud hyn drwy ganfod a thrin newidiadau yng ngheg y groth cyn iddynt ddatblygu'n ganser. Ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig dweud nad prawf am ganser ei hun yw'r prawf newydd a gyflwynwyd yng Nghymru yn 2018, cyn unrhyw ran arall o'r Deyrnas Unedig. Mae'n helpu i ddiogelu rhag canser ceg y groth drwy ganfod y feirws sy'n ei achosi. Mae sgrinio cyfredol yn chwilio am bresenoldeb feirws papiloma dynol risg uchel, sy'n achosi bron bob canser ceg y groth. Credaf fod y data a nododd Jenny Rathbone yn gywir a dylid ei ystyried. Mae'r prawf newydd gwell yn dilyn yr un drefn â'r sgriniad blaenorol, lle cymerir sampl o geg y groth, ond yn hytrach nag edrych ar gelloedd annormal, profir y sampl am HPV yn gyntaf.

Gan fod heintiad HPV risg uchel yn dod cyn i gelloedd annormal ddatblygu, mae profion sylfaenol HPV yn canfod pobl sydd mewn perygl o ddatblygu canser serfigol yn llawer cynharach. Os canfyddir HPV, caiff y sampl ei archwilio hefyd am newidiadau celloedd a'i ddilyn gan brofion pellach os oes newidiadau'n bresennol. Os nad oes celloedd annormal yn bresennol, gwahoddir yr unigolyn i'w sgrinio eto ymhen blwyddyn. Felly, mae'n bwysig cofio os nad oes gennych HPV, fod system wahanol ar gyfer y rhai y canfyddir eu bod yn wynebu mwy o risg. Os na cheir HPV risg uchel yn y sampl, gwahoddir yr unigolyn i'w sgrinio ymhen pum mlynedd. A bydd y newid yn y cyfnod rhwng apwyntiadau yn berthnasol i bobl y mae eu canlyniad sgrinio rheolaidd nesaf yn dangos nad oes ganddynt HPV risg uchel, a hynny am fod eu risg o ddatblygu canser ceg y groth o fewn y pum mlynedd ar ôl eu sgriniad yn isel iawn.

Nawr, dwi'n deall bod llawer o bobl yn poeni y bydd ymestyn y bwlch rhwng profion sgrinio yn arwain at fethu achosion o ganser ceg y groth. Hoffwn i sicrhau pobl fod feirws papilloma dynol yn achosi newidiadau i'r celloedd yn araf dros sawl blwyddyn. Mae hynny'n golygu os oes newidiadau i'r celloedd, bydd modd eu canfod o hyd yn gynnar yn y prawf sgrinio nesaf. Byddai sgrinio'n fwy rheolaidd na phum mlynedd ar ôl canlyniad HPV negatif yn rhy gynnar fel arfer i unrhyw newidiadau i'r celloedd ddod i'r amlwg. Felly, ni fyddai'r sgrinio yn fuddiol a byddai hefyd yn rhoi'r sicrwydd anghywir i bobl. Dwi'n falch bod Cymru wedi arwain y ffordd, ac mai ni oedd y wlad gyntaf yn y Deyrnas Unedig i gyflwyno profion sylfaenol am HPV risg uchel yn 2018. Mae Lloegr a'r Alban bellach wedi cyflwyno profion sylfaenol am HPV, ac yn yr Alban, cafodd y bwlch rhwng profion sgrinio ei ymestyn peth amser yn ôl, ym mis Mawrth 2020.

Byddai gwrthdroi'r bwlch ar gyfer sgrinio serfigol i bobl risg isel yn gam yn ôl. Dwi'n cydnabod yn llawn fod sgrinio mwy rheolaidd yn teimlo fel ei bod yn rhoi mwy o sicrwydd, ond, i bobl risg isel, nid yw'n cynnig y buddion y bydden nhw eisiau eu gweld. Mae ymestyn y bwlch i bobl risg isel yn golygu y gall y rhaglen sgrinio ganolbwyntio wedyn ar bobl risg uchel, a fydd yn cael eu monitro yn fwy agos nag o'r blaen. Rhaid inni sicrhau bod gwasanaethau iechyd yn dilyn y wyddoniaeth ac yn cael eu darparu dim ond pan fyddan nhw'n cynnig budd go iawn a bod angen clinigol amdanyn nhw. Felly, dyna'r ateb i Buffy o ran defnyddio hwn fel esgus i siarad am bethau eraill. Mae'n rhaid i chi fod yn ofalus iawn ynglŷn â sut rŷch chi'n defnyddio ymyrraeth glinigol. Rhaid inni hefyd leihau niwed posibl drwy beidio â darparu ymyriadau diangen. Rhaid i raglenni sgrinio esblygu o hyd, wrth gwrs, mewn ymateb i faich canser a datblygiadau gwyddonol. Jest i ymateb i Jenny Rathbone—.

Now, I understand that many people are concerned that extending the interval between screenings will lead to missing cases of cervical cancer. But I'd like to assure people that HPV causes changes to the cells very slowly over several years, and that means that if there were to be cellular changes, they could be identified early on still in the next screening process. Screening more often than five years after a negative HPV result would be too early usually for any changes to the cells to come to the fore. So, the screening would not be beneficial and it could also give an incorrect reassurance to people. I'm pleased that Wales has led the way, and that we were the first nation in the UK to introduce those screens for high-risk HPV back in 2018. Scotland and England have now introduced those same tests for HPV, and in Scotland, the interval between screenings was extended some time ago, in March 2020.

Undoing that change to the interval for those at low risk would be a retrograde step. I acknowledge fully that more regular screening feels as though it would provide that additional reassurance, but, for those low-risk individuals, it doesn't provide the benefits that they would want to see. Extending the interval for those at low risk means that the screening programme can then focus on those high-risk individuals, who will be monitored more closely than in the past. We have to ensure that health services follow the science, and that they are provided only when they provide genuine benefit, and when there is a clinical need for them. So, that is the response to Buffy's comment about using this to talk about other health issues. It's very important that you are careful about how you use clinical interventions. We have to decrease possible harm in terms of providing those unnecessary interventions. Screening programmes need to evolve in response to cancer and developments in science. Just to respond to Jenny Rathbone—.

She was asking about the pilot in England. We are watching the pilot in England with interest. We know that we've seen a better response in terms of bowel screening since people have been sent out a FIT test. We've sen an increase in people using that from 60 per cent to 65 per cent. We want to know whether that will be the response in relation to cervical screening for those particular areas where people are not coming forward. So, we want to see that the evidence is safe and effective before we think about introducing that into Wales. 

Roedd hi'n holi am y cynllun peilot yn Lloegr. Rydym yn gwylio'r cynllun peilot yn Lloegr gyda diddordeb. Gwyddom ein bod wedi gweld ymateb gwell i sgrinio coluddion ers i brawf FIT gael ei anfon allan i bobl. Rydym wedi gweld cynnydd yn nifer y bobl sy'n defnyddio hwnnw o 60 y cant i 65 y cant. Rydym eisiau gwybod ai dyna fydd yr ymateb mewn perthynas â sgrinio serfigol ar gyfer yr ardaloedd penodol hynny lle nad yw pobl yn mynd am brawf. Felly, rydym eisiau gweld bod y dystiolaeth yn ddiogel ac yn effeithiol cyn inni ystyried cyflwyno hwnnw yng Nghymru.

Bydd cyflwyno profion sylfaenol am HPV yn ein galluogi ni i wneud mwy o welliannau—

Introducing those tests for HPV will enable us to make more—

16:00

Ocê. Diolch yn fawr. Dylai hwn fod yn stori newyddion da i Gymru. Rŷn ni'n gallu atal mwy o achosion o ganser a chanfod rhai sydd yn datblygu yn gynharach. Mae'n bwysig i nodi, fel mae llawer wedi gwneud, y ffaith nad yw chwarter y bobl sy'n cael gwahoddiad yn mynychu eu hapwyntiadau sgrinio serfigol. Felly, os ydym ni am ddefnyddio'r broblem rŷn ni wedi'i gweld, a'r poeni mae pobl wedi'i wneud, mae'n rhaid inni ddefnyddio hwn fel cyfle i ddweud wrth bobl i ddod ymlaen am eu gofal sgrinio nhw, ac annog mwy o bobl i gymryd y cyfle hwnnw. Diolch yn fawr.

Okay. Thank you very much. This should be a good news story for Wales. We can prevent more cases of cancer and detect those that are developing earlier on in the process. It's important to note, as many have done, that a quarter of those who are invited for a screening don't attend their appointments. So, if we can use this issue that we have seen, and the concerns that people have expressed, we do need to take this opportunity as a chance to tell people to come forward for their screening care appointments, and to encourage more people to take that opportunity. Thank you very much.

Galwaf ar Jack Sargeant i ymateb i'r ddadl hon.

I call on Jack Sargeant to reply to this debate.

Diolch yn fawr, Deputy Presiding Officer. Diolch, Weinidog, for your response to today's debate, in particular for setting out some of the science behind the decision by Public Health Wales and answering some of the questions from Members. And, of course, thanks to Members.

I do think that it's right to say that, unfortunately, the outcome of today will not always be satisfactory to some. There will still be thousands of women out there across Wales who have been left feeling let down. They have been left feeling confused, and of course, they will still be frustrated by the events of the last few weeks. So, I do feel that it's right, and that it's time, for Government, for officials, and for the health service, to not only reflect and learn lessons from the process that has happened, but also to think about how we can rebuild the trust lost to ensure that failure of this magnitude does not happen again.

Deputy Presiding Officer, I have been reflecting on how the petitions process is a vehicle to bring forward issues that are important to people across Wales. It does provide opportunities to raise awareness, highlight challenges and strive for positive change. It brings these matters to the heart of our democracy and ensures that citizens' voices are heard.

I think that we heard from all Members right across the Senedd Chamber today on the importance of screening, the importance of education, the importance of early diagnosis. We heard Laura Anne Jones specifically call once again for a public awareness campaign. I feel she is absolutely right to call for that, and will join her in those calls. We heard Members refer to the cancer charities, Jo's Cervical Cancer Trust and Cancer Research UK, who welcomed the news, but of course we have to do everything we possibly can to spread this message to women across Wales.

As Buffy Williams rightly reminded us, it has taken generations and generations of women to fight to have control of their bodies, and they should not, and we should not, then allow a step to be taken back. Buffy Williams is absolutely right when she says that, and I do commend her for that. And the very real story that life sometimes gets in the way—we do have to remember this when we make decisions on public health. So, I do feel, although there has been a debate today and I'm pleased that the Senedd Petitions Committee could facilitate this, that there is clear work that needs to go on to convince people and the women of Wales that this is the decision that needs to be taken forward. I look forward to seeing that happen in the future.

Diolch yn fawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Diolch, Weinidog, am eich ymateb i'r ddadl heddiw, yn arbennig am nodi peth o'r wyddoniaeth y tu ôl i benderfyniad Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru ac am ateb rhai o'r cwestiynau gan yr Aelodau. Ac wrth gwrs, diolch i'r Aelodau.

Credaf ei bod yn iawn dweud, yn anffodus, na fydd canlyniad heddiw bob amser yn foddhaol i rai pobl. Bydd miloedd o fenywod ledled Cymru wedi cael eu siomi. Maent yn teimlo'n ddryslyd, ac wrth gwrs, byddant yn dal i deimlo'n rhwystredig o ganlyniad i ddigwyddiadau'r wythnosau diwethaf. Felly, teimlaf ei bod yn iawn, a'i bod yn bryd i'r Llywodraeth, i swyddogion, ac i'r gwasanaeth iechyd, fyfyrio a dysgu gwersi o'r broses sydd wedi digwydd, a hefyd i feddwl sut y gallwn ailadeiladu'r ymddiriedaeth a gollwyd i sicrhau na cheir methiant mor fawr eto.

Ddirprwy Lywydd, bûm yn myfyrio ar sut y mae'r broses ddeisebau yn gyfrwng i gyflwyno materion sy'n bwysig i bobl ledled Cymru. Mae'n cynnig cyfleoedd i godi ymwybyddiaeth, amlygu heriau ac ymdrechu i sicrhau newid cadarnhaol. Mae'n dod â'r materion hyn at galon ein democratiaeth ac yn sicrhau bod lleisiau dinasyddion yn cael eu clywed.

Credaf inni glywed gan bob Aelod ar draws Siambr y Senedd heddiw am bwysigrwydd sgrinio, pwysigrwydd addysg, pwysigrwydd diagnosis cynnar. Clywsom Laura Anne Jones yn galw'n benodol unwaith eto am ymgyrch ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd. Teimlaf ei bod yn llygad ei lle i alw am hynny, a byddaf yn ymuno â hi yn y galwadau hynny. Clywsom Aelodau'n cyfeirio at yr elusennau canser, Ymddiriedolaeth Canser y Groth Jo a Cancer Research UK, a groesawodd y newyddion, ond wrth gwrs mae'n rhaid inni wneud popeth yn ein gallu i ledaenu'r neges hon i fenywod ledled Cymru.

Fel y cawsom ein hatgoffa gan Buffy Williams yn briodol, mae wedi cymryd cenedlaethau a chenedlaethau o fenywod i frwydro i gael rheolaeth dros eu cyrff, ac ni ddylent hwy, ac ni ddylem ni, ganiatáu i gamu'n ôl ddigwydd. Mae Buffy Williams yn llygad ei lle pan ddywed hynny, ac rwy'n ei chanmol am hynny. A'r gwir amdani yw bod bywyd yn mynd y ffordd weithiau—mae'n rhaid inni gofio hyn pan fyddwn yn gwneud penderfyniadau ar iechyd y cyhoedd. Felly, er ein bod wedi cael dadl heddiw, ac er fy mod yn falch fod Pwyllgor Deisebau'r Senedd wedi gallu hwyluso hyn, teimlaf ei bod hi'n amlwg fod angen gwneud gwaith i argyhoeddi pobl a menywod Cymru mai dyma'r penderfyniad sydd angen bwrw ymlaen ag ef. Edrychaf ymlaen at weld hynny'n digwydd yn y dyfodol.

Ar ran y pwyllgor, hoffwn hefyd ddiolch i Joanne Stroud a phawb sydd wedi cefnogi'r ddeiseb hon, a diolch i'r Gweinidog ac i'r holl Aelodau am eich cyfraniadau heddiw. Diolch yn fawr.

On behalf of the committee, I'd like to thank Joanne Stroud and all of those who have supported this petition, and I thank the Minister and all Members for their contributions today. Thank you very much.

16:05

Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid nodi'r ddeiseb? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Nac oes. Felly, derbynnir y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.

The proposal is to note the petition. Does any Member object? There is no objection, and therefore the motion is agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.

Derbyniwyd y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.

Motion agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.

6. Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig: Cyfyngiadau COVID
6. Welsh Conservatives Debate: COVID restrictions

Detholwyd y gwelliant canlynol: gwelliant 1 yn enw Lesley Griffiths. 

The following amendment has been selected: amendment 1 in the name of Lesley Griffiths.

Yr eitem nesaf yw dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ar gyfyngiadau COVID. Galwaf ar Russell George i wneud y cynnig.

The next item on the agenda is the Welsh Conservatives debate on COVID restrictions. I call on Russell George to move the motion,

Cynnig NDM7891 Darren Millar

Cynnig bod y Senedd:

1. Yn credu bod chwaraeon, gweithgareddau hamdden ac ymarfer corff yn hanfodol ar gyfer iechyd corfforol a meddyliol pobl.

2. Yn cydnabod effaith y cyfyngiadau COVID-19 diweddaraf ar ddiwydiant lletygarwch Cymru.

3. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i amlinellu map ffordd i lacio'r cyfyngiadau, gan gynnwys:

a) caniatáu i fwy na 50 o bobl ymarfer corff gyda'i gilydd yn yr awyr agored;

b) cael gwared ar y rheol chwech mewn lletygarwch a sinemâu;

c) rhoi terfyn ar y cyfyngiadau ar nifer y bobl a all fynychu digwyddiad chwaraeon awyr agored.

Motion NDM7891 Darren Millar

To propose that the Senedd:

1. Believes that sport, recreation and exercise are essential for people’s physical and mental health.

2. Recognises the impact on the Welsh hospitality industry of the latest COVID-19 restrictions.

3. Calls on the Welsh Government to outline a roadmap to easing restrictions, to include:

a) permitting more than 50 people to exercise outdoors together;

b) removing the rule of six in hospitality and cinemas; and

c) ending the restrictions on the number of people that can attend an outdoor sporting event.

Cynigiwyd y cynnig.

Motion moved.

Diolch, Deputy Llywydd. I move the motion this afternoon in the name of my colleague Darren Millar. This motion was of course tabled at the back end of last week, just before the Government made its announcement on the easing of restrictions. I'm always pleased when the Welsh Government pays heed to our motions and I'm glad that the Welsh Government has listened to calls from ourselves and from others in terms of outlining a road map for easing restrictions. And whether you call—. I can see the Minister laughing, but I'm pleased, Minister; I'm being positive here. I'm welcoming the fact that you've heeded our calls.

Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n gwneud y cynnig y prynhawn yma yn enw fy nghyd-Aelod Darren Millar. Cyflwynwyd y cynnig hwn, wrth gwrs, ddiwedd yr wythnos ddiwethaf, ychydig cyn i'r Llywodraeth wneud ei chyhoeddiad ar lacio'r cyfyngiadau. Rwyf bob amser yn falch pan fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn talu sylw i'n cynigion ac rwy'n falch fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gwrando ar alwadau gennym ni ein hunain a chan eraill i amlinellu map ffordd ar gyfer llacio cyfyngiadau. A boed eich bod yn ei alw—. Gallaf weld y Gweinidog yn chwerthin, ond rwy'n falch, Weinidog; rwy'n bod yn bositif yma. Rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith eich bod wedi rhoi sylw i'n galwadau.

Russell, will you take an intervention? I've got Huw Irranca-Davies wanting to make an intervention.

Russell, a wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad? Mae Huw Irranca-Davies eisiau gwneud ymyriad.

Russell, thanks very much for taking that intervention. I, like many people, follow the Welsh Conservatives' social media, and the fact you're taking credit for this—. Fair play to you. But one person noticed, in response to that, that it was the equivalent of shouting, for 25 minutes consistently, from row Z in the stands, 'Give the ball to Shane, give the the ball to Shane' and then Biggar kicks the drop goal to win in the final minute, and you pat yourself on the back and say 'Well done'. He wasn't the only one, Russell.

Russell, diolch yn fawr iawn am dderbyn yr ymyriad. Rwyf fi, fel llawer o bobl, yn dilyn cyfryngau cymdeithasol y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, ac mae'r ffaith eich bod yn cymryd y clod am hyn—. Chwarae teg i chi. Ond sylwodd un person, mewn ymateb i hynny, ei fod yr un peth â gweiddi, am 25 munud yn ddi-stop, o res Z yn y stand, 'Rhowch y bêl i Shane, rhowch y bêl i Shane' ac yna mae Biggar yn sgorio gôl adlam i ennill yn y funud olaf, ac rydych chi'n curo eich cefn eich hun ac yn dweud 'Da iawn'. Nid ef oedd yr unig un, Russell.

Thanks, Huw. I'm glad that you do follow and take an interest in the Welsh Conservatives' social media. I'm pleased to hear that. I think what I'll outline, perhaps, during the course of this debate, is not only that we're patting ourselves on the back for the Welsh Government taking heed to our calls, but why we questioned why the restrictions were in place in the very first place. I was going to say, Huw, as well, that I congratulate the Welsh Government on having a road map out of restrictions. This is always important. Whether you call it a plan or a road map, I don't particularly mind what you call it, but the public and businesses need to know where the end game is when restrictions are brought into place.

With some of these regulations, Huw, and others, and the Minister, I would say that there are many parts to these regulations that were brought in on Boxing Day that we support. Some of them were balanced. Some of them were proportionate. So, we're not suggesting at all that we disagree with all the regulations that were put in place. What we are saying is that after restrictions are put in place, and after the event, we have to scrutinise and we have to look at what was balanced and what was sensible. That's why we're particularly looking at some of the confusing and contradictory regulations that were part of these regulations that were brought in on Boxing Day.

I think we're all aware—it's been said in the Chamber—of the issue in Caerphilly rugby club, where 50 people were allowed outside to watch a rugby match, but 140 were allowed in the clubhouse on tables of six, to watch the game on streaming. So, we have to question, don't we? Is it not right to question restrictions that limit particularly outdoor activity? And the rule of six, of course, that was brought in during the busiest period of the year for hospitality was business breaking, I'm afraid, for many, sadly. Many of these businesses use this period—as we all know, they use the revenue to carry them through the quieter months ahead. I remember back to last Christmas when we saw much retail shutdown just a few days before Christmas Day.

Diolch, Huw. Rwy'n falch eich bod yn dilyn ac yn ymddiddori yng nghyfryngau cymdeithasol y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig. Rwy'n falch o glywed hynny. Credaf mai'r hyn rwyf am ei amlinellu, efallai, yn ystod y ddadl hon, yw nid yn unig ein bod yn curo ein cefnau ein hunain oherwydd bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi talu sylw i'n galwadau, ond y rhesymau pam ein bod wedi cwestiynu pam fod y cyfyngiadau ar waith yn y lle cyntaf. Roeddwn am ddweud, Huw, hefyd, fy mod yn llongyfarch Llywodraeth Cymru ar gael map ffordd allan o'r cyfyngiadau. Mae hyn bob amser yn bwysig. Boed eich bod yn ei alw'n gynllun neu'n fap ffordd, nid oes ots gennyf beth rydych yn ei alw, ond mae angen i'r cyhoedd a busnesau wybod lle mae'r pen draw pan gaiff cyfyngiadau eu gosod.

Gyda rhai o'r rheoliadau hyn, Huw, ac eraill, a'r Gweinidog, byddwn yn dweud bod llawer o rannau i'r rheoliadau a gyflwynwyd ar Ŵyl San Steffan rydym yn eu cefnogi. Roedd rhai ohonynt yn gytbwys. Roedd rhai ohonynt yn gymesur. Felly, nid ydym yn awgrymu o gwbl ein bod yn anghytuno â'r holl reoliadau a roddwyd ar waith. Yr hyn rydym yn ei ddweud yw, ar ôl i gyfyngiadau gael eu rhoi ar waith, ac ar ôl iddynt ddigwydd, fod yn rhaid inni graffu ac mae'n rhaid inni edrych ar yr hyn a oedd yn gytbwys a'r hyn a oedd yn synhwyrol. Dyna pam ein bod yn edrych yn arbennig ar rai o'r rheoliadau dryslyd ac anghyson a oedd yn rhan o'r rheoliadau a gyflwynwyd ar Ŵyl San Steffan.

Credaf ein bod ni i gyd yn ymwybodol—mae wedi'i ddweud yn y Siambr—o'r mater a gododd yng nghlwb rygbi Caerffili, lle caniatawyd i 50 o bobl fynd tu allan i wylio gêm rygbi, ond caniatawyd i 140 ei gwylio ar ffrwd fyw yn y clwb ar fyrddau o chwech. Felly, mae'n rhaid inni gwestiynu hyn, onid oes? Onid yw'n iawn cwestiynu cyfyngiadau sy'n cyfyngu'n arbennig ar weithgarwch awyr agored? Ac mae arnaf ofn fod y rheol chwech, wrth gwrs, a gyflwynwyd yn ystod cyfnod prysuraf y flwyddyn i letygarwch yn niweidiol iawn i lawer o fusnesau, yn anffodus. Mae llawer o'r busnesau hyn yn defnyddio'r cyfnod hwn—fel y gwyddom ni i gyd, maent yn defnyddio'r refeniw i'w cario drwy'r misoedd tawelach sydd i ddod. Cofiaf yn ôl i'r Nadolig diwethaf pan welsom lawer o siopau'n cau ychydig ddyddiau cyn Dydd Nadolig.

In Wales, I do not think the business package has been enough. And that's not just me stating that, or Welsh Conservatives; this is the view of businesses across Wales. The chief executive officer of Creative Hospitality Group said this—and I'm quoting him here:

'From my own business perspective, Creative Hospitality Group may be entitled to £90,000 across the nine weeks. This won’t even cover my staff wage, rent and loan repayment costs for a single week. We need more support, we need more clarity and most importantly we need the evidence that shows why our sector has been targeted so harshly.'

We've also heard from the chief executive of the Welsh beer association, who's estimated that on average, each pub across Wales will lose £16,000 each due to the current restrictions, which they won't recover; that's the important point here. Welsh businesses have again been let down by the lack of support from Welsh Government. If you're bringing forward restrictions, you've got to bring forward the right support for businesses. And of course, I say this in the context where businesses in the English economy continue to open freely.

When you bring forward restrictions, these are always balances that have to be taken into account. What I'm saying and what we're saying as Welsh Conservatives today is that the Welsh Government on this occasion got that balance wrong. You've got to think, when restrictions are brought in, about the consequences to businesses, especially along the border. Many people in north Wales go across the border for hospitality, and in south Wales they go into other parts of England. In my own constituency, they just travel a few minutes up the road for hospitality in Shrewsbury and into Shropshire. So, again, you've got to think about the consequences that these restrictions are having on businesses when you're making those balanced choices.

The Government has said that they have been following the science and advice on these restrictions, but we know that advice from University College London submitted to SAGE in December suggested that people were twice as likely to catch COVID whilst out shopping compared to being in a pub or a cinema where no restrictions were in place. I also note that in Scotland, the national clinical director said, just last week I think it was, that Scotland's restrictions on hospitality and sporting events had made little difference to Scotland's coronavirus case numbers compared to the approach taken in England. Of course, again, balances have to be taken into account, but on this occasion, the Welsh Government got the balance wrong.

It's not just about allowing people freely to go into pubs and restaurants and mix, it's not just about whether you're going to watch a football or rugby match; it's about the things that we should legally be entitled to do. It's about our physical and mental well-being. Volunteers across Wales have been let down because we didn't have proper thought when it came to the considerations on parkruns across Wales. I heard what the Minister and others have said previously—that parkruns can continue under the regulations. But practically, they were not able to continue. The practicalities meant that they were not able to continue as has been suggested. Again, people accept restrictions when they're needed, in the context of the right balances, but again, the balances were wrong on this particular restriction also.

When we come to COVID passes, again, we're still waiting for the evidence. The Government says, 'We'll work on the data, we'll supply the data'; we haven't seen the data on COVID passes and where the impact is successful or not successful. We've got to question why the Government is not bringing forward that data also. There is a huge, of course, cost. I won't reiterate my views and the views of Welsh Conservatives on COVID passes; they're well documented. But we've also now got to consider the cost to the taxpayer as a legal challenge is brought to the Welsh Government with regard to COVID passes.

As Welsh Conservatives, as I do myself, we welcome that Ministers have eased restrictions. We have welcomed the road map, to be positive. I'm clearly saying that I'm pleased that we've got a road map out of restrictions. But, of course, I would say that the current restrictions, the restrictions that were brought in on Boxing Day, were an overreaction. I'm glad that the Government has changed position in terms of easing restrictions now, but we've got to assess at what cost these restrictions were brought in. And it would be refreshing if the Minister would accept that perhaps some of the restrictions that were brought in were not appropriate, and perhaps wouldn't do that again if the same scenario was presented again. I think it would be refreshing if the Minister could at least give us some indication of whether she believes that some of the restrictions that were brought in were indeed an overstretch. Diolch, Llywydd.

Yng Nghymru, nid wyf yn credu bod y pecyn busnes wedi bod yn ddigon. Ac nid fi yn unig sy'n dweud hynny, na'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig; dyma farn busnesau ledled Cymru. Dywedodd prif swyddog gweithredol y Grŵp Lletygarwch Creadigol hyn—ac rwy'n ei ddyfynnu yma:

'O safbwynt fy musnes fy hun, efallai y bydd gan y Grŵp Lletygarwch Creadigol hawl i £90,000 dros y naw wythnos. Ni fydd hyn hyd yn oed yn talu fy nghostau talu staff, rhent ac ad-dalu benthyciadau am un wythnos. Mae angen mwy o gymorth arnom, mae angen mwy o eglurder ac yn bwysicaf oll mae angen y dystiolaeth sy'n dangos pam fod ein sector wedi'i dargedu mor llym.'

Clywsom hefyd gan brif weithredwr cymdeithas gwrw Cymru, sydd wedi amcangyfrif y bydd pob tafarn ledled Cymru yn colli £16,000 yr un ar gyfartaledd oherwydd y cyfyngiadau presennol, ac ni fyddant yn ei adennill; dyna'r pwynt pwysig yma. Unwaith eto, mae busnesau Cymru wedi cael eu siomi gan y diffyg cefnogaeth gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Os ydych yn cyflwyno cyfyngiadau, mae'n rhaid i chi gyflwyno'r cymorth cywir i fusnesau. Ac wrth gwrs, dywedaf hyn mewn cyd-destun lle mae busnesau yn economi Lloegr yn parhau i gael agor yn rhydd.

Pan fyddwch yn cyflwyno cyfyngiadau, mae'n rhaid ystyried y cydbwysedd cywir. Yr hyn rwy'n ei ddweud a'r hyn rydym yn ei ddweud fel Ceidwadwyr Cymreig heddiw yw bod Llywodraeth Cymru y tro hwn wedi cael y cydbwysedd hwnnw'n anghywir. Pan gyflwynir cyfyngiadau, rhaid ichi feddwl am y canlyniadau i fusnesau, yn enwedig ar hyd y ffin. Mae llawer o bobl yng ngogledd Cymru yn mynd dros y ffin am letygarwch, ac yn ne Cymru maent yn mynd i rannau eraill o Loegr. Yn fy etholaeth i, maent yn teithio ychydig funudau i fyny'r ffordd am letygarwch yn yr Amwythig ac i mewn i swydd Amwythig. Felly, unwaith eto, rhaid i chi feddwl am yr effaith y mae'r cyfyngiadau hyn yn ei chael ar fusnesau pan fyddwch yn gwneud y dewisiadau cytbwys hynny.

Mae'r Llywodraeth wedi dweud eu bod wedi bod yn dilyn y wyddoniaeth a'r cyngor ar y cyfyngiadau hyn, ond gwyddom fod cyngor gan Goleg Prifysgol Llundain a gyflwynwyd i'r Grŵp Cynghori Gwyddonol ar Argyfyngau ym mis Rhagfyr yn awgrymu bod pobl ddwywaith yn fwy tebygol o ddal COVID wrth siopa o gymharu â bod mewn tafarn neu sinema lle nad oedd cyfyngiadau ar waith. Sylwaf hefyd, yn yr Alban, fod y cyfarwyddwr clinigol cenedlaethol wedi dweud, yr wythnos diwethaf rwy'n credu, nad oedd cyfyngiadau'r Alban ar letygarwch a digwyddiadau chwaraeon wedi gwneud fawr o wahaniaeth i niferoedd yr achosion o'r coronafeirws yr Alban o'i gymharu â'r dull o weithredu a fabwysiadwyd yn Lloegr. Wrth gwrs, unwaith eto, mae'n rhaid ystyried cydbwysedd, ond y tro hwn, roedd y cydbwysedd yn anghywir gan Lywodraeth Cymru.

Mae'n ymwneud â mwy na chaniatáu i bobl fynd i dafarndai a bwytai a chymysgu'n rhydd, mae'n ymwneud â mwy na ph'un a ydych yn mynd i wylio gêm bêl-droed neu rygbi; mae'n ymwneud â'r pethau y dylai fod gennym hawl gyfreithiol i'w gwneud. Mae'n ymwneud â'n llesiant corfforol a meddyliol. Cafodd gwirfoddolwyr ledled Cymru eu siomi am na roddwyd ystyriaeth briodol i sesiynau parkrun ledled Cymru. Clywais yr hyn a ddywedodd y Gweinidog ac eraill o'r blaen—y gall sesiynau parkrun barhau o dan y rheoliadau. Ond yn ymarferol, ni allent barhau. Golygai ystyriaethau ymarferol na allent barhau fel yr awgrymwyd. Unwaith eto, mae pobl yn derbyn cyfyngiadau pan fo'u hangen, yng nghyd-destun y cydbwysedd cywir, ond unwaith eto, roedd y cydbwysedd yn anghywir gyda'r cyfyngiad penodol hwn hefyd.

Ar basys COVID, unwaith eto, rydym yn dal i aros am y dystiolaeth. Dywed y Llywodraeth, 'Byddwn yn gweithio ar y data, byddwn yn darparu'r data'; nid ydym wedi gweld y data ar basys COVID a lle mae'r effaith yn llwyddiannus neu lle nad yw'n llwyddiannus. Mae'n rhaid inni gwestiynu pam nad yw'r Llywodraeth yn cyflwyno'r data hwnnw hefyd. Mae yna gost enfawr, wrth gwrs. Ni wnaf ailadrodd fy marn a barn y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ar y pasys COVID; maent wedi'u cofnodi'n dda. Ond rhaid inni hefyd ystyried y gost i'r trethdalwr wrth i her gyfreithiol gael ei chyflwyno i Lywodraeth Cymru mewn perthynas â'r pasys COVID.

Yn bersonol, ac fel Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, rydym yn croesawu'r ffaith bod Gweinidogion wedi llacio'r cyfyngiadau. Rydym wedi croesawu'r map ffordd, i fod yn gadarnhaol. Rwy'n dweud yn glir fy mod yn falch fod gennym fap ffordd allan o'r cyfyngiadau. Ond wrth gwrs, byddwn yn dweud bod y cyfyngiadau presennol, y cyfyngiadau a gyflwynwyd ar Ŵyl San Steffan, yn orymateb. Rwy'n falch fod y Llywodraeth wedi newid ei safbwynt ar lacio'r cyfyngiadau yn awr, ond mae'n rhaid inni asesu ar ba gost y cyflwynwyd cyfyngiadau hyn. A byddai'n braf pe bai'r Gweinidog yn derbyn efallai nad oedd rhai o'r cyfyngiadau a gyflwynwyd yn briodol, ac efallai na fyddai'n gwneud hynny eto pe baem yn yr un sefyllfa eto. Credaf y byddai'n braf pe gallai'r Gweinidog roi rhyw syniad o leiaf a yw'n credu bod rhai o'r cyfyngiadau a gyflwynwyd yn mynd gam yn rhy bell. Diolch, Lywydd.

16:15

Rwyf wedi dethol y gwelliant i'r cynnig. Galwaf ar Ddirprwy Weinidog y Celfyddydau a Chwaraeon i gynnig yn ffurfiol y gwelliant, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Lesley Griffiths. Dawn Bowden.

I have selected the amendment to the motion. I call on the Deputy Minister for Arts and Sport to formally move the amendment, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Dawn Bowden.

Gwelliant 1—Lesley Griffiths

Dileu pwynt 3 a rhoi yn ei le:

Yn croesawu penderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru i:

a) llacio cyfyngiadau o 15 Ionawr ymlaen fel y gellir cynnal digwyddiadau awyr agored sy’n cynnwys hyd at 500 o bobl neu wylwyr;

b) dileu mesurau diogelu ehangach ar gyfer digwyddiadau awyr agored o 21 Ionawr ymlaen, os bydd amodau’n caniatáu;

c) symud i lefel rhybudd sero o 28 Ionawr ymlaen, os bydd amodau’n caniatáu; a

d) adolygu’r holl fesurau diogelu ar lefel rhybudd sero a chyhoeddi unrhyw newidiadau ar 11 Chwefror.

Amendment 1—Lesley Griffiths

Delete point 3 and replace with:

Welcomes the Welsh Government’s decision to:

a) ease restrictions from 15 January so that outdoor events involving up to 500 people or spectators can take place;

b) remove wider protections for outdoor events from 21 January, if conditions allow;

c) complete the move to alert level zero from 28 January, if conditions allow; and

d) review all alert level zero protections and announce any changes on 11 February.

Cynigiwyd gwelliant 1.

Amendment 1 moved.

Formally.

Yn ffurfiol.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Sylwadau digon byr, dwi'n meddwl, sydd eu hangen gen i heddiw. Mae'n amlwg bod y cynnig yma wedi dyddio braidd. Mae o'n galw am gyfres o bethau sydd eisoes yn digwydd, felly ymatal byddwn ni heddiw. Mae hindsight yn rhyfedd o beth, onid ydy? A gwrando ar Russell George yn fanna rŵan yn dyfarnu ar rywbeth wythnosau lawer wedi'r dystiolaeth oedd yn cael ei chyflwyno inni ar y pryd ynglŷn â'r bygythiad yr oedd y gwyddonwyr sydd yn cynghori'r Llywodraeth yn meddwl yr oedden ni yn ei wynebu ar y pwynt hwnnw, ac yn dod i gasgliadau yn seiliedig ar yr hyn roedd ganddyn nhw o'u blaenau nhw—. Ac mae'r awgrym efallai y dylai Cymru ddim fod wedi cymryd camau oherwydd bod Lloegr yn cymryd agwedd mwy cavalier yn od iawn i mi. Gwarchod pobl Cymru a gwasanaeth iechyd Cymru ydy gwaith Llywodraeth Cymru, ac, yn gyffredinol hefyd, mae'n rhaid nodi bod pobl yn mynd i ffeindio hi'n anodd iawn cymryd gwersi gan blaid y partïon yn Downing Street ynglŷn â sut i—

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I have brief comments today. It's clear that this motion is dated. It's calling for a series of things that are already happening, so we will be abstaining today. Hindsight is a wonderful thing, isn't it? And listening to Russell George there passing judgment on something several weeks after the evidence that was presented to us on the threats that the scientists that had advised the Government thought that we faced at that point, and they came to conclusions based on what they had in front of them at that time—. And the suggestion perhaps that Wales shouldn't have taken steps because England was taking a more cavalier approach is strange to me. It was about protecting and safeguarding the people and health service of Wales. That is the task for the Welsh Government, and, in general, people will find it very difficult to take any lessons from the party of parties at Downing Street—

—i fod yn—[Anghlywadwy.]—ynglŷn â'n hymateb ni i COVID.

—in terms of our response to COVID.

Thank you, Rhun. I take your point, absolutely, about having views in hindsight, but, as Welsh Conservatives, I hope you would agree as well that we don't want to have views in hindsight on these regulations; we want to be able to vote on them when they come forward. And there's no reason why that cannot happen now. With the virtual meetings, that can be easily be brought forward. It could have been brought forward over the Christmas period. So, please, take that into account. We don't want to be talking about these in hindsight; we'd have been able to put our thoughts very publicly in the Senedd should these regulations have been brought forward at the time they were brought in.

Diolch, Rhun. Rwy'n llwyr dderbyn eich pwynt ynghylch ffurfio barn wrth edrych yn ôl, ond fel Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, rwy'n gobeithio y byddech yn cytuno hefyd nad ydym eisiau bod â barn wrth edrych yn ôl ar y rheoliadau hyn; rydym eisiau gallu pleidleisio arnynt pan gânt eu cynnig. Ac nid oes unrhyw reswm pam na all hynny ddigwydd yn awr. Gyda'r cyfarfodydd rhithwir, gellir cynnig hynny'n hawdd. Gellid bod wedi'i gynnig dros gyfnod y Nadolig. Felly, os gwelwch yn dda, ystyriwch hynny. Nid ydym eisiau siarad am y pethau hyn wrth edrych yn ôl; byddem wedi gallu mynegi ein barn yn gyhoeddus iawn yn y Senedd pe bai'r rheoliadau hyn wedi cael eu cynnig ar yr adeg y cawsant eu rhoi mewn grym.

And that is a point I've made myself: it's important for democracy that we get things right and do things in the right order. But to argue now that what was evidenced properly at the time was wrong is a very good example of the misuse of hindsight, I think.

Ac mae hwnnw'n bwynt rwyf wedi'i wneud fy hun: mae'n bwysig i ddemocratiaeth ein bod yn cael pethau'n iawn ac yn gwneud pethau yn y drefn gywir. Ond mae dadlau yn awr fod yr hyn y cafwyd tystiolaeth briodol ar y pryd ei fod yn briodol yn anghywir yn enghraifft dda iawn o gamddefnyddio ôl-ddoethineb, rwy'n credu.

Mi fyddwn ni'n pleidleisio dros welliant y Llywodraeth achos y cwbl mai o yn ei wneud, dwi'n meddwl, ydy gosod allan y broses o godi mesurau gwarchod sydd eisoes wedi cael ei chyhoeddi a'n wir wedi dechrau cael ei gweithredu.

Dwi'n meddwl ei bod hi'n werth amlinellu eto'r egwyddorion dwi a fy nghyd-Aelodau ym Mhlaid Cymru wedi cael ein harwain ganddyn nhw dros y ddwy flynedd diwethaf. Mae eisiau mesurau gwarchod a rheoliadau mewn lle sydd yn ddigon tyn a digon cryf i ymateb i'r risg iechyd dŷn ni'n ei wynebu, ond mae eisiau sicrhau nad oes yna fwy na sydd ei angen mewn lle chwaith, oherwydd yr impact maen nhw yn eu cael ar lesiant, ar iechyd meddwl, ar yr economi, ar letygarwch, ac yn y blaen. Dwi wedi annog y Llywodraeth i wthio y ffiniau o'r hyn mae'n bosib ei ganiatáu a'r normalrwydd mae pawb ohonon ni'n dyheu amdano fo wedi'r cyfan. Wythnos i ddoe, dwi'n meddwl, cyn i'r cynnig yma gael ei gyflwyno gan y Ceidwadwyr, mi oeddwn innau'n galw ar y Gweinidog i ganolbwyntio ar beth roedden ni'n ei obeithio oedd yn arwyddion addawol iawn yn yr ystadegau—mi drodd hi allan eu bod nhw'n addawol iawn—ac i baratoi i allu codi'r rheoliadau mor fuan â phosib. A dwi'n meddwl bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gwneud hynny mewn difri ar yr achlysur yma.

We will be voting for the Government's amendment because all it does, I think, is set out the process of lifting those restrictions that has already been announced and has started to be implemented indeed.

I think it's worth outlining once again the principles that I and fellow Members of Plaid Cymru have been led by over the past two years. We need those restrictions and regulations in place that are stringent enough to respond to the health risks that we face, but we also need to ensure that there aren't more restrictions than are needed in place because of the impact that they have on well-being, on mental health, on the economy, on hospitality, and so on. I have encouraged the Government to push the envelope in terms of what can be allowed and the normalcy that we all are craving. A week ago, before this motion was introduced, I was calling on the Minister to focus on what we were hoping were very hopeful signs in the statistics—it turned out that they were very promising—and to be able to prepare to lift these restrictions as soon as possible. And I think the Welsh Government has done just that on this occasion.

Rhun, can you bear with me a second, please? Janet, you've got your hand up. Do you want an intervention? Rhun, are you prepared to take another intervention?

Rhun, a wnewch chi aros eiliad, os gwelwch yn dda? Janet, rydych chi wedi codi eich llaw. A ydych eisiau ymyrryd? Rhun, a ydych yn barod i dderbyn ymyriad arall?

Thank you. Rhun, I'm baffled, because as far as I'm aware and the argument we have made as the Welsh Conservatives is that we hadn't seen a technical advisory cell at the time—we didn't see any evidence at the time. So, please put on record the evidence that was there that, somehow, we as elected Members have not been made aware of.

Diolch. Rhun, rwyf mewn penbleth, oherwydd hyd y gwn i, a'r ddadl rydym wedi'i gwneud fel Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yw nad oeddem wedi gweld cell cyngor technegol ar y pryd—ni welsom unrhyw dystiolaeth ar y pryd. Felly, os gwelwch yn dda, cofnodwch y dystiolaeth a oedd yno nad ydym ni fel Aelodau etholedig, rywsut, wedi cael gwybod amdani.

16:20

Well, I think from my experience and from the experience of colleagues of yours, I know there has been open dialogue that you can have with advisers to Government, and we have it through health committee and so on. Plus, we were talking about a global wave and global evidence of an impending wave of a new variant that we knew nothing about, that you might think you know everything about now, Janet, but you didn't at that time. And this was a response to how to keep safe, and I'm convinced that it was the right thing to do and I think it's borne out also in the statistics on the number of hospitalisations and so on that we've seen in Wales. Nobody wants any of these regulations; let's remind ourselves of that. But at times, throughout the past two years, measures have had to be put in place, and I believe that these were reasonable measures to have been put in place in response to the threat that I certainly was clear was being communicated to us in different ways, although, absolutely, I agree that we need to be voting on them as close to the time of implementation—ideally before their implementation, of course, though, sometimes, responses from Government have to be very, very quick.

Wel, yn fy mhrofiad i ac o brofiad cyd-Aelodau i chi, gwn fod yna ddeialog agored y gallwch ei chael gyda chynghorwyr i'r Llywodraeth, ac rydym yn ei chael drwy'r pwyllgor iechyd ac yn y blaen. Hefyd, roeddem yn sôn am don fyd-eang a thystiolaeth fyd-eang o don o amrywiolyn newydd nad oeddem yn gwybod dim amdano, ac er eich bod efallai'n meddwl eich bod yn gwybod popeth amdano yn awr, Janet, ond nid oeddech ar y pryd. Ac roedd hwn yn ymateb i sut i gadw'n ddiogel, ac rwy'n argyhoeddedig mai dyma'r peth iawn i'w wneud a chredaf ei fod hefyd wedi'i gadarnhau yn yr ystadegau rydym wedi'u gweld ar y niferoedd a aeth i'r ysbyty yng Nghymru ac yn y blaen. Nid oes neb eisiau unrhyw un o'r rheoliadau hyn; gadewch inni atgoffa ein hunain o hynny. Ond ar adegau, drwy gydol y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf, bu'n rhaid rhoi mesurau ar waith, a chredaf fod y rhain yn fesurau rhesymol i fod wedi'u rhoi ar waith mewn ymateb i'r bygythiad roeddwn i yn sicr yn bendant ei fod yn cael ei gyfathrebu i ni mewn gwahanol ffyrdd, er, yn bendant, rwy'n cytuno bod angen inni fod yn pleidleisio arnynt mor agos at yr adeg y byddant yn cael eu gweithredu—yn ddelfrydol cyn eu gweithredu wrth gwrs, ond weithiau, rhaid i ymateb y Llywodraeth fod yn gyflym iawn.

Mi wnaf i ddirwyn fy sylwadau i ben drwy edrych ymlaen at y camau nesaf. Mae eisiau cadw at yr un egwyddorion—dwi wedi sôn amdanyn nhw—o ran gwneud digon ond dim gormod. Mae'n wir am yr amser ynysu: dowch â fo lawr gymaint â phosib, ond dim ond pan fo'r dystiolaeth yn caniatáu y gallwn ni wneud hynny, a dwi'n gobeithio y gall hynny ddigwydd yn fuan, wrth gwrs. Rhaid cofio ein bod ni'n dal yn byw mewn pandemig a bod cryfhau'r elfennau hynny, efallai lle mae'r Llywodraeth wedi bod yn rhy araf yn gweithredu arnyn nhw o bryd i'w gilydd, yn bwysicach nag erioed—cyflwyno offer glanhau awyr fel bod unrhyw donnau yn y dyfodol yn cael llai o impact, bod yn gwbl gadarn mewn canllawiau awyr iach mewn ysgolion ac ati. Dŷn ni'n amlwg mewn lle llawer mwy addawol, rŵan, fel mae'r penderfyniad cywir, dwi'n meddwl, i lacio'r rheoliadau wedi'i ddangos. Ond drwy fod ar ein gwyliadwriaeth o hyd, cario ymlaen i baratoi, rhoi camau ataliol mewn lle ac ymateb yn gyflym a phriodol i sefyllfa sy'n newid o hyd—dyna sut mae ein galluogi ni i fod mor wydn â phosib wrth wynebu problemau eraill a all godi yn y dyfodol.

I will bring my comments to a conclusion by looking ahead. We need to adhere to the same principles that I've mentioned about doing enough but not too much. In terms of the self-isolation time: bring it down as much as possible, but only when the evidence allows that to be done safely, and I hope that that can happen soon, of course. We have to remember that we are still living in a time of pandemic and that strengthening those elements, perhaps where the Government has been too slow to take action, is more important than ever—ensuring that we ventilate so that any future waves don't have a major impact, and that we have that ventilation guidance in schools and so on. We are clearly in a more promising position now, and the right decision has been made to lift certain restrictions, but we have to be vigilant still. We need to continue to prepare, we need to put preventative steps in place and respond quickly and appropriately to a changing situation. That is what will enable us to be as resilient as possible in facing future problems.

I'm pleased to have the opportunity to contribute in this important debate, as we've endured yet another round of damaging and senseless restrictions.

The First Minister and the health Minister's approach on messaging since the omicron variant arrived in Wales has been chaotic and contradictory. It has increased fear and it could be argued that it was a political decision in some respects. Most worryingly, most of these decisions didn't seem to be based on science, with a quite obvious lack of evidence to back up any decisions being made. There is a fine balance when weighing up the balance of harms, when we're making these tough decisions and they are tough decisions—everyone recognises that. But when they are decisions with such huge implications on lives and livelihoods, some degree of explanation coupled with evidence is needed to explain why you are, in some cases, destroying someone's business by taking a specific decision.

Once again, the immediate reaction of this Welsh Government to the new variant was to hastily shut businesses and take away freedoms. It comes as no surprise to me as we have a First Minister who has spent his career theorising about socialism instead of running a business or having to worry about paying staff. The decision to move back to level 2 forced outdoor spectator sports events to close their doors once again to fans, and other community sports events and gatherings were referred to as 'superspreader events', despite no evidence being presented, which understandably created outrage. These restrictions prevented more than 50 people partaking in sports outdoors, yet the same restrictions allowed for more than 50 people to be present in an indoor environment, providing that they are seated, where ventilation would be far lower. It is no wonder that people were angry and fed up with these nonsensical restrictions on our lives.

Deputy Presiding Officer, I couldn't understand why the Welsh Government refused to publish the evidence behind their decision, however seeing the data for myself and looking across at how England fared without restrictions, I can now see why. Welsh people and businesses cannot plan for the future or live their lives while the Welsh Government continues to enforce draconian—

Rwy'n falch o gael cyfle i gyfrannu at y ddadl bwysig hon, gan ein bod wedi dioddef cylch arall o gyfyngiadau niweidiol ac afresymol.

Mae dull y Prif Weinidog a'r Gweinidog iechyd o rannu negeseuon ers i'r amrywiolyn omicron gyrraedd Cymru wedi bod yn anhrefnus ac yn anghyson. Mae wedi codi ofn a gellid dadlau ei fod yn benderfyniad gwleidyddol mewn rhai ffyrdd. Yn fwyaf pryderus, nid oedd yn ymddangos bod y rhan fwyaf o'r penderfyniadau hyn yn seiliedig ar wyddoniaeth, gyda diffyg tystiolaeth amlwg i ategu unrhyw benderfyniadau a wnaed. Mae cydbwysedd anodd i'w daro wrth bwyso a mesur gwahanol fathau o niwed, pan fyddwn yn gwneud y penderfyniadau anodd hyn ac maent yn benderfyniadau anodd—mae pawb yn cydnabod hynny. Ond pan fyddant yn benderfyniadau sydd â goblygiadau mor enfawr i fywydau a bywoliaeth pobl, mae angen rhywfaint o esboniad ynghyd â thystiolaeth i egluro pam eich bod, mewn rhai achosion, yn dinistrio busnes rhywun drwy wneud penderfyniad penodol.

Unwaith eto, ymateb uniongyrchol Llywodraeth Cymru i'r amrywiolyn newydd oedd cau busnesau'n frysiog a chyfyngu ar ryddid. Nid yw'n syndod i mi gan fod gennym Brif Weinidog sydd wedi treulio ei yrfa'n damcaniaethu am sosialaeth yn hytrach na rhedeg busnes neu orfod poeni am dalu staff. Fe wnaeth y penderfyniad i symud yn ôl i reoliadau lefel 2 orfodi digwyddiadau chwaraeon gwylwyr awyr agored i gau eu drysau i gefnogwyr unwaith eto, a chyfeiriwyd at gynulliadau a digwyddiadau chwaraeon cymunedol eraill fel 'digwyddiadau lle heintir llawer', er na chyflwynwyd unrhyw dystiolaeth, ac yn ddealladwy, fe greodd hynny gryn ddicter. Roedd y cyfyngiadau hyn yn atal mwy na 50 o bobl rhag cymryd rhan mewn chwaraeon yn yr awyr agored, ac eto roedd yr un cyfyngiadau'n caniatáu i fwy na 50 o bobl fod yn bresennol mewn digwyddiad dan do, ar yr amod eu bod yn eistedd, lle byddai awyru ar lefel lawer is. Nid yw'n syndod fod pobl yn ddig ac wedi cael llond bol ar y cyfyngiadau disynnwyr hyn ar ein bywydau.

Ddirprwy Lywydd, ni allwn ddeall pam y gwrthododd Llywodraeth Cymru gyhoeddi'r dystiolaeth a oedd yn sail i'w penderfyniad, ond o weld y data drosof fy hun ac edrych ar sut y bu i Loegr ymdopi heb gyfyngiadau, gallaf weld pam yn awr. Ni all pobl a busnesau Cymru gynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol na byw eu bywydau tra bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i orfodi—

[Inaudible.]—without releasing any evidence. Yes, I will.

[Anghlywadwy.]—heb ryddhau unrhyw dystiolaeth. Gwnaf.

16:25

Well, no, actually, because, Laura, we're all fed up to the back teeth with the measures in response to COVID. Every one of us is, because of the impact on our families, on businesses and so on. But one of the lessons, wouldn't you agree, that we learnt from earlier waves of this pandemic is of the need to proceed with caution and also to proceed, I have to say, early to take interventions, in order to prevent worse outcomes? And can I just refer you to the Office for National Statistics survey data for last week, which shows that the prevalence now amongst Welsh communities is one in 25, compared to one in 20 across England and the rest of the UK? If that has saved pressures on the NHS, saved lives, and now allows us to open businesses earlier, is that, in hindsight, something that even with the difficulty of this, might be well worth something, that was not nonsensical, but, actually, was a fine judgment and probably the right one?

Wel, na, mewn gwirionedd, oherwydd, Laura, rydym i gyd wedi cael llond bol ar y mesurau mewn ymateb i COVID. Mae pob un ohonom wedi cael llond bol, oherwydd yr effaith ar ein teuluoedd, ar fusnesau ac yn y blaen. Ond oni fyddech yn cytuno mai un o'r gwersi rydym wedi'u dysgu o donnau cynharach o'r pandemig hwn yw'r angen i symud ymlaen yn ofalus, a hefyd, rhaid imi ddweud, i wneud ymyriadau'n gynnar, er mwyn atal canlyniadau gwaeth? Ac a gaf fi eich cyfeirio at ddata arolwg y Swyddfa Ystadegau Gwladol ar gyfer yr wythnos diwethaf, sy'n dangos bod nifer yr achosion yn awr yng nghymunedau Cymru yn un o bob 25, o'i gymharu ag un o bob 20 yn Lloegr a gweddill y DU? Os yw hynny wedi arbed pwysau ar y GIG, wedi achub bywydau, ac yn awr yn caniatáu inni agor busnesau'n gynharach, a yw hynny, wrth edrych yn ôl, yn rhywbeth a allai'n sicr fod yn werth rhywbeth, hyd yn oed gydag anhawster hyn, ac yn rhywbeth nad oedd yn ddisynnwyr, ond a oedd, mewn gwirionedd, yn benderfyniad da a'r penderfyniad cywir, yn ôl pob tebyg?

No, I do take that these things are a fine judgment, as I outlined earlier, and it is difficult—they are difficult decisions, balancing the harms. But it was clear from the figures, Huw, that the hospitalisations were down and the figures were coming that way. If you looked at the evidence of what's happening in London with the same variant, and in South Africa, there was a clear trend of what was probably going to happen, which, actually, is now what we're seeing has happened.

The hospitality sector has been under siege constantly from this Welsh Government, with a lack of support and the reintroduction of this rule of six. An estimated 86,000 jobs have been lost from the cultural night-time industry, and these new measures had an average cost to businesses of £45,000 over the festive period.

Research in December from the University College London demonstrated that people were twice as likely to catch COVID while shopping compared to being in a pub or cinema. Restrictions cannot be introduced just for the sake of it, and in light of the omicron variant being far milder, alongside the advancement of the roll-out of the booster programme, I do have to question the rationale behind the Welsh Government's decisions, especially in the continued absence of evidence.

While I am pleased that the Welsh Government has listened to the Welsh Conservatives, as Russell said earlier, and has heeded our calls to ease restrictions, we are still having to wait weeks for these changes, all because Mark Drakeford wants to save face and not call any u-turn. No consideration has been given at all to mental health and well-being, and to our Welsh economy. It is time we look to the future and start rebuilding our lives and the Welsh economy. We need a detailed road map to recovery now, not the constant insecurity that this Welsh Government has delivered throughout the pandemic.

We need to plan to learn to live with COVID, we need to keep children in schools and support them to get back on track. We need to scrap COVID passports, and we need to support our NHS and staff on clearing the backlog of waiting lists. The recovery in Wales is going to take time, and I appreciate that, but the Welsh Government needs to realise that it is time to live with COVID and focus on securing our economic future. If there is evidence stating that we need certain restrictions, fine, but this Welsh Government are clearly wrong with these latest restrictions.

It is good to see things changing finally. I really hope that we will hear more tomorrow on masks in classrooms and more restrictions being lifted sooner. Quite simply, it's time to try to start providing reassurances rather than more threats of job-crushing restrictions. We need to learn to live with COVID. This was an important debate to have today still, even though, in a way, it's outdated. It would be good to be able to debate restrictions and vote on them before they happen in the future. Thank you.

Na, rwy'n derbyn bod y rhain yn benderfyniadau anodd, fel yr amlinellais yn gynharach, ac mae'n anodd—mae'n anodd gwneud y penderfyniadau hyn a chydbwyso'r gwahanol fathau o niwed. Ond roedd yn amlwg o'r ffigurau, Huw, fod y nifer a oedd yn mynd i'r ysbyty yn is a bod y ffigurau'n mynd y ffordd honno. Pe baech yn edrych ar y dystiolaeth o'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn Llundain gyda'r un amrywiolyn, ac yn Ne Affrica, roedd tuedd amlwg o'r hyn a oedd yn debygol o ddigwydd, a bellach, gwelwn mai dyna ddigwyddodd mewn gwirionedd.

Mae'r sector lletygarwch wedi bod dan warchae'n gyson gan Lywodraeth Cymru, gyda diffyg cefnogaeth ac ailgyflwyno'r rheol chwech. Amcangyfrifir bod 86,000 o swyddi wedi'u colli o'r diwydiant nos diwylliannol, ac roedd cost gyfartalog o £45,000 i fusnesau dros gyfnod yr ŵyl yn sgil y mesurau newydd hyn.

Dangosodd ymchwil ym mis Rhagfyr gan Goleg Prifysgol Llundain fod pobl ddwywaith yn fwy tebygol o ddal COVID wrth siopa o gymharu â bod mewn tafarn neu sinema. Ni ellir cyflwyno cyfyngiadau heb reswm, ac yng ngoleuni'r ffaith bod amrywiolyn omicron yn llawer ysgafnach, ochr yn ochr â chynnydd y broses o gyflwyno'r rhaglen atgyfnerthu, mae'n rhaid imi gwestiynu'r sail resymegol dros benderfyniadau Llywodraeth Cymru, yn enwedig pan fo'r dystiolaeth yn dal i fod yn absennol.

Er fy mod yn falch fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gwrando ar y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, fel y dywedodd Russell yn gynharach, ac wedi gwrando ar ein galwadau i lacio'r cyfyngiadau, rydym yn dal i orfod aros wythnosau am y newidiadau hyn, a hynny i gyd am fod Mark Drakeford eisiau arbed wyneb a pheidio â chyhoeddi unrhyw dro pedol. Ni roddwyd unrhyw ystyriaeth o gwbl i iechyd meddwl a llesiant, nac i economi Cymru. Mae'n bryd inni edrych tua'r dyfodol a dechrau ailadeiladu ein bywydau ac economi Cymru. Mae arnom angen map ffordd manwl ar gyfer adfer yn awr, nid yr ansicrwydd cyson y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i greu drwy gydol y pandemig.

Mae angen inni gynllunio i ddysgu byw gyda COVID, mae angen inni gadw plant yn yr ysgolion a'u cynorthwyo i fynd yn ôl ar y trywydd cywir. Mae angen inni gael gwared ar basys COVID, ac mae angen inni gefnogi ein GIG a'n staff wrth iddynt fynd i'r afael â'r ôl-groniad ar y rhestrau aros. Bydd yr adferiad yng Nghymru yn cymryd amser, ac rwy'n deall hynny, ond mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru sylweddoli ei bod yn bryd inni fyw gyda COVID a chanolbwyntio ar ddiogelu ein dyfodol economaidd. Os oes tystiolaeth yn datgan bod angen cyfyngiadau penodol arnom, iawn, ond mae'n amlwg fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn anghywir gyda'r cyfyngiadau diweddaraf hyn.

Mae'n dda gweld pethau'n newid o'r diwedd. Rwy'n gobeithio'n fawr y byddwn yn clywed mwy yfory ar fasgiau mewn ystafelloedd dosbarth a mwy o gyfyngiadau'n cael eu llacio yn gynt. Yn syml iawn, mae'n bryd ceisio dechrau rhoi sicrwydd yn hytrach na mwy o fygythiadau o gyfyngiadau sy'n arwain at golli swyddi. Mae angen inni ddysgu byw gyda COVID. Roedd hon yn ddadl bwysig i'w chael heddiw er ei bod wedi dyddio mewn ffordd. Byddai'n dda gallu trafod cyfyngiadau a phleidleisio arnynt cyn iddynt ddigwydd yn y dyfodol. Diolch.

The Welsh Labour Government's most recent restrictions have been controversial, contradictory and full of loopholes that have caused untold damage to the economy of our country, as well as our vital hospitality industry, individuals, businesses and organisations, who have all been hit hard by these sets of restrictions. After weeks of Welsh Conservative calls to ease these restrictions, and, as Huw Irranca said, even if it was from upper 12 in the millennium stadium, I'm pleased that the Cabinet of the Welsh Labour Government finally put a plan in place on 14 January. However, we need more than this and greater certainty going forward.

The Welsh Labour Government deterred the public from visiting our hospitality venues in the run-up to Christmas, yet it provided pitiful support. Pubs and restaurants spent thousands and thousands of pounds on food and were well stocked for the festive period, much of which has been wasted at a cost to the wider supply chain. What is all the more hard for those individuals and businesses caught up in these restrictions is to learn that the Welsh Labour Government is still sitting on a war chest of cash, cash meant to be there to support our local businesses and the connecting industries hit by these restrictions. Out of the £500 million war chest, only £120 million has been made available for businesses. This figure is grossly inadequate, considering the Welsh Government has brought in restrictions at a time when these businesses are traditionally busy.

During Christmas and the new year period, millions of pounds flew out of Wales, with individuals travelling to England to enjoy the Christmas festivities and new year celebrations, all at a time when some businesses in Wales, such as nightclubs, were shut and others with tough restrictions. These restrictions were brought in on doomsday predictions, and all they have done is spell potential doom for the economy of our country. It is now time to learn to live with COVID, as the UK Government have set out today, as we start to return to normal. And I hope that the Minister will set out clearly the Welsh Government's route back to pre-pandemic times.

Because of the success of the booster jab roll-out, 90 per cent fewer patients have been admitted to UK hospitals. In Wales, two thirds of people have had their booster jabs, highlighting that, because of the tireless efforts of NHS staff, GPs and pharmacists and a public willingness, Wales should now be turning the corner on restrictions, and it's only right to commend the Welsh Government on the roll-out of the booster jabs. COVID has cost many lives and my heart goes out to all those people who have lost loved ones and friends. We must learn from the mistakes of the pandemic. We must have a specific COVID inquiry in Wales and I think the UK Government should change its position here and encourage Wales and the First Minister to have our own public inquiry here in Wales. 

We are now, hopefully, turning a corner with COVID. We have made the sacrifices to keep the public safe, but now is the time when we must give people hope. The press must end their scare tactics and all Governments must start the process of governing the country and tackling issues other than COVID. We owe it to everyone, right across Wales and across the country, to return people's freedoms and return people's hope. I would urge all Members to support our motion this afternoon. Diolch, Deputy Llywydd.

Mae cyfyngiadau diweddaraf Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru wedi bod yn ddadleuol, yn anghyson ac yn llawn o fylchau sydd wedi achosi niwed di-ben-draw i economi ein gwlad, yn ogystal â'n diwydiant lletygarwch hanfodol, unigolion, busnesau a sefydliadau, sydd i gyd wedi cael eu taro'n galed gan y gyfres hon o gyfyngiadau. Ar ôl wythnosau o alwadau'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig i lacio'r cyfyngiadau hyn, ac fel y dywedodd Huw Irranca, hyd yn oed os oedd o'r 12 rhes uchaf yn stadiwm y mileniwm, rwy'n falch fod Cabinet Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru o'r diwedd wedi rhoi cynllun ar waith ar 14 Ionawr. Fodd bynnag, mae arnom angen mwy na hyn a mwy o sicrwydd wrth symud ymlaen.

Fe wnaeth Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru geisio atal y cyhoedd rhag ymweld â'n lleoliadau lletygarwch yn y cyfnod cyn y Nadolig, ac eto roedd y cymorth a ddarparodd yn druenus. Gwariodd tafarndai a bwytai filoedd o bunnoedd ar fwyd ac roedd ganddynt stociau da ar gyfer cyfnod yr ŵyl, ac mae llawer ohono wedi'i wastraffu gan greu cost i'r gadwyn gyflenwi ehangach. Yr hyn sydd hyd yn oed yn anos i'r unigolion a'r busnesau a gafodd eu dal gan y cyfyngiadau hyn yw dysgu bod Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru yn dal i eistedd ar gronfa o arian parod, arian parod sydd i fod yno i gefnogi ein busnesau lleol a'r diwydiannau cysylltiedig sydd wedi cael eu taro gan y cyfyngiadau hyn. O'r gronfa gwerth £500 miliwn, £120 miliwn yn unig sydd wedi'i ddarparu i fusnesau. Mae'r ffigur hwn yn annigonol iawn, o ystyried bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cyflwyno cyfyngiadau ar adeg pan fo'r busnesau hyn yn brysur fel arfer.

Dros gyfnod y Nadolig a'r flwyddyn newydd, aeth miliynau o bunnoedd allan o Gymru, gydag unigolion yn teithio i Loegr i fwynhau dathliadau'r Nadolig a'r flwyddyn newydd, i gyd ar adeg pan oedd rhai busnesau yng Nghymru, megis clybiau nos, ar gau ac eraill dan gyfyngiadau llym. Cyflwynwyd y cyfyngiadau hyn gan ddarogan gwae, a'r cyfan y maent wedi'i wneud yw darogan gwae i economi ein gwlad. Mae'n bryd dysgu byw gyda COVID yn awr, fel y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi'i nodi heddiw, wrth inni ddechrau dychwelyd i normalrwydd. A gobeithio y bydd y Gweinidog yn nodi'n eglur beth fydd llwybr Llywodraeth Cymru yn ôl i fel oedd hi cyn y pandemig.

Oherwydd llwyddiant cyflwyno'r pigiad atgyfnerthu, mae 90 y cant yn llai o gleifion wedi cael eu derbyn i ysbytai'r DU. Yng Nghymru, mae dwy ran o dair o bobl wedi cael pigiad atgyfnerthu, sy'n dangos, oherwydd ymdrechion diflino staff y GIG, meddygon teulu a fferyllwyr a pharodrwydd y cyhoedd, y dylai Cymru allu cefnu ar gyfyngiadau bellach, ac nid yw ond yn iawn inni ganmol Llywodraeth Cymru ar y modd y cyflwynwyd y pigiadau atgyfnerthu. Mae COVID wedi dwyn llawer o fywydau ac rwy'n cydymdeimlo â'r holl bobl sydd wedi colli anwyliaid a ffrindiau. Rhaid inni ddysgu o gamgymeriadau'r pandemig. Rhaid inni gael ymchwiliad COVID penodol yng Nghymru a chredaf y dylai Llywodraeth y DU newid ei safbwynt yma ac annog Cymru a Phrif Weinidog Cymru i gynnal ein hymchwiliad cyhoeddus ein hunain yma yng Nghymru. 

Gobeithio ein bod bellach yn cefnu ar COVID. Rydym wedi gwneud yr aberth i gadw'r cyhoedd yn ddiogel, ond mae'n rhaid inni roi gobaith i bobl yn awr. Rhaid i'r wasg roi'r gorau i godi bwganod ac mae'n rhaid i bob Llywodraeth ddechrau'r broses o lywodraethu'r wlad a mynd i'r afael â materion heblaw COVID. Mae gennym ddyletswydd i roi eu rhyddid yn ôl i bobl, a rhoi gobaith yn ôl i bobl, ledled Cymru ac ar draws y wlad. Hoffwn annog pob Aelod i gefnogi ein cynnig y prynhawn yma. Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd.

16:30

I wish to refer Members to my own declaration of interest form. Well, I certainly welcome the update that's now been provided to the technical advice, with the modelling appearing more positively to show that the peak of this omicron wave could now be behind us. And I think we all welcome that. With the total number of patients in hospital falling and the total number of admissions to hospitals decreasing for more than a week, now is the time that I think the Welsh Government needs to look more proactively to be looking to bring forward a long-term recovery road map. 

Sadly, Wales still remains an outlier when it comes to public health policy. Despite the detailed scientific evidence from South Africa, it does remain a central concern of many businesses that Welsh Government Ministers, in their opinion, have overreacted to omicron, and this has caused significant pain to families and much anguish to our businesses. The currently proposed timeline means that our indoor hospitality businesses will have another two weeks of restrictions, driving the Welsh pound across the border to England, and we all know of instances where this happened on new year's eve. 

The chief executive of the Welsh Beer and Pub Association has estimated that, on average, pubs have lost £16,000 each over the current period of restrictions. I went to the hairdressers the other day and there were two chairs out of action, with tape on, because of the 2m distancing. And believe me, the owner of the hairdressing salon was distraught when she told me how much an hour she was losing on those two chairs.

Given the research from University College London, submitted to SAGE in December, suggesting that people were twice as likely to catch COVID whilst out shopping, compared to being in a pub or a cinema, when no restrictions were in place, will the Welsh Government apologise now to the hospitality industry for getting it wrong with the rule of six restriction? And why on earth didn't the First Minister last week drop the 2m ruling so that businesses can actually maximise the income that they can achieve? A wave of cancellations continues to bite into the viability of our hospitality and tourism sectors. Now, whilst it is understandable that consumer behaviour has changed, the unprecedented strain felt by businesses is actually putting their own livelihoods, their own mental health and well-being, and employment opportunities for some, at a huge risk.

In conversations with many local businesses, it is apparent that clarity is still needed as to why they are required to provide evidence of a 50 per cent reduction in income, when we know that a far smaller reduction can be hugely detrimental. This is especially the case when one considers that the festive period can account to around 20 per cent of a business's annual turnover. There are also legitimate concerns from small self-catering accommodation owners about their eligibility, with the Welsh Government having stopped local authorities from having discretion to give any grants to self-catering businesses that accommodate 29 people or less, and I'm glad that the First Minister took that point I raised yesterday seriously and he's going to look at that. I would also ask whether you would look to make more money available for the businesses that have suffered due to their omicron response, particularly as the UK Government provided an additional £270 million in December, which was on top of the amount announced at the autumn budget.

How Wales begins to live with COVID-19 in the future now remains firmly on the public's mind, as Sir Keir Starmer and the Labour shadow Secretary for health have themselves outlined. The UK had to learn to live with COVID for the sake of our children. Professor John Watkins, a senior epidemiologist, has also said that Wales should look to align with England—

Hoffwn gyfeirio’r Aelodau at fy ffurflen ddatgan buddiant fy hun. Wel, rwy'n sicr yn croesawu'r diweddariad a gafwyd bellach i'r cyngor technegol, gyda'r gwaith modelu i'w weld yn dangos yn fwy cadarnhaol y gallai brig y don omicron hon fod y tu ôl i ni bellach. A chredaf fod pob un ohonom yn croesawu hynny. Gyda chyfanswm nifer y cleifion yn yr ysbyty yn gostwng a chyfanswm y derbyniadau i ysbytai yn gostwng am fwy nag wythnos, credaf mai yn awr yw’r amser i Lywodraeth Cymru edrych yn fwy rhagweithiol ar gyflwyno map ffordd ar gyfer adferiad hirdymor.

Yn anffodus, mae Cymru'n dal i fod yn allanolyn gyda'i pholisi iechyd cyhoeddus. Er gwaethaf y dystiolaeth wyddonol fanwl o Dde Affrica, mae’n parhau i beri pryder i lawer o fusnesau fod Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru, yn eu barn hwy, wedi gorymateb i omicron, ac mae hyn wedi achosi cryn dipyn o boen i deuluoedd a llawer o ofid i’n busnesau. Mae’r amserlen a argymhellir ar hyn o bryd yn golygu y bydd gan ein busnesau lletygarwch dan do bythefnos arall o gyfyngiadau, a bydd hynny'n gyrru'r bunt Gymreig dros y ffin i Loegr, a gŵyr pob un ohonom am achosion lle digwyddodd hyn nos Calan.

Mae prif weithredwr Cymdeithas Cwrw a Thafarndai Cymru wedi amcangyfrif bod tafarndai, ar gyfartaledd, wedi colli £16,000 yr un dros gyfnod y cyfyngiadau presennol. Euthum i salon trin gwallt y diwrnod o'r blaen, ac roedd dwy gadair nad oeddent yn cael eu defnyddio, gyda thâp drostynt, oherwydd y cyfyngiad cadw pellter o 2m. A chredwch fi, roedd perchennog y salon trin gwallt yn ddigalon iawn pan ddywedodd wrthyf faint o arian yr awr roedd hi'n ei golli ar y ddwy gadair hynny.

O ystyried gwaith ymchwil Coleg Prifysgol Llundain, a gyflwynwyd i'r Grŵp Cynghori Gwyddonol ar Argyfyngau ym mis Rhagfyr, a awgrymai fod pobl ddwywaith yn fwy tebygol o ddal COVID wrth siopa, o gymharu â bod mewn tafarn neu sinema, pan nad oedd unrhyw gyfyngiadau ar waith, a wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru ymddiheuro i'r diwydiant lletygarwch am wneud camgymeriad gyda chyfyngiad y rheol chwech? A pham ar y ddaear na wnaeth y Prif Weinidog ddiddymu'r mesur 2m yr wythnos diwethaf fel y gall busnesau wneud cymaint o incwm ag y gallant? Mae ton o ganslo trefniadau yn parhau i amharu ar hyfywedd ein sectorau lletygarwch a thwristiaeth. Nawr, er ei bod yn ddealladwy fod ymddygiad cwsmeriaid wedi newid, mae'r straen digynsail y mae busnesau'n ei deimlo yn peryglu eu bywoliaeth eu hunain, eu hiechyd meddwl a'u llesiant eu hunain, a chyfleoedd cyflogaeth i rai.

Mewn sgyrsiau â llawer o fusnesau lleol, mae’n amlwg fod angen eglurder o hyd ynghylch pam ei bod yn ofynnol iddynt ddarparu tystiolaeth fod incwm wedi gostwng 50 y cant, pan wyddom y gall gostyngiad llai o lawer fod yn hynod niweidiol. Mae hyn yn arbennig o wir o gofio y gall cyfnod y Nadolig ddarparu oddeutu 20 y cant o drosiant blynyddol busnes. Ceir pryderon dilys hefyd gan berchnogion busnesau llety hunanddarpar bach am eu cymhwystra, gyda Llywodraeth Cymru wedi atal awdurdodau lleol rhag gallu dewis rhoi unrhyw grantiau i fusnesau hunanddarpar sy'n darparu ar gyfer 29 o bobl neu lai, ac rwy'n falch fod y Prif Weinidog o ddifrif ynghylch y pwynt a godais ddoe, ac y bydd yn edrych ar hynny. Hoffwn ofyn hefyd i chi ystyried darparu mwy o arian ar gyfer y busnesau sydd wedi dioddef oherwydd eu hymateb i omicron, yn enwedig gan fod Llywodraeth y DU wedi darparu £270 miliwn ychwanegol ym mis Rhagfyr, ar ben y swm a gyhoeddwyd yng nghyllideb yr hydref.

Mae sut y bydd Cymru’n dechrau byw gyda COVID-19 yn y dyfodol yn parhau i fod ar feddwl y cyhoedd, fel yr amlinellodd Syr Keir Starmer ac Ysgrifennydd iechyd yr wrthblaid eu hunain. Roedd yn rhaid i’r DU ddysgu byw gyda COVID er lles ein plant. Mae’r Athro John Watkins, sy'n uwch epidemiolegydd, hefyd wedi dweud y dylai Cymru geisio alinio â Lloegr—

16:35

Janet, I have an intervention request. Will you take one?

Janet, mae gennyf gais am ymyriad. A wnewch chi dderbyn un?

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Janet ydy'r trydydd siaradwr efo'r Ceidwadwyr sydd wedi sôn am ddysgu byw efo'r haint yma. Pa lefel o farwolaethau sydd yn dderbyniol i chi?

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. Janet is the third speaker from the Conservatives to talk about learning to live with this disease. What level of deaths is acceptable to you?

At the end of the day, we all regret any single death, Mabon. But we have to realise now that, in line with other countries—. If you look at England and what they're doing, they're able to keep the economy going whilst also protecting people's lives. So, we have to stop wanting to do things differently, just because it's seen to be better. There's been no advice or evidence at the time that these restrictions were brought in, and I actually concur with my colleagues that we should have had a say on this. We could have done it on Zoom over the Christmas period. But I'm afraid all this is now in retrospect.

With over 1.8 million boosters and third doses having been administered in Wales, now is the time to boost the confidence of businesses and the public after two years of restrictions. I have residents asking me what has been the point of these vaccines—

Yn y pen draw, mae unrhyw farwolaeth yn peri gofid i bob un ohonom, Mabon. Ond mae'n rhaid inni sylweddoli bellach, yn unol â gwledydd eraill—. Os edrychwch ar Loegr a'r hyn y maent yn ei wneud, maent yn gallu cadw'r economi i fynd gan ddiogelu bywydau pobl ar yr un pryd. Felly, mae'n rhaid inni roi'r gorau i fod eisiau gwneud pethau'n wahanol, am ddim rheswm heblaw ei fod i'w weld yn well. Ni chafwyd unrhyw gyngor na thystiolaeth pan gafodd y cyfyngiadau hyn eu cyflwyno, ac rwy'n cytuno â fy nghyd-Aelodau y dylem fod wedi cael lleisio barn ar hyn. Gallem fod wedi gwneud hynny ar Zoom dros gyfnod y Nadolig. Ond mae arnaf ofn fod hyn oll yn rhy hwyr yn bellach.

Gyda dros 1.8 miliwn o bigiadau atgyfnerthu a thrydydd dosau wedi’u rhoi yng Nghymru, nawr yw’r amser i roi hwb i hyder busnesau a’r cyhoedd ar ôl dwy flynedd o gyfyngiadau. Mae trigolion yn gofyn i mi beth oedd pwynt y brechlynnau hyn—

—when the Welsh Government still wants to keep in place draconian measures, taking our freedoms and our liberties. I ask the First Minister to, actually, in his next announcement, be more brave and allow the people of Wales to go about their own lives. Thank you. Diolch.

—pan fo Llywodraeth Cymru yn dal i fod eisiau cadw mesurau llym ar waith, gan ddwyn ein rhyddid. Gofynnaf i’r Prif Weinidog fod yn ddewrach yn ei gyhoeddiad nesaf a chaniatáu i bobl Cymru fyw eu bywydau. Diolch.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I'm pleased to be able to respond today to this debate, and would say at the outset that the Welsh Government rejects the overall motion that's before us today. But I am also delighted to see that the latest evidence supports our plan to move to alert level 0, as set out in our amendment. From a personal point of view, I'm particularly looking forward to seeing sporting events return in the normal way, and, as Ministers have made clear throughout our engagement with the sectors affected, nobody in Welsh Government wants to hold on to pandemic protections for any longer than they are necessary, and it is a cause for shame that the Welsh Conservatives continually suggest otherwise. Their arguments often slip into suggestions that there are some ulterior motives driving decisions in Wales, which is indicative of their drift to a paranoid, negative and increasingly irrelevant form of right-wing politics, and the contribution from Laura Jones this afternoon absolutely typified that.

Llywydd, that poor judgment is leading them to talk down the responsible sacrifices made by the people of Wales in recent weeks. Prior to Christmas, Welsh Government, along with all other Governments of the UK, was presented with very worrying evidence about the spread and the speed of infections of the new omicron variant surging through our communities. That evidence was available through TAC and SAGE reports that are regularly published on the Welsh Government website and that accompanied the announcements that were made at the time. In fact, Janet Finch-Saunders, in her contribution, referred to the TAC and SAGE advice when she referred to the fact that the infection rates are coming down now. That's the same TAC advice and SAGE reports, Janet, that we were using to make the decisions on restrictions back in December. 

The public health consensus, not just—

Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n falch o allu ymateb heddiw i'r ddadl hon, a hoffwn ddweud ar y cychwyn fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwrthod y cynnig cyffredinol sydd ger ein bron heddiw. Ond rwyf hefyd yn falch iawn o weld bod y dystiolaeth ddiweddaraf yn cefnogi ein cynllun i newid i lefel rhybudd 0, fel y nodir yn ein gwelliant. O safbwynt personol, edrychaf ymlaen yn arbennig at weld digwyddiadau chwaraeon yn dychwelyd yn y ffordd arferol, ac fel y mae Gweinidogion wedi'i nodi'n glir drwy gydol ein gwaith ymgysylltu â'r sectorau yr effeithir arnynt, nid oes unrhyw un yn Llywodraeth Cymru yn dymuno parhau gyda mesurau diogelwch pandemig am yn hwy nag y bo'u angen, ac mae'n gywilyddus fod y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn parhau i awgrymu fel arall. Mae eu dadleuon yn aml yn llithro i mewn i awgrymiadau fod penderfyniadau yng Nghymru yn cael eu llywio gan gymhellion cudd, sy'n arwydd eu bod yn gwyro tuag at ffurf baranoiaidd, negyddol a mwyfwy amherthnasol o wleidyddiaeth adain dde, ac roedd cyfraniad Laura Jones y prynhawn yma'n enghraifft glir o hynny.

Lywydd, mae eu crebwyll gwael yn golygu eu bod yn diystyru'r aberth gyfrifol a wnaed gan bobl Cymru dros yr wythnosau diwethaf. Cyn y Nadolig, cyflwynwyd tystiolaeth bryderus iawn i Lywodraeth Cymru, ynghyd â phob un o Lywodraethau eraill y DU, ynglŷn â lledaeniad a chyflymder heintiau amrywiolyn newydd omicron a oedd yn sgubo drwy ein cymunedau. Roedd y dystiolaeth honno ar gael drwy adroddiadau'r Gell Cyngor Technegol a'r Grŵp Cynghori Gwyddonol ar Argyfyngau a gyhoeddir yn rheolaidd ar wefan Llywodraeth Cymru ac a oedd yn dod gyda'r cyhoeddiadau a gâi eu gwneud ar y pryd. Yn wir, cyfeiriodd Janet Finch-Saunders, yn ei chyfraniad, at gyngor TAC a SAGE wrth gyfeirio at y ffaith bod y cyfraddau heintio'n gostwng erbyn hyn. Janet, dyna'r un cyngor TAC ac adroddiadau SAGE ag a ddefnyddiwyd gennym i wneud y penderfyniadau ar gyfyngiadau yn ôl ym mis Rhagfyr.

Mae’r consensws iechyd cyhoeddus, nid yn unig—

16:40

Deputy Minister, will you take an intervention?

Ddirprwy Weinidog, a wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?

The point I have made is, at the time, we were not given any evidence or made aware—. Rhun earlier mentioned about us meeting with public health officials. We did meet with public health officials—last week. This is not satisfactory, and we should have been far more involved in this. We should have had a vote on it over the Christmas period. There was no excuse, because we could have done it by virtual means, and I think lessons do need to be learnt by the Welsh Government. Maybe your constituents, Dawn, are not up in arms about how you value this, but I can tell you the rest of us here—

Y pwynt rwyf wedi'i wneud yw, ar y pryd, ni chawsom unrhyw dystiolaeth ac ni chawsom wybod—. Soniodd Rhun yn gynharach amdanom yn cyfarfod â swyddogion iechyd y cyhoedd. Gwnaethom gyfarfod â swyddogion iechyd y cyhoedd—yr wythnos diwethaf. Nid yw hyn yn ddigon da, a dylem fod wedi cael llawer mwy o ran yn hyn. Dylem fod wedi cael pleidlais arno dros gyfnod y Nadolig. Nid oedd unrhyw esgus, gan y gallem fod wedi ei wneud drwy ddulliau rhithwir, a chredaf fod angen i Lywodraeth Cymru ddysgu gwersi. Efallai nad yw eich etholwyr chi, Dawn, yn gandryll ynglŷn â phwysigrwydd hyn i chi, ond gallaf ddweud wrthych fod y gweddill ohonom yma—

Janet, you've made your speech; this is an intervention. So, you're asking a question of her, the Deputy Minister.

Janet, rydych wedi gwneud eich araith; ymyriad yw hwn. Felly, rydych yn gofyn cwestiwn iddi, y Dirprwy Weinidog.

Okay, well the residents in Aberconwy are not happy at all.

Iawn, wel nid yw trigolion Aberconwy yn hapus o gwbl.

The answer is what I've already given. The TAC advice and the SAGE advice were available at the time that we made those decisions. As I said, the public health consensus, not just in Wales but across the UK, was that it was unlikely that the booster programme alone would prevent a significant burden of direct COVID-related harm in the period immediately after Christmas and we needed to do more as we ramped up the vaccination and booster programme. In fact, the evidence that we had at that time was telling us that the restrictions that we should introduce should go further than the alert level 2 that we introduced. It was suggesting to us—in fact, recommending to us—that we should consider alert level 4. The reason we couldn't go to alert level 4 was because the UK Government wouldn't allow the funding of a furlough scheme required for us to be able to implement alert level 4, because, as we know, the UK Government only offer levels of support when it's needed in England and not when it's needed in other, devolved nations.

The introduction of protective measures at alert level 2 in December helped us to do just that. It helped flatten the curve of infections and it gave us more time to vaccinate people, while at the same time keeping as many businesses as possible open and preventing the NHS from becoming overwhelmed. 

Yr ateb yw'r hyn rwyf wedi'i roi eisoes. Roedd cyngor TAC a chyngor SAGE ar gael pan oeddem yn gwneud y penderfyniadau hynny. Fel y dywedais, y consensws iechyd cyhoeddus, nid yn unig yng Nghymru ond ledled y DU, oedd ei bod yn annhebygol y byddai rhaglen y brechlynnau atgyfnerthu ar ei phen ei hun yn atal llawer iawn o niwed uniongyrchol yn gysylltiedig â COVID yn y cyfnod yn syth ar ôl y Nadolig a bod angen inni wneud mwy wrth inni ddwysáu'r rhaglen frechu ac atgyfnerthu. Yn wir, roedd y dystiolaeth a oedd gennym ar y pryd yn dweud wrthym y dylai'r cyfyngiadau y dylem eu cyflwyno fynd ymhellach na'r lefel rhybudd 2 a gyflwynwyd gennym. Roedd yn awgrymu—yn wir, yn argymell—y dylem ystyried lefel rhybudd 4. Y rheswm nad oedd modd inni fynd i lefel rhybudd 4 oedd am na fyddai Llywodraeth y DU yn ariannu'r cynllun ffyrlo a fyddai'n angenrheidiol er mwyn inni allu rhoi lefel rhybudd 4 ar waith, oherwydd, fel y gwyddom, pan fydd ei angen yn Lloegr yn unig y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn cynnig lefelau o gymorth ac nid pan fydd ei angen yn y gwledydd datganoledig, eraill.

Fe wnaeth cyflwyno mesurau amddiffynnol ar lefel rhybudd 2 ym mis Rhagfyr ein helpu i wneud hynny. Fe wnaethant helpu i wastatáu cromlin yr heintiau a rhoddodd fwy o amser inni frechu pobl, gan gadw cymaint o fusnesau â phosibl ar agor ac atal y GIG rhag cael ei orlethu.

Deputy Minister, will you take another intervention?

Ddirprwy Weinidog, a wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad arall?

I'm not taking any more interventions, Dirprwy Lywydd.

So, the argument that the actions taken by the people of Wales had no impact on the transmission of omicron is not only offensive, but it is not borne out by the facts. Indeed, we now see that the latest ONS figures show that the rate of infections in Wales is much lower than England, with Wales infection rates currently standing at 3.7 per cent, compared to 5.7 per cent in England, and that is despite the fact that, unlike England, we count those who've been reinfected in our statistics. So, as Huw Irranca-Davies said in his intervention, that means that in Wales we've seen one in 25 infected, compared to one in 20 in England. So, please, let's just nail down this nonsense that measures that we've taken here have no effect on our infection rates.

Llywydd, despite good news today on infection rates—

Nid wyf am dderbyn rhagor o ymyriadau, Ddirprwy Lywydd.

Felly, mae'r ddadl na chafodd y camau a gymerwyd gan bobl Cymru unrhyw effaith ar drosglwyddiad omicron nid yn unig yn sarhaus, ond ni chaiff ei chadarnhau gan y ffeithiau. Yn wir, gwelwn bellach fod ffigurau diweddaraf y Swyddfa Ystadegau Gwladol yn dangos bod cyfraddau heintiadau yng Nghymru yn is o lawer nag yn Lloegr, gyda chyfraddau heintio Cymru yn 3.7 y cant ar hyn o bryd, o gymharu â 5.7 y cant yn Lloegr, a hynny er gwaethaf y ffaith ein bod, yn wahanol i Loegr, yn cyfrif pobl sydd wedi cael eu hailheintio yn ein hystadegau. Felly, fel y dywedodd Huw Irranca-Davies yn ei ymyriad, golyga hynny fod un o bob 25 wedi'u heintio yng Nghymru, o gymharu ag un o bob 20 yn Lloegr. Felly, os gwelwch yn dda, gadewch inni roi diwedd ar y nonsens nad yw'r mesurau a roddwyd ar waith gennym wedi cael unrhyw effaith ar ein cyfraddau heintio.

Lywydd, er gwaethaf y newyddion da heddiw am gyfraddau heintio—

Excuse me a second. It's virtual, so—. Darren Millar's asking, and the Minister has already indicated she's not taking any more interventions. 

Esgusodwch fi am eiliad. Mae'n rhithwir, felly—. Mae Darren Millar yn gofyn, ac mae’r Gweinidog eisoes wedi nodi na fydd yn derbyn rhagor o ymyriadau.

No, I'm not taking any further interventions, Dirprwy Lywydd. I'm not taking any further interventions, no. 

Na, nid wyf am dderbyn unrhyw ymyriadau pellach, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Nid wyf am dderbyn unrhyw ymyriadau pellach, nac ydw.

Llywydd, despite the good news today on infection rates, families have still lost loved ones to COVID in recent weeks, and people in every community across Wales have continued to make difficult sacrifices to help keep themselves and their loved ones safe. Their efforts have ensured that Wales is emerging from this omicron wave in a stronger position. And all the while, we watched the alternative approach, favoured by the Welsh Conservatives, play out in England.

It was characterised by the now-familiar confusion of a UK Government that is unable to act. The spectacle of press conferences cancelled after Cabinet meetings because of failure to decide eventually fell into a choice not to act. As the First Minister said, what we saw and continue to see is a UK Government paralysed by division in its ranks, leading England to be an outlier in the UK when it comes to protecting its citizens. Not for the first time, the internal politics of the Conservative Party were treated as a greater priority then the well-being of a nation. And isn't it remarkable that after the events of recent weeks, the Welsh Conservatives honestly believe that the Welsh Government ought to follow the leadership and the examples set by the Prime Minister? A Prime Minister who broke the rules, broke the law, lied to Parliament and the British people, a Prime Minister who partied while the country made sacrifices, while people couldn't see loved ones, and while people died.

The Welsh Conservatives could, of course, choose to propose an approach of their own, and they could do this without fear of upsetting their masters in London because, as we now know, their masters in London don't even know who they are, and which does of course beg the question: if your own leadership doesn't take you seriously, why should this Senedd, this Government, or the people of Wales take you seriously? Or they could follow the lead of Christian Wakeford MP, the MP for Bury South, who crossed the floor today to join a party that does take this issue seriously. Or they could join Tory MP David Davis and call on their Prime Minister, who has failed this country so miserably, to quit now or, to quote him more accurately,

'In the name of God, go.'

Any of these actions would be preferable than the toadying actions that we've seen from them up to now.

Llywydd, our approach has been consistently guided by the evidence, so I am sorry to disappoint Russell and James and Laura and everybody else who's spoken from the Tory side this afternoon that your views were not the views that we took into account when making our decision—it was the evidence that was presented to us. And where we believed that England had taken the wrong course, we did not shy away from acting decisively and differently to keep Wales safe. On test and trace and PPE, we've delivered better outcomes at lower costs. This approach allowed us to redirect hundreds of millions into business support via the economic resilience fund, which does not exist in England.

Lywydd, er gwaethaf y newyddion da heddiw am gyfraddau heintio, mae teuluoedd wedi colli anwyliaid i COVID dros yr wythnosau diwethaf, ac mae pobl ym mhob cymuned ledled Cymru wedi parhau i aberthu'n fawr er mwyn helpu i gadw eu hunain a'u hanwyliaid yn ddiogel. Mae eu hymdrechion wedi sicrhau bod Cymru’n dod allan o’r don omicron hon mewn sefyllfa gryfach. A thrwy gydol yr amser, rydym wedi gweld canlyniadau'r dull amgen o weithredu, a ffafrir gan y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, sydd ar waith yn Lloegr.

Fe’i nodweddwyd gan ddryswch—cyfarwydd bellach—Llywodraeth y DU nad yw’n gallu gweithredu. Trodd y sioe o gynadleddau i'r wasg a ganslwyd ar ôl cyfarfodydd y Cabinet oherwydd methiant i wneud penderfyniadau yn ddewis yn y pen draw i beidio â gweithredu. Fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog, yr hyn a welsom a'r hyn rydym yn parhau i’w weld yw Llywodraeth y DU sydd wedi’i pharlysu gan rwygiadau yn ei rhengoedd, sy'n golygu bod Lloegr yn allanolyn yn y DU pan ddaw'n fater o ddiogelu ei dinasyddion. Nid am y tro cyntaf, cafodd gwleidyddiaeth fewnol y Blaid Geidwadol ei thrin fel blaenoriaeth bwysicach na lles gwlad. Ac onid yw'n rhyfeddol, ar ôl digwyddiadau'r wythnosau diwethaf, fod y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn credu o ddifrif y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru ddilyn arweiniad ac esiampl Prif Weinidog y DU? Prif Weinidog y DU a dorrodd y rheolau, a dorrodd y gyfraith, a ddywedodd gelwyddau wrth Senedd y DU a phobl Prydain, Prif Weinidog y DU a fu'n cael partïon wrth i'r wlad aberthu, pan na allai pobl weld eu hanwyliaid, a phan oedd pobl yn marw.

Gallai’r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, wrth gwrs, ddewis argymell eu dull eu hunain o weithredu, a gallent wneud hyn heb ofni cynhyrfu eu meistri yn Llundain, oherwydd, fel y gwyddom bellach, nid yw eu meistri yn Llundain yn gwybod pwy ydynt hyd yn oed, ac mae hynny, wrth gwrs, yn codi'r cwestiwn: os nad yw eich arweinwyr eich hun yn eich cymryd o ddifrif, pam y dylai’r Senedd hon, y Llywodraeth hon, neu bobl Cymru eich cymryd o ddifrif? Neu gallent ddilyn esiampl Christian Wakeford AS, yr AS dros Dde Bury, a groesodd y llawr heddiw i ymuno â phlaid sydd o ddifrif ynghylch y mater hwn. Neu gallent ymuno â’r AS Torïaidd, David Davis, a galw ar Brif Weinidog y DU, sydd wedi gwneud cam mor druenus â'r wlad hon, i roi’r gorau i'w swydd, neu i’w ddyfynnu’n fwy cywir,

'Yn enw Duw, ewch.'

Byddai unrhyw un o'r gweithredoedd hyn yn well na'r seboni rydym wedi'i weld ganddynt hyd yn hyn.

Lywydd, mae ein dull gweithredu wedi’i arwain yn gyson gan y dystiolaeth, felly mae’n ddrwg gennyf siomi Russell a James a Laura a phawb arall sydd wedi siarad o blith y Torïaid y prynhawn yma nad eich safbwyntiau chi oedd y safbwyntiau a ystyriwyd gennym wrth wneud ein penderfyniad—ond y dystiolaeth a gyflwynwyd i ni. A phan oeddem yn credu bod Lloegr wedi dilyn y llwybr anghywir, ni wnaethom ochel rhag rhoi camau pendant a gwahanol ar waith i gadw Cymru’n ddiogel. Ar brofi ac olrhain a chyfarpar diogelu personol, rydym wedi sicrhau canlyniadau gwell am lai o gost. Caniataodd y dull hwn inni ailgyfeirio cannoedd o filiynau o bunnoedd tuag at gymorth i fusnesau drwy’r gronfa cadernid economaidd, nad yw’n bodoli yn Lloegr.

16:45

Deputy Minister, you need to conclude now.

Ddirprwy Weinidog, mae angen ichi ddirwyn i ben yn awr.

The interim findings of a survey conduced by Cardiff University show that 85 per cent of respondents agreed that support from the economic resilience fund was as important as furlough.

So, to be clear, we did not take the most recent decisions to move to alert level 2 without considering the business consequences or the consequences for our culture, arts and sports sectors, which is why we introduced £120 million of packages for businesses, £15.5 million for the cultural sector, and £3 million of support for affected sports. And those funds also recognised the impact of the public's more cautious behaviour that began before the measures were introduced. So, the support will take effect from 13 December, before those measures were introduced. As Rhun ap Iorwerth said, omicron is still very much with us and levels of coronavirus are still incredibly high, but I am pleased that this Government took the decisive actions that we did at the time, which allowed us to keep Wales safe and move on our path to alert level 0.

In conclusion, Llywydd, I'm proud that this Welsh Government continues with its cautious, evidence-led approach to managing this pandemic, which has made our First Minister, Mark Drakeford, the most popular political leader in the UK, who continues to have the support and confidence of the majority of people in Wales. But, like everyone else, I look forward to the gradual return to more normality in the coming weeks and I look forward to going to watch the Scarlets and Bristol Bears playing on Saturday. Diolch yn fawr. 

Mae canfyddiadau interim arolwg a gynhaliwyd gan Brifysgol Caerdydd yn dangos bod 85 y cant o ymatebwyr yn cytuno bod cymorth o’r gronfa cadernid economaidd yr un mor bwysig â ffyrlo.

Felly, i fod yn glir, ni wnaethom y penderfyniadau diweddaraf i newid i lefel rhybudd 2 heb ystyried y canlyniadau i fusnes neu'r canlyniadau i'n sectorau diwylliant, celfyddydau a chwaraeon, a dyna pam y gwnaethom gyflwyno gwerth £120 miliwn o becynnau ar gyfer busnesau, £15.5 miliwn ar gyfer y sector diwylliannol, a £3 miliwn o gymorth ar gyfer chwaraeon yr effeithiwyd arnynt. Ac roedd y cronfeydd hynny hefyd yn cydnabod effaith ymddygiad mwy gofalus y cyhoedd a ddechreuodd cyn i'r mesurau gael eu cyflwyno. Felly, bydd y cymorth ar gyfer 13 Rhagfyr ymlaen, cyn i’r mesurau hynny gael eu cyflwyno. Fel y dywedodd Rhun ap Iorwerth, mae omicron yn dal i fod gyda ni, ac mae lefelau’r coronafeirws yn dal i fod yn eithriadol o uchel, ond rwy’n falch fod y Llywodraeth hon wedi cymryd y camau pendant a gymerwyd gennym ar y pryd, a oedd yn caniatáu inni gadw Cymru’n ddiogel a symud ar ein llwybr tuag at lefel rhybudd 0.

I gloi, Lywydd, rwy’n falch fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau â’i dull gofalus o reoli’r pandemig hwn, sy'n seiliedig ar dystiolaeth, a dyna sydd wedi gwneud ein Prif Weinidog, Mark Drakeford, yn arweinydd gwleidyddol mwyaf poblogaidd y DU, sy'n parhau i ennyn cefnogaeth a hyder y rhan fwyaf o bobl Cymru o hyd. Ond fel pawb arall, edrychaf ymlaen at ddychwelyd yn raddol at fwy o normalrwydd dros yr wythnosau nesaf ac edrychaf ymlaen at fynd i wylio’r Scarlets a’r Bristol Bears yn chwarae ddydd Sadwrn. Diolch yn fawr.

16:50

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Deputy Llywydd, and thank you to everyone who took part in this debate this afternoon. Possibly what the Deputy Minister might have forgotten is that there's one more Welsh Conservative to speak to close the debate, so I will come on to responding to some of the points the Deputy Minister made later on in my winding-up speech.

So, next week will mark the two-year anniversary of the World Health Organization declaring the outbreak of a novel coronavirus in mainland China a public health emergency of international concern, and the anniversary of the Foreign Office advising against travel to the Wuhan province of China. Since that time, we have seen the biggest curtailment of freedoms and civil liberties ever witnessed in peacetime, all in an effort to prevent the spread of what we now know as COVID-19. While this was justified at the beginning, as we were waiting for treatments and vaccines to be developed in order to protect the most vulnerable, now, as we enter our third year of restrictions, and with over 90 per cent of the adult population vaccinated against COVID, can we continue to say that such curbs are necessary? Can we really justify draconian restrictions on our freedoms?

We know full well that measures such as those recently reinstated by the Welsh Government are doing harm, real harm, to the people of Wales. You would be hard pressed to find anyone who can honestly say that the past two years haven't impacted their mental well-being. How many children will never recover from the damage done to their education and development due to school closures? How many families have been forced into poverty because restrictions have forced businesses to cease trading? How many generations will be forced to live with the debts racked up to deal with the impact of lockdowns? We spent, and continue to spend, eye-watering amounts during the past two years in order to shut down large parts of our economy. Think how those billions could have been spent. We could have had a first-grade social care sector, for starters. We can't carry on doing this forever and the SARS-CoV-2 virus is not going away. We have to learn to live with it, and I may be the fourth or fifth to say that now from the Welsh Conservatives, so you might want to tick that one off as well on the Plaid Cymru benches.

We can protect the vulnerable by ensuring that they are fully vaccinated and have immediate access to COVID treatment should they get sick. But the rest of us have to get on with our lives. We can't go into lockdown every bad flu season. Yes, COVID is worse than the flu, but only to the unvaccinated and the most vulnerable. For everyone else, there isn't much difference. 

Recent lockdowns have not stopped the disease from spreading, so why does this Welsh Government immediately go for the nuclear option every time there is a new variant? Enough is enough, and it's time we learned to live with COVID. We need a road map to recovery and a—

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ddirprwy Lywydd, a diolch i bawb sydd wedi cymryd rhan yn y ddadl hon y prynhawn yma. O bosibl, yr hyn y gallai’r Dirprwy Weinidog fod wedi’i anghofio yw bod un Ceidwadwr Cymreig arall i siarad i gloi’r ddadl, felly byddaf yn ymateb i rai o’r pwyntiau a wnaeth y Dirprwy Weinidog yn ddiweddarach yn fy araith glo.

Felly, yr wythnos nesaf fe fydd hi'n ddwy flynedd ers i Sefydliad Iechyd y Byd ddatgan bod yr achosion o goronafeirws newydd ar dir mawr Tsieina yn argyfwng iechyd cyhoeddus o bryder rhyngwladol, a'r Swyddfa Dramor yn cynghori yn erbyn teithio i dalaith Wuhan yn Tsieina. Ers hynny, rydym wedi gweld y cyfyngu mwyaf erioed mewn cyfnod o heddwch ar hawliau a rhyddid sifil, mewn ymdrech i atal lledaeniad yr hyn rydym bellach yn ei alw'n COVID-19. Er bod cyfiawnhad i hyn ar y dechrau, pan oeddem yn aros i driniaethau a brechlynnau gael eu datblygu er mwyn diogelu'r rhai mwyaf agored i niwed, bellach, wrth inni ddechrau ar ein trydedd flwyddyn o gyfyngiadau, a chyda dros 90 y cant o’r boblogaeth oedolion wedi’u brechu yn erbyn COVID, a allwn ni barhau i ddweud bod cyfyngiadau o'r fath yn angenrheidiol? A allwn ni o ddifrif gyfiawnhau cyfyngiadau llym ar ein rhyddid?

Gwyddom yn iawn fod mesurau fel y rhai a roddwyd ar waith unwaith eto yn ddiweddar gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn gwneud niwed, niwed gwirioneddol, i bobl Cymru. Byddai'n anodd dod o hyd i unrhyw un a all ddweud yn onest nad yw'r ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf wedi effeithio ar eu lles meddyliol. Faint o blant sydd byth yn mynd i ddod dros y niwed a wnaed i'w haddysg a'u datblygiad o ganlyniad i gau ysgolion? Faint o deuluoedd a orfodwyd i fyw mewn tlodi am fod cyfyngiadau wedi gorfodi busnesau i roi’r gorau i fasnachu? Faint o genedlaethau a gaiff eu gorfodi i fyw gyda'r dyledion sydd wedi cronni er mwyn mynd i'r afael ag effaith y cyfyngiadau symud? Rydym wedi gwario, ac rydym yn parhau i wario, symiau syfrdanol o arian dros y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf er mwyn cau rhannau helaeth o'n heconomi. Meddyliwch sut y gallai'r biliynau hynny fod wedi cael eu gwario. Gallem fod wedi cael sector gofal cymdeithasol o’r radd flaenaf, i ddechrau. Ni allwn barhau i wneud hyn am byth ac nid yw feirws SARS-CoV-2 yn mynd i ddiflannu. Mae'n rhaid inni ddysgu byw gydag ef, ac efallai mai fi yw’r pedwerydd neu’r pumed Ceidwadwr Cymreig i ddweud hynny yn awr, felly efallai yr hoffech nodi hynny hefyd ar feinciau Plaid Cymru.

Gallwn ddiogelu pobl agored i niwed drwy sicrhau eu bod wedi’u brechu’n llawn a bod ganddynt fynediad uniongyrchol at driniaeth COVID os ânt yn sâl. Ond mae'n rhaid i'r gweddill ohonom fwrw ymlaen â'n bywydau. Ni allwn gael cyfyngiadau symud bob tro y cawn dymor ffliw gwael. Ydy, mae COVID yn waeth na'r ffliw, ond dim ond i rai heb eu brechu a'r rhai mwyaf agored i niwed. I bawb arall, nid oes llawer o wahaniaeth.

Nid yw'r cyfyngiadau symud diweddar wedi atal y clefyd rhag lledaenu, felly pam fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn mynd am yr opsiwn niwclear ar unwaith bob tro y daw amrywiolyn newydd i'r amlwg? Digon yw digon, ac mae'n bryd inni ddysgu byw gyda COVID. Mae arnom angen map ffordd tuag at adferiad a—

Diolch yn fawr iawn. I've got to come in here and say I am frankly disgusted with the Conservatives' attitude in this debate this afternoon. It's the most COVID-denying, the most dismissive of the realities of the losses of the past couple of years, that I have ever heard. Are you ashamed that you're a party whose own leader rubbed our faces in it through his flagrant disregard for the sacrifices all of us have had to make? Do you really think that what we should be doing now is just wishing somehow that this had never happened? Is that the best that the right-wing Welsh Conservatives have got to offer now?

Diolch yn fawr iawn. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud fy mod wedi ffieiddio, a dweud y gwir, ag agwedd y Ceidwadwyr yn y ddadl hon y prynhawn yma. Dyma'r enghraifft waethaf imi ei chlywed erioed o wadu COVID, y fwyaf diystyriol o realiti colledion y blynyddoedd diwethaf. A ydych yn teimlo cywilydd fod arweinydd eich plaid yn gwneud hwyl am ein pennau drwy ddiystyru'n ddifrifol yr holl aberth y bu'n rhaid i bob un ohonom ei gwneud? A ydych chi o ddifrif yn meddwl mai’r hyn y dylem fod yn ei wneud bellach yw dymuno rywsut na fyddai hyn erioed wedi digwydd? Ai dyna’r gorau sydd gan y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig asgell dde i’w gynnig bellach?

Quite frankly, I'm quite disgusted in the Member for Ynys Môn and Plaid Cymru's stance on this whole issue, as they've decided to abstain from voting on this. They say it's all hindsight and that it doesn't matter, but then in the next breath they say, 'Oh, we're still living with COVID and we're dealing with such pertinent issues.' So, I think you've got a bit of an internal battle there as to which road you're going down. So, I think it's quite rich for the Member for Ynys Môn to be calling the Welsh Conservatives' stance disgusting when they're not prepared to take a stance on it themselves.

At the weekend, the Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer unveiled his party's 10-point living with COVID plan, and demanded an end to lockdowns. A string of shadow Ministers did the media rounds, criticising the UK's plan B as unnecessary. Yet here in Wales we have a Welsh Labour Government implementing more stringent measures at every juncture. The Welsh Government needs to urgently unveil its own 10-point plan and rule out future lockdowns.

As my colleague Russell George outlined when opening the debate, he welcomed the Welsh Government delivering on the Welsh Conservatives' demand for a road map out of lockdown restrictions, and we welcome a road map to more liberty, to more freedoms. He mentioned some of the effects on businesses and that each pub in Wales is due to lose £16,000, and some of the issues near the border, with people travelling to Shrewsbury from his own constituency, and to Chester from mine, just to have a night out and a little bit of freedom for a weekend or so. It's not too much to ask when the evidence supports it, I don't think.

Laura mentioned about the chaos, the political side of the decisions not based on science, the draconian element of it, the balance of harm and some of the details in lifting some of the restrictions—

A dweud y gwir, rwy'n ffieiddio at farn yr Aelod dros Ynys Môn a Phlaid Cymru ar y mater yn ei gyfanrwydd, gan eu bod wedi penderfynu ymatal rhag pleidleisio ar hyn. Maent yn dweud mai edrych yn ôl yw'r cyfan ac nad yw'n gwneud unrhyw wahaniaeth, ond yn syth ar ôl hynny, maent yn dweud, 'O, rydym yn dal i fyw gyda COVID ac rydym yn ymdrin â phethau mor berthnasol.' Felly, credaf fod gennych frwydr fewnol braidd o ran pa lwybr rydych yn ei ddewis. Felly, credaf ei bod braidd yn rhagrithiol i’r Aelod dros Ynys Môn alw safbwynt y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn ffiaidd pan nad ydynt yn barod i arddel eu safbwynt eu hunain ar y mater.

Ar y penwythnos, datgelodd arweinydd Llafur, Syr Keir Starmer, gynllun 10 pwynt ei blaid ar gyfer byw gyda COVID, a mynnu diwedd ar gyfyngiadau symud. Siaradodd cyfres o Weinidogion yr wrthblaid ar y cyfryngau, gan feirniadu cynllun B y DU fel un diangen. Fodd bynnag, yma yng Nghymru, mae gennym Lywodraeth Lafur Cymru yn rhoi mesurau llymach ar waith ar bob cyfle. Mae angen i Lywodraeth Cymru gyhoeddi ei chynllun 10 pwynt ei hun ar unwaith a diystyru unrhyw gyfyngiadau symud yn y dyfodol.

Fel yr amlinellodd fy nghyd-Aelod Russell George wrth agor y ddadl, fe ganmolodd Lywodraeth Cymru am gyflawni galwad y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig am fap ffordd allan o gyfyngiadau symud, ac rydym yn croesawu map ffordd tuag at fwy o ryddid. Soniodd am rai o’r effeithiau ar fusnesau ac y bydd pob tafarn yng Nghymru yn colli £16,000, a rhai o’r materion a oedd yn codi ger y ffin, gyda phobl yn teithio i’r Amwythig o’i etholaeth ei hun, ac i Gaer o fy etholaeth innau, er mwyn cael noson allan a rhywfaint o ryddid am benwythnos. Ni chredaf fod hynny’n ormod i'w ofyn pan fo’r dystiolaeth yn ei gefnogi.

Soniodd Laura am yr anhrefn, ochr wleidyddol y penderfyniadau nad ydynt yn seiliedig ar wyddoniaeth, y ffaith eu bod mor llym, cydbwyso niwed a rhai o’r manylion wrth godi rhai o’r cyfyngiadau—

16:55

Sorry, Deputy Llywydd. And then, Deputy Minister, I was very disappointed to see a Welsh Government politicise the whole issue and create divisions along the border, saying it's all the UK Government's fault. You are the Welsh Government, you have the devolved powers. You've wanted from day one for this to be a devolved matter to Wales, and yet you decide to respond to a COVID-19 debate and politicise the whole thing and talk about division. And that's so true of the Welsh Government, of how they've handled this whole pandemic and why we need to have a COVID-19 inquiry specific to Wales.

I urge Members to reject the Welsh Government's amendment and to support our motion tonight. We need to get Wales open and well on the path to recovery, and let's put the past two years firmly behind us. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Mae'n ddrwg gennyf, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Ac yna, Ddirprwy Weinidog, roeddwn yn siomedig iawn o weld Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwleidyddoli’r holl fater ac yn creu rhaniadau ar hyd y ffin, gan ddweud mai bai Llywodraeth y DU yw’r cyfan. Chi yw Llywodraeth Cymru, mae gennych y pwerau datganoledig. Ers y cychwyn cyntaf, rydych wedi bod eisiau i hwn fod yn fater datganoledig i Gymru, ac eto rydych yn penderfynu ymateb i ddadl am COVID-19 a gwleidyddoli'r holl beth a siarad am raniadau. Ac mae hynny mor wir am Lywodraeth Cymru, y ffordd y maent wedi ymdrin â'r pandemig cyfan a pham fod angen inni gael ymchwiliad COVID-19 sy'n benodol i Gymru.

Rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i wrthod gwelliant Llywodraeth Cymru ac i gefnogi ein cynnig heno. Mae angen inni sicrhau bod Cymru ar agor ac ar y llwybr tuag at adferiad, a rhoi’r ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf y tu ôl i ni. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [Gwrthwynebiad.] Oes. Felly, gohiriaf y bleidlais ar y cynnig tan y cyfnod pleidleisio. 

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Yes, there is an objection. I will therefore defer voting until voting time. 

Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.

Voting deferred until voting time.

7. Dadl Plaid Cymru: Costau byw
7. Plaid Cymru Debate: The cost of living

Yr eitem nesaf yw dadl Plaid Cymru: costau byw. Galwaf ar Sioned Williams i wneud y cynnig. 

The next item is the Plaid Cymru debate: the cost of living. And I call on Sioned Williams to move the motion. 

Yes, I can see her. 

Gallaf, fe allaf ei gweld.

Cynnig NDM7890 Siân Gwenllian

Cynnig bod y Senedd:

Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi cynllun gweithredu brys o ran costau byw i fynd i'r afael â'r pwysau a achosir gan y broblem ddeublyg o gostau’n cynyddu a diffyg twf mewn cyflogau.

Motion NDM7890 Siân Gwenllian

To propose that the Senedd:

Calls on the Welsh Government to publish an emergency cost-of-living action plan to tackle the pressures caused by the twin problems of surging costs and stagnating wages.

Cynigiwyd y cynnig.

Motion moved.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. Mae ein cynnig y prynhawn yma yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi cynllun gweithredu brys i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng costau byw sy'n bwrw teuluoedd Cymru. Mae'n argyfwng sy'n pwyso ar aelwydydd ar draws y Deyrnas Gyfunol ond Cymru fydd, a sydd, yn cael ei bwrw waethaf gan y storm economaidd a'r niwed cymdeithasol enbyd fydd yn deillio ohoni yn sgil y ffaith mai Cymru sydd â'r lefel uchaf o dlodi incwm cymharol a'r lefel uchaf o dlodi plant o'i gymharu â phob ardal arall yn y Deyrnas Gyfunol. Mae un ym mhob pedwar person yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi. Pobl Cymru, Dirprwy Lywydd, sydd yn llygad y storm.

Mae Plaid Cymru wedi adrodd ac ailadrodd yr ystadegau brawychus a chywilyddus am lefelau tlodi a'i effaith ar deuluoedd Cymru dro ar ôl tro yn y Siambr. Pan gawsom ddadl ar gostau byw a dyledion cyn y Nadolig, nodais sut yr oedd nifer yr aelwydydd oedd yn cael trafferth talu am gost eitemau pob dydd yn cyfateb i nifer yr aelwydydd yn Abertawe gyfan, a dim ond cynyddu mae'r ffigwr yma, gyda Sefydliad Bevan yn adrodd bod bron i 40 y cant o aelwydydd Cymru yn methu â thalu am unrhyw beth y tu hwnt i hanfodion bywyd. Nawr mae'n ymddangos na fydd modd i ormod o bobl hyd yn oed fforddio gwneud hynny, yn gorfod dewis rhwng gwresogi eu tai neu roi bwyd yn eu boliau, yng Nghymru'r unfed ganrif ar hugain.

Mae'r ffeithiau yn hysbys inni gyd erbyn hyn ac, erbyn hyn, mae corff sylweddol o ymchwil a thystiolaeth gan wahanol fudiadau yn cadarnhau'r rhagolygon a rhybuddion. Mae adroddiad newydd Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree ar dlodi yn cadarnhau mai teuluoedd Cymru sy'n mynd i ddioddef y caledi a ddaw yn sgil yr argyfwng costau byw waethaf. Ac mae'r darlun yn dal i waethygu wrth i brisiau tanwydd saethu yn sydyn i lefel gwbl anfforddiadwy i ormod o bobl, ac yn debyg o aros ar lefel uchel am gyfnod hir; wrth i lefel chwyddiant godi i'r lefel uchaf ers degawd, a'r disgwyl yw y bydd yn codi'n uwch eto; wrth i gostau byw fod ar eu huchaf ers 30 mlynedd; wrth i gyflogau ar gyfartaledd aros yn eu hunfan, ond gostwng i'r rhai ar y lefelau incwm isaf; wrth i ddyledion aelwydydd gynyddu; wrth i yswiriant cenedlaethol gynyddu; ac rŷm ni wedi trafod droeon sut mae penderfyniad gwarthus Llywodraeth Dorïaidd San Steffan i dorri'r cynnydd o £20 i'r taliad credyd cynhwysol wedi bod yn drychineb i aelwydydd Cymru. Mae'n siŵr bod nifer ohonoch chi wedi clywed straeon torcalonnus gan deuluoedd yn eich cymunedau chi sydd wedi'i cael hi'n anodd i gael dau ben llinyn ynghyd. Y neges dwi'n ei chlywed yn aml yw, 'Byddwn i'n hoffi eu gweld nhw yn trio byw yn ein byd ni.'

Ydyn, mae llawer o'r grymoedd sydd eu hangen i warchod pobl Cymru rhag yr argyfwng yma yn gorwedd yn nwylo Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol. Rwy'n gwybod bod Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn erfyn arnynt i weithredu, ond bod sefyllfa pobl Cymru yn cael ei hanwybyddu gan San Steffan. Yr hyn mae Plaid Cymru yn galw amdano heddiw yw modd newydd o weithredu gan Lywodraeth Cymru, a chydnabyddiaeth glir bod y sefyllfa argyfyngus sydd ohoni yn un nas gwelwyd ei thebyg ers degawdau, ac y bydd ei heffeithiau yn rhai a fydd yn creithio cymunedau Cymru nid yn unig heddiw ac yfory, ond ymhell i'r dyfodol, ac felly bod angen gweithredu ar frys.

Mae rhai mesurau yn barod wedi'u cynnwys yn y cytundeb cydweithio gyda Phlaid Cymru, fel ymestyn cinio ysgol am ddim i bob plentyn cynradd, ac ymestyn gofal plant am ddim i bob plentyn o ddwy flwydd oed, ond mae mwy y gellid ei wneud, mwy y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei gynnig. Byddai cynnal uwchgynhadledd i ddadansoddi'r dystiolaeth a chynnig datrysiadau polisi posibl i'r argyfwng costau byw yn gam cyntaf, a allai gynhyrchu strategaeth bwrpasol drawslywodraethol i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng yn y tymor byr a'r tymor canolig.

Thank you very much, Deputy Llywydd. Our motion this afternoon calls on the Welsh Government to publish an emergency action plan to tackle the cost-of-living crisis that is hitting families in Wales. It's a crisis affecting households across the UK, but Wales will be and is being hit hardest by the economic storm and the huge social damage that will emerge from it in light of the fact that Wales has the highest level of relative poverty and the highest level of child poverty compared to all other regions of the UK. One in four people in Wales is living in poverty. The people of Wales, Deputy Llywydd, are in the eye of this storm. 

Plaid Cymru has rehearsed and re-rehearsed the frightening and disgraceful statistics on the levels of poverty and its impact on Welsh families time and time again in this Chamber. When we had a debate on the cost of living and debt before Christmas, I noted how the number of households who were having difficulty in paying for everyday goods corresponded to the number of households in the whole of Swansea, and that figure is only increasing, with the Bevan Foundation reporting that almost 40 per cent of Welsh households can't pay for anything beyond the essentials of life. It now appears that it won't be possible for too many people, even, to afford that, having to choose between heating or eating, in Wales in the twenty-first century. 

The facts are well known to us all and, now, there's a large body of evidence and research from all sorts of organisations that confirms the predictions and the warnings. The new report by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation on poverty confirms that it's families in Wales who will suffer the greatest hardship in light of the cost-of-living crisis. And the picture is still deteriorating as fuel prices shoot up to an entirely unaffordable level for too many people, and are likely to remain at that high level for a long period of time; as the level of inflation increases to the highest level for a decade, and the expectation that it'll go even higher; as the cost of living is at its highest for a period of 30 years; as wages on average are stagnating, but are falling for those on the lowest income levels; as household debts increase; as national insurance increases; and we have discussed many times how the disgraceful decision of the Conservative Government in Westminster to cut that £20 increase to universal credit has been a disaster for Welsh households. I'm sure that many of you will have heard heartbreaking stories from families in your own communities who have had difficulty in making ends meet. The message I hear very often is, 'I would want to see them trying to live as we have to live.'

Yes, many of the powers needed to safeguard the people of Wales from this looming crisis sit with the UK Government. I know that Welsh Government Ministers have been urging them to take action, but that the situation of the people of Wales is ignored by Westminster. What Plaid Cymru is calling for today is a new approach by the Welsh Government, and a clear recognition that the critical situation we're facing is one that we haven't experienced for decades, and that its impacts will scar Welsh communities not just today and tomorrow, but way into the future too, and that therefore we need urgent action. 

Some measures have already been included in the co-operation agreement with Plaid Cymru, such as extending free school meals to all primary school pupils, and extending free childcare to all children from two years old, but there is still more that could be done, more that the Welsh Government could provide. Having a summit to analyse the evidence and to propose possible policy solutions to the cost-of-living crisis would be a first step that could generate a cross-governmental strategy that could tackle the crisis in the short term and the medium term.

Daeth y Llywydd i’r Gadair.

The Llywydd took the Chair.

17:00

We must listen to and act with urgency upon the evidence and suggestions being proposed for ways that we in Wales can do more to address this crisis. An emergency summit, as I said, would be a first step that could help inform an emergency cost-of-living action plan. We need initiatives to support renters, for example, who have been amongst the hardest hit by the cost-of-living crisis. The Welsh Government has put a cap on social rent for the coming year, equal to the level of inflation for September, which is 3.1 per cent. This is a welcome move as compared with the above-inflation hikes permitted this year for England. But will the Government commit to making this a permanent policy, and not slip back to the above-inflation rises that it normally permits? Will they also consider the calls of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and others to institute a model of living rent, given that we know rent and rental arrears are one of the biggest costs facing households? 

The tenancy hardship grant could be extended, so that more social housing tenants not eligible for universal credit or housing benefit could be helped permanently. The building and retrofitting of social housing could be further accelerated. Other suggestions that could be explored include more investment in the discretionary assistance fund, which could be extended and made more flexible permanently. The education maintenance allowance could be increased and extended. The idea of debt bonfires, recommended by the Equality and Social Justice Committee's report, could be progressed at pace.

How many more ideas could an emergency summit produce? How much urgency and strategic co-ordinated action could an emergency plan ensure, giving us clear priorities and joined-up effective implementation? It's those who are already suffering socioeconomic disadvantage in our society that are bearing the brunt of this crisis: renters, those on low incomes or in insecure work, disabled people, children, lone parents, older people, care leavers and black, Asian and minority ethnic households. These groups already face greater costs than most, so any increases in the cost of living only exacerbate the inequality and its economic, social and health impacts.    

Rhaid inni wrando a gweithredu ar frys ar y dystiolaeth a'r awgrymiadau a argymhellir ar gyfer ffyrdd y gallwn ni yng Nghymru wneud mwy i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng hwn. Byddai uwchgynhadledd frys, fel y dywedais, yn gam cyntaf a allai helpu i lywio cynllun gweithredu costau byw brys. Mae angen mentrau i gefnogi rhentwyr, er enghraifft, sydd wedi bod ymhlith y rhai a gafodd eu taro galetaf gan yr argyfwng costau byw. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gosod cap ar rent cymdeithasol ar gyfer y flwyddyn i ddod, i gyd-fynd â lefel chwyddiant ym mis Medi, sef 3.1 y cant. Mae hwn yn gam i'w groesawu o'i gymharu â'r cynnydd uwch na chwyddiant a ganiateir eleni ar gyfer Lloegr. Ond a wnaiff y Llywodraeth ymrwymo i wneud hwn yn bolisi parhaol, a pheidio â llithro'n ôl i'r cynnydd uwch na chwyddiant y mae'n eu caniatáu fel arfer? A fyddant hefyd yn ystyried galwadau Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree ac eraill i sefydlu model rhent byw, o gofio ein bod yn gwybod mai rhent ac ôl-ddyledion rhent yw un o'r costau mwyaf sy'n wynebu aelwydydd? 

Gellid ymestyn y grant caledi i denantiaid, fel y gellid rhoi cymorth mwy parhaol i fwy o denantiaid tai cymdeithasol nad ydynt yn gymwys i gael credyd cynhwysol neu fudd-dal tai. Gellid cyflymu'r gwaith o adeiladu ac ôl-osod tai cymdeithasol ymhellach. Mae awgrymiadau eraill y gellid eu harchwilio yn cynnwys mwy o fuddsoddiad yn y gronfa cymorth dewisol, y gellid ei hymestyn a'i gwneud yn fwy hyblyg yn barhaol. Gellid cynyddu ac ymestyn y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Gellid mynd ati'n gyflym i ddatblygu'r syniad o goelcerthi dyledion, a argymhellwyd gan adroddiad y Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol.

Faint yn rhagor o syniadau y gallai uwchgynhadledd frys eu cynhyrchu? Faint o frys a gweithredu cydgysylltiedig strategol y gallai cynllun argyfwng ei sicrhau, gan roi blaenoriaethau clir i ni a gweithredu effeithiol cydgysylltiedig? Y rhai sydd eisoes yn dioddef anfantais economaidd-gymdeithasol yn ein cymdeithas sy'n ysgwyddo baich yr argyfwng hwn: rhentwyr, pobl ar incwm isel neu mewn gwaith ansicr, pobl anabl, plant, rhieni sengl, pobl hŷn, rhai sy'n gadael gofal ac aelwydydd pobl dduon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifol ethnig. Mae'r grwpiau hyn eisoes yn wynebu mwy o gostau na'r rhan fwyaf, felly mae unrhyw gynnydd mewn costau byw yn gwaethygu'r anghydraddoldeb a'i effeithiau economaidd, cymdeithasol ac iechyd.   

Wrth drafod mynd i'r afael â'r pandemig, mae'r Llywodraeth wedi sôn yn aml am bwysigrwydd gweithredu'n gynnar ac yn galed. Dyna'r union agwedd sydd ei hangen gyda'r argyfwng yma. Rhaid darparu cysgod, oes, ond mae hefyd angen ceisio atal y storm rhag cyrraedd ei hanterth ddinistriol. Nid sioc economaidd fer yw hon. Fel y pandemig, bydd ei heffeithiau yn para am flynyddoedd. Rhaid dangos arweiniad, penderfyniad ac arloesedd os am warchod a chynnal ein pobl rhag niwed a dioddefaint difrifol. Diolch.

In discussing tackling the pandemic, the Government has often talked about the importance of early action. That is exactly the approach that we need with this crisis. We need to provide protection, yes, but we also need to try and prevent the storm from reaching its destructive height. This is not a short-term economic shock. Like the pandemic, its impact will remain for years. We must show leadership, determination and innovation if we want to safeguard and protect our people from serious harm and suffering. Thank you. 

17:05

Diolch, Lywydd. Surely no-one can be unaware of the cost-of-living crisis that now threatens to engulf many of our constituents, except perhaps the occupants of No. 10. Inflation has leaped to 5.4 per cent, its highest level in almost 30 years. It's driven by higher costs of clothes, of food and footwear, furniture and household goods, and hold-ups in supply chains at British ports. The Bank of England expects it to rise further, especially if the UK Government continues in its state of paralysis, faced by the concurrent energy crisis, which could lead to an annual increase of £500 or more per household. While wages are rising for some, the cost-of-living increases, combined with measures such as cuts to universal credit, are outstripping this by far and leaving the average worker worse off.

The UK Chancellor says that he's listening. I think that the message from the public would be to start acting decisively before people freeze in their homes or go hungry or lose their tenancies or, indeed, the homes that they own. Many of the levers are in the hands of the UK Government. So, it is a matter of deep regret that the UK Government, and especially the Prime Minister himself, are so focused on intently clinging on to the keys of No. 10 at all costs that they cannot focus at all on the cost-of-living crisis. I can do no better than refer Conservative Members of the Senedd to the words of one of the Prime Minister's own backbenchers—and a former Minister and leadership contender, indeed—today at Prime Minister's questions, when he said to the PM, quoting Cromwell's address to the long Parliament:

'In the name of God, go.'

As the UK Government retreats into a bunker, outside the cold winds are biting. They are biting hard in places like Bury South. As we welcome Christian Wakeford, the new Labour MP for Bury South, today, we note the pertinence of his words on leaving the Conservative Party for this debate that we have today. He said:

'I care passionately about the people of Bury South and I have concluded that the policies of the Conservative Government led by Boris Johnson are doing nothing to help the people of the constituency and indeed are only making the struggles they face on a daily basis worse.'

His words are going to echo in many less affluent areas of the UK, including some that are currently represented by Conservative Members in this Senedd and their Welsh MP colleagues. In Wales, we know that this Johnson effect is telling too. Despite the best efforts of the Welsh Labour Government, it's like swimming upstream against a tide of Johnsonian indifference and ineptitude.

Citizens Advice in Wales tell us that there has already been a 17 per cent increase in people seeking help for debt. The biggest increase in enquiries has been on energy debts, now 150 per cent higher last November than in the same period in 2019. In UK-wide research, they report one in five people cutting back on their food shopping and heating to save money. They anticipate a massive surge in debt and hardship needs when the energy cap is lifted, leading to bills increasing by £500, £600, £700 or more annually. Minister, we know that Citizens Advice and others have specific asks of the UK Government, including a one-off energy support grant targeted at low-income households and a larger uplift in the value of benefits this spring. Well, let's see if the Chancellor is truly listening. But, meanwhile, I ask the Minister to write to the UK Government to bring forward these and other UK emergency measures.

But they also have asks of the Welsh Government, including additional support to help local authorities write off irrecoverable council tax arrears, which rose by 42 per cent last year, and an expansion of the council tax arrears scheme. We can make a difference here in Wales—differences like that made by the household support fund, helping families hardest hit by the cost-of-living crisis, targeting support towards lower income households, with immediate help for people facing rising living costs this winter. More than £1.1 million has been provided to support and to bolster foodbanks and community food partnerships and community hubs, to help address food poverty and food insecurity and provide a wide range of services to help people and families to maximise their income. And locally in my area, Labour-led Bridgend borough council are proposing to freeze the level of council tax for the year ahead, to help residents who are suffering from the cost-of-living crisis, and it's thanks to a record increase in funding from Welsh Government. And they're also going to provide an extra £2.5 million to ensure that every local care worker receives a pay rise to at least the living wage. And there's more.

Minister, some of the most powerful levers do not lie here in Wales, but we have got to use every tool at our disposal to help those most affected by this cost-of-living crisis, and to tackle the inertia and indifference of the Johnsonian UK Government. We need to show the different priorities and values and the actions of the Welsh Government and partners locally. So, the motion we debate today calls on Welsh Government to publish an emergency plan to reduce the pressures caused by the twin problems of surging costs of living and stagnating wages. Regardless of the paralysis of UK Government in the face of this gathering storm, let's do all we can in Wales. I urge support for this motion.

Diolch, Lywydd. Rhaid bod pawb yn ymwybodol o'r argyfwng costau byw sydd bellach yn bygwth taro llawer o'n hetholwyr, ac eithrio deiliaid Rhif 10 efallai. Mae chwyddiant wedi neidio i 5.4 y cant, ei lefel uchaf mewn bron i 30 mlynedd. Caiff ei yrru gan gostau uwch dillad, bwyd ac esgidiau, dodrefn a nwyddau'r cartref, ac oedi mewn cadwyni cyflenwi ym mhorthladdoedd Prydain. Mae Banc Lloegr yn disgwyl iddo godi ymhellach, yn enwedig os bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn parhau i fod wedi'i pharlysu, tra'n wynebu argyfwng ynni cydamserol, a allai arwain at gynnydd blynyddol o £500 neu fwy i aelwydydd. Er bod cyflogau'n codi i rai, mae'r cynnydd mewn costau byw, ynghyd â mesurau fel toriadau i gredyd cynhwysol, yn llawer mwy gan olygu bod y gweithiwr cyffredin yn waeth ei fyd.

Mae Canghellor y DU yn dweud ei fod yn gwrando. Credaf mai'r neges gan y cyhoedd fyddai dechrau gweithredu'n bendant cyn i bobl rewi yn eu cartrefi neu fynd yn llwglyd neu golli eu tenantiaethau neu'n wir, y cartrefi y maent yn berchen arnynt. Mae llawer o'r ysgogiadau yn nwylo Llywodraeth y DU. Felly, mae'n destun gofid mawr fod Llywodraeth y DU, ac yn enwedig Prif Weinidog y DU ei hun, yn canolbwyntio cymaint ar gadw eu bachau ar allweddi Rhif 10 doed a ddelo fel na allant ganolbwyntio o gwbl ar yr argyfwng costau byw. Ni allaf wneud yn well na chyfeirio Aelodau Ceidwadol y Senedd at eiriau un o aelodau meinciau cefn y Prif Weinidog ei hun—a chyn Weinidog ac un o'r rhai a ymgeisiodd am yr arweinyddiaeth, yn wir—yn y cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog heddiw, pan ddywedodd wrth y Prif Weinidog, gan ddyfynnu anerchiad Cromwell i'r Senedd hir:

'Yn enw Duw, ewch.'

Wrth i Lywodraeth y DU encilio i fyncer, y tu allan mae'r gwyntoedd oer yn brathu. Maent yn brathu'n galed mewn llefydd fel Bury South. Wrth inni groesawu Christian Wakeford, AS Llafur newydd Bury South, heddiw, nodwn pa mor berthnasol yw ei eiriau ar adael y Blaid Geidwadol i'r ddadl hon heddiw. Dywedodd hyn:

'Rwy'n poeni'n angerddol am bobl Bury South ac rwyf wedi dod i'r casgliad nad yw polisïau'r Llywodraeth Geidwadol dan arweiniad Boris Johnson yn gwneud unrhyw beth i helpu pobl yr etholaeth ac yn wir nid ydynt ond yn gwneud y trafferthion y maent yn eu hwynebu bob dydd yn waeth.'

Mae ei eiriau'n mynd i adleisio mewn llawer o ardaloedd llai cefnog yn y DU, gan gynnwys rhai a gynrychiolir ar hyn o bryd gan Aelodau Ceidwadol yn y Senedd hon a'u cymheiriaid ymhlith Aelodau Seneddol San Steffan. Yng Nghymru hefyd, gwyddom fod effaith Johnson yn dweud llawer. Er gwaethaf ymdrechion gorau Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru, mae fel nofio i fyny'r afon yn erbyn llanw o ddifaterwch ac anfedrusrwydd Johnsonaidd.

Dywed Cyngor ar Bopeth yng Nghymru wrthym fod cynnydd o 17 y cant eisoes wedi bod yn nifer y bobl sy'n ceisio cymorth gyda dyledion. Gwelwyd y cynnydd mwyaf yn nifer yr ymholiadau a oedd yn ymwneud â dyledion ynni, sydd bellach 150 y cant yn uwch fis Tachwedd diwethaf nag yn yr un cyfnod yn 2019. Mewn ymchwil ledled y DU, maent yn adrodd bod un o bob pump o bobl yn torri'n ôl ar siopa bwyd a gwresogi er mwyn arbed arian. Maent yn rhagweld cynnydd enfawr mewn anghenion dyled a chaledi pan gaiff y cap ynni ei godi, gan arwain at gynnydd o £500, £600, £700 neu fwy ar filiau bob blwyddyn. Weinidog, gwyddom fod Cyngor ar Bopeth ac eraill yn gofyn am bethau penodol gan Lywodraeth y DU, gan gynnwys grant cymorth ynni untro wedi'i dargedu at aelwydydd incwm isel a chynnydd mwy yng ngwerth budd-daliadau y gwanwyn hwn. Wel, gadewch inni weld a yw'r Canghellor yn gwrando mewn gwirionedd. Ond yn y cyfamser, gofynnaf i'r Gweinidog ysgrifennu at Lywodraeth y DU i gyflwyno'r mesurau hyn a mesurau brys eraill yn y DU.

Ond maent yn gofyn am bethau gan Lywodraeth Cymru, gan gynnwys cymorth ychwanegol i helpu awdurdodau lleol i ddileu ôl-ddyledion y dreth gyngor na ellir eu hadennill, a gododd 42 y cant y llynedd, ac ehangu cynllun ôl-ddyledion y dreth gyngor. Gallwn wneud gwahaniaeth yma yng Nghymru—gwahaniaethau fel yr hyn a wnaed gan y gronfa cymorth i aelwydydd, i helpu'r teuluoedd sydd wedi'u taro waethaf gan yr argyfwng costau byw, i dargedu cymorth tuag at aelwydydd incwm is, gyda chymorth uniongyrchol i bobl sy'n wynebu costau byw cynyddol y gaeaf hwn. Darparwyd mwy na £1.1 miliwn i gefnogi ac i gryfhau banciau bwyd a phartneriaethau bwyd cymunedol a hybiau cymunedol, i helpu i fynd i'r afael â thlodi bwyd ac ansicrwydd bwyd a darparu ystod eang o wasanaethau i helpu pobl a theuluoedd i wneud y gorau o'u hincwm. Ac yn lleol yn fy ardal i, mae cyngor bwrdeistref Pen-y-bont ar Ogwr dan arweiniad Llafur yn argymell rhewi lefel y dreth gyngor am y flwyddyn i ddod, i helpu trigolion sy'n dioddef yn sgil yr argyfwng costau byw, a hynny diolch i'r cynnydd mwyaf erioed yn y cyllid gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Ac maent hefyd yn mynd i ddarparu £2.5 miliwn ychwanegol i sicrhau bod pob gweithiwr gofal lleol yn cael codiad cyflog i'r cyflog byw fan lleiaf. Ac mae mwy.

Weinidog, nid yng Nghymru y ceir rhai o'r ysgogiadau mwyaf pwerus, ond rhaid inni ddefnyddio pob arf sydd ar gael inni i helpu'r rhai yr effeithir arnynt fwyaf gan yr argyfwng costau byw, ac i fynd i'r afael â syrthni a difaterwch Llywodraeth Johnsonaidd y DU. Mae angen inni ddangos y gwahanol flaenoriaethau a gwerthoedd a gweithredoedd Llywodraeth Cymru a phartneriaid yn lleol. Felly, mae'r cynnig a drafodwn heddiw yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi cynllun argyfwng i leihau'r pwysau a achosir gan y cynnydd mewn costau byw ar y naill law a chyflogau sy'n aros yn eu hunfan ar y llaw arall. Beth bynnag am barlys Llywodraeth y DU yn wyneb y storm sydd ar y gorwel, gadewch inni wneud popeth yn ein gallu yng Nghymru. Rwy'n eich annog i gefnogi'r cynnig hwn.

17:10

A crisis is usually immediate. It's a time of intense difficulty, sometimes danger. But when we think of crises, we tend to associate them with suddenness, of something unforeseen, unplanned for, inescapable. This crisis, though, this coalescence of attacks on people's cost of living, is completely foreseen. In some respects like the cut to universal credit, it has been actively brought on by Government. Even the energy bills increase that's on the horizon has been coming for months, arguably far longer. And that incongruity, that clash between usual crises and what's happening now, isn't just jarring on a conceptual level; it has real-world effects. Psychologically, people who are already struggling to get by with bills, with food prices, will have been reading headlines for months that warned them that things are going to get worse, will have that looming sense of dread weigh on them, and will see not enough being done to stop it—that sense of anticipated crisis and expected trauma. That is going to be enveloping families in panic and quiet despair, and I'm not sure enough is being done to address that simmering mental health pressure that's being felt by people the length and breadth of Wales. People are already in crisis.

One woman told Newsnight this week that she ate Weetabix three times a day, because cutting her food bill drastically was the only way she could afford to heat her home. Another told Newyddion that she couldn't sleep because of worry. Money she put in her meter disappeared in no time, with her house's heat escaping through draughty windows. She said her son was ill all the time. These are not isolated experiences, as we've heard. In spring 2021, 16 per cent of Welsh households had to cut back on heating, electricity, or water, and 15 per cent cut back on food. We're told—again, we are warned in advance—that these figures will only get bigger as costs continue to rise. So, the gap between how people should be able to live their lives and the reality will grow greater. That shameful gap will gape open between living properly and only surviving. On 1 April, the energy price cap will increase. The Resolution Foundation estimates that this will add £600 to people's annual energy bills. The same week, national insurance increases come into effect, making the average household £600 a year worse off. Combined, the annual effect will be £1,200, or £100 every month.

In terms of energy bills, there are interventions that could be made, and indeed are being made by other states. France is forcing EDF to sell energy at low prices. The Spanish Government has introduced a windfall tax on electricity generators and gas producers. Germany has slashed a surcharge on bills used to support renewable energy schemes, which will instead receive extra state subsidies drawn from higher carbon taxes. These may or may not be suitable, or indeed possible, in a UK context, but the Welsh and UK Governments could and must look at interventions like suspending VAT on energy bills temporarily, retrofitting social housing more quickly and finding better ways to protect those with top-up meters. Could they be issued with a Welsh Government card, for example, to be used in emergency situations, with the option of paying off debt over the long term on zero interest? Yes, that would be expensive, but the alternative seems to be people suffering and even dying due to illness brought about by the cold; a situation where families are under financial pressure that can provoke stress and acute anxiety that can wear people down and exhaust them, and again all the while, a crisis that is not like a short, sharp shock, but a slow, burning bind, that is locking people into that anguish and misery that traps people in anticipated trauma.

I said at the start of my contribution that a crisis is usually sudden and characterised by intensity, but the meaning of the word 'crisis' actually comes from the Greek for 'decision', and that is surely what is needed here at this decisive point, this moment of anticipation before the crisis gets worse. We need fundamental reform, and we need to rethink the way we model our society so that it doesn't depend on people putting up with just about surviving.

Mae argyfwng fel arfer yn digwydd ar unwaith. Mae'n gyfnod o anhawster dwys, a pherygl weithiau. Ond pan fyddwn yn meddwl am argyfyngau, rydym yn tueddu i'w cysylltu â sydynrwydd, â rhywbeth annisgwyl, na chynlluniwyd ar ei gyfer, ac na ellir ei osgoi. Fodd bynnag, mae'r cyfuniad hwn o ymosodiadau ar gostau byw pobl yn rhywbeth a ragwelwyd yn llwyr. Mewn rhai ffyrdd fel y toriad i gredyd cynhwysol, Llywodraeth sydd wedi'i achosi. Mae hyd yn oed y cynnydd yn y biliau ynni sydd ar y gorwel wedi bod yn dod ers misoedd, ac yn hwy na hynny, gellid dadlau. Ac mae'r anghysondeb hwnnw, y gwrthdaro rhwng argyfyngau arferol a'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn awr, yn gythryblus ar lefel gysyniadol; mae iddo effeithiau yn y byd go iawn. Yn seicolegol, bydd pobl sydd eisoes yn ei chael hi'n anodd ymdopi â biliau, â phrisiau bwyd, wedi bod yn darllen penawdau ers misoedd a'u rhybuddiai fod pethau'n mynd i waethygu, gyda'r ymdeimlad hwnnw o arswyd rhag yr hyn sydd i ddod yn pwyso arnynt, ac ni fyddant yn gweld digon yn cael ei wneud i'w atal—yr ymdeimlad o argyfwng disgwyliedig a thrawma disgwyliedig. Mae'n mynd i greu panig a gofid tawel i deuluoedd, ac nid wyf yn siŵr fod digon yn cael ei wneud i fynd i'r afael â'r pwysau iechyd meddwl sy'n cael ei deimlo gan bobl ar hyd a lled Cymru. Mae pobl eisoes mewn argyfwng.

Dywedodd un fenyw wrth Newsnight yr wythnos hon ei bod yn bwyta Weetabix dair gwaith y dydd oherwydd mai torri ei bil bwyd yn sylweddol oedd yr unig ffordd y gallai fforddio gwresogi ei chartref. Dywedodd un arall wrth Newyddion nad oedd hi'n gallu cysgu am ei bod yn poeni. Roedd yr arian a roddai yn ei mesurydd yn diflannu mewn dim o dro, gyda gwres ei thŷ yn dianc drwy ffenestri drafftiog. Dywedodd fod ei mab yn sâl drwy'r amser. Nid profiadau ynysig yw'r rhain, fel y clywsom. Yng ngwanwyn 2021, bu'n rhaid i 16 y cant o aelwydydd Cymru dorri'n ôl ar wres, trydan neu ddŵr, a thorrodd 15 y cant yn ôl ar fwyd. Dywedir wrthym—unwaith eto, cawn ein rhybuddio ymlaen llaw—y bydd y ffigurau hyn yn tyfu wrth i gostau barhau i godi. Felly, bydd y bwlch rhwng sut y dylai pobl allu byw eu bywydau a'r realiti'n tyfu'n fwy. Bydd y bwlch cywilyddus hwnnw'n agor rhwng byw'n iawn a dim ond goroesi. Ar 1 Ebrill, bydd y cap ar brisiau ynni yn codi. Mae Sefydliad Resolution yn amcangyfrif y bydd hyn yn ychwanegu £600 at filiau ynni blynyddol pobl. Yr un wythnos, daw'r cynnydd i yswiriant gwladol i rym, gan wneud yr aelwyd gyfartalog £600 y flwyddyn yn waeth ei byd. Gyda'i gilydd, yr effaith flynyddol fydd £1,200, neu £100 bob mis.

O ran biliau ynni, mae yna ymyriadau y gellid eu gwneud, ac fe gânt eu gwneud gan wladwriaethau eraill yn wir. Mae Ffrainc yn gorfodi EDF i werthu ynni am brisiau isel. Mae Llywodraeth Sbaen wedi cyflwyno treth ffawdelw ar gynhyrchwyr trydan a chynhyrchwyr nwy. Mae'r Almaen wedi torri gordal ar filiau a ddefnyddir i gefnogi cynlluniau ynni adnewyddadwy, a fydd yn lle hynny'n cael cymorthdaliadau gwladwriaethol ychwanegol o drethi carbon uwch. Gallai'r rhain fod yn addas, neu'n wir yn bosibl, yng nghyd-destun y DU, neu efallai na fyddant yn addas, ond fe allai ac fe ddylai Llywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU edrych ar ymyriadau fel atal TAW ar filiau ynni dros dro, ôl-osod tai cymdeithasol yn gyflymach a dod o hyd i ffyrdd gwell o ddiogelu'r rhai sydd â mesuryddion rhagdalu. A ellid rhoi cerdyn Llywodraeth Cymru iddynt, er enghraifft, i'w defnyddio mewn sefyllfaoedd argyfyngus, gyda'r opsiwn o ad-dalu dyled yn hirdymor heb ddim llog? Byddai hynny'n ddrud, ond mae'n ymddangos mai'r dewis arall yw pobl yn dioddef a hyd yn oed yn marw oherwydd salwch a achosir gan yr oerfel; sefyllfa lle mae teuluoedd o dan bwysau ariannol sy'n gallu achosi straen a phryder acíwt a all lethu pobl a'u gorflino, ac eto drwy'r amser, argyfwng nad yw'n debyg i sioc fer, sydyn, ond rhwymyn sy'n tynhau'n araf, sy'n clymu pobl yn y gofid a'r dioddefaint sy'n eu caethiwo mewn trawma y maent wedi'i weld yn dod.

Dywedais ar ddechrau fy nghyfraniad fod argyfwng fel arfer yn sydyn a dwys, ond daw ystyr y gair 'argyfwng' mewn gwirionedd o'r Groeg am 'benderfyniad', a dyna'n sicr sydd ei angen yma ar y pwynt tyngedfennol hwn, y funud hon o ddisgwyliad cyn i'r argyfwng waethygu. Mae angen diwygio'n sylfaenol, ac mae angen inni ailystyried y ffordd rydym yn modelu ein cymdeithas fel nad yw'n dibynnu ar bobl yn goddef sefyllfa lle maent prin yn llwyddo i oroesi.

17:15

We're pleased to support this motion. As figures today show, soaring food costs and the energy bill crisis are driving consumer prices up at their fastest rate in 30 years, with UK consumer price inflation at 5.4 per cent last year. Of course, this is not restricted to the UK, and inflation has risen in economies across the world; for example, I think 6.2 per cent in the US last October. As the Bank of England's chief economist stated three months ago, inflation has been increasing rapidly for much of 2021 because of the strong economic recovery from the coronavirus crisis, surging energy prices and global supply chain disruption. Those of us who remember inflation and its consequences in the 1970s and 1980s know that it is an economy and jobs killer, with devastating impacts on household budgets, and understand that this must be tackled, that massive liquidity injections to power us through choppy waters will therefore no longer be available, and that tighter fiscal policy normally follows, including further central bank interest hikes, although this will also need global responses to supply pressures.

Although UK inflation is expected to fall back later this year, it is not expected to drop to the Bank of England's 2 per cent target until 2023. I know that the UK Chancellor has stated today that he understands the pressures people are facing and will continue to listen to people's concerns, as he has done throughout the pandemic, adding that the UK Government was already providing support worth £12 billion this financial year and the next to help families cope. He's already delivered over £407 billion of economic support since the pandemic began, now backed by a further £1 billion package for key sectors to mitigate the impacts of omicron, and is also delivering £4.2 billion of support to help with the cost of living; keeping the energy price cap in place to protect consumers from the global spike in gas prices, or help that; delivering £1,000 tax cut for working families; by cutting the universal credit taper rate, costing £2.2 billion; increasing the national living wage to £9.50 an hour; freezing duty rates on fuel and alcohol to help with the cost of living; and enabling the Welsh Government to launch its household support fund by contributing £25 million towards this from its £0.5 billion fund to help households in need to buy essential items.

But regrettably, people in Wales were already particularly exposed. In four months' time, Labour will have been running Wales for a quarter of a century. The December 2018 Joseph Rowntree report on UK poverty stated: of the four countries of the UK, Wales has consistently had the highest poverty rate for the past 20 years. Last November's Joseph Rowntree Foundation poverty in Wales report stated that Wales has the lowest pay for people in every sector from the rest of the UK, and that even before coronavirus, almost a quarter of people in Wales were in poverty. Research carried out for the UK End Child Poverty coalition published last May found that Wales had the worst child poverty rates of all UK nations, and official statistics show that successive Labour Welsh Governments have failed to close the gap between the richest and poorest parts of Wales, and between Wales and the rest of the UK, despite having spent billions entrusted to them to tackle this on top-down programmes that did not do so. Had they done so, of course, they would have disqualified themselves from further funding. Even yesterday, they were talking as if this funding was not only ever intended to be temporary. Despite criticising other bodies that invest temporary funding in ongoing revenue costs, they've done the same. As the UK Chancellor has also said:

'The best way to help people to get on in life, and raise living standards across the UK, is to help people into work and to progress once in work.'

But the Welsh Government's ongoing reactionary and regressive rhetoric conceals the fact that the equality and social aspects of cost-of-living pressures are inextricably linked to the economy.

The Welsh Government's action plan should not only include steps to help vulnerable households facing higher costs, especially when the energy price cap is lifted, but also detail how it will at last work hand in hand with business to create the conditions for a higher wage, high-skilled economy, and how it will at last develop a systemic, community-led strategy for tackling deprivation and promoting social justice. We've waited too long.

Rydym yn falch o gefnogi'r cynnig hwn. Fel y dengys ffigurau heddiw, mae costau bwyd sy'n codi i'r entrychion a'r argyfwng biliau ynni yn codi prisiau i ddefnyddwyr yn gynt nag mewn 30 mlynedd, gyda chwyddiant prisiau defnyddwyr y DU yn 5.4 y cant y llynedd. Wrth gwrs, nid yw hyn wedi'i gyfyngu i'r DU, ac mae chwyddiant wedi codi mewn economïau ym mhob cwr o'r byd; er enghraifft, credaf ei fod yn 6.2 y cant yn yr Unol Daleithiau fis Hydref diwethaf. Fel y dywedodd prif economegydd Banc Lloegr dri mis yn ôl, mae chwyddiant wedi bod yn codi'n gyflym am lawer o 2021 oherwydd yr adferiad economaidd cryf o'r argyfwng coronafeirws, prisiau ynni cynyddol ac aflonyddwch yn y gadwyn gyflenwi fyd-eang. Mae'r rheini ohonom sy'n cofio chwyddiant a'i ganlyniadau yn y 1970au a'r 1980au yn gwybod ei fod yn lladd yr economi a swyddi, gydag effeithiau dinistriol ar gyllidebau aelwydydd, ac yn deall bod yn rhaid mynd i'r afael ag ef, na fydd chwistrelliadau enfawr o hylifedd i'n pweru drwy ddyfroedd geirwon ar gael mwyach, a bod polisi cyllidol tynnach fel arfer yn dilyn, gan gynnwys rhagor o godiadau yng nghyfraddau llog y banc canolog, er y bydd angen ymatebion byd-eang hefyd i bwysau ar gyflenwadau.

Er y disgwylir i chwyddiant y DU ostwng yn ei ôl yn ddiweddarach eleni, ni ddisgwylir iddo ostwng i darged Banc Lloegr o 2 y cant tan 2023. Gwn fod Canghellor y DU wedi datgan heddiw ei fod yn deall y pwysau y mae pobl yn ei wynebu ac y bydd yn parhau i wrando ar bryderon pobl, fel y gwnaeth drwy gydol y pandemig, gan ychwanegu bod Llywodraeth y DU eisoes yn darparu cymorth gwerth £12 biliwn y flwyddyn ariannol hon a'r nesaf i helpu teuluoedd i ymdopi. Mae eisoes wedi darparu dros £407 biliwn o gymorth economaidd ers i'r pandemig ddechrau, wedi'i gefnogi gan becyn pellach o £1 biliwn i sectorau allweddol er mwyn lliniaru effeithiau omicron, ac mae hefyd yn darparu £4.2 biliwn o gymorth i helpu gyda chostau byw; cadw'r cap ar brisiau ynni i ddiogelu defnyddwyr rhag y cynnydd byd-eang ym mhrisiau nwy, neu helpu hynny; darparu toriad treth o £1,000 i deuluoedd sy'n gweithio; drwy dorri cyfradd tapr y credyd cynhwysol, sy'n costio £2.2 biliwn; cynyddu'r cyflog byw cenedlaethol i £9.50 yr awr; rhewi cyfraddau tollau ar danwydd ac alcohol i helpu gyda chostau byw; a galluogi Llywodraeth Cymru i lansio ei chronfa cymorth i aelwydydd drwy gyfrannu £25 miliwn tuag at hyn o'i chronfa £0.5 biliwn i helpu aelwydydd mewn angen i brynu eitemau hanfodol.

Ond yn anffodus, roedd pobl yng Nghymru eisoes yn arbennig o agored i niwed. Ymhen pedwar mis, bydd Llafur wedi bod yn rhedeg Cymru ers chwarter canrif. Nododd adroddiad Joseph Rowntree ym mis Rhagfyr 2018 ar dlodi yn y DU: o bedair gwlad y DU, Cymru sydd wedi bod â'r gyfradd tlodi uchaf yn gyson dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf. Nododd adroddiad Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree yng Nghymru fis Tachwedd diwethaf mai Cymru sydd â'r cyflogau isaf i bobl ym mhob sector o gymharu â gweddill y DU, a hyd yn oed cyn y coronafeirws, roedd bron i chwarter y bobl yng Nghymru'n byw mewn tlodi. Canfu ymchwil a wnaed ar gyfer cynghrair Dileu Tlodi Plant y DU ac a gyhoeddwyd fis Mai diwethaf mai Cymru oedd â'r cyfraddau tlodi plant gwaethaf o holl wledydd y DU, ac mae ystadegau swyddogol yn dangos bod Llywodraethau Llafur Cymru olynol wedi methu cau'r bwlch rhwng y rhannau cyfoethocaf a'r rhannau tlotaf o Gymru, a rhwng Cymru a gweddill y DU, er eu bod wedi gwario biliynau a roddwyd iddynt i fynd i'r afael â hyn ar raglenni o'r brig i lawr na lwyddodd i wneud hynny. Pe baent wedi gwneud hynny, wrth gwrs, byddent wedi anghymhwyso eu hunain rhag gallu cael cyllid pellach. Hyd yn oed ddoe, roeddent yn siarad fel pe na bai'r cyllid hwn wedi'i fwriadu bob amser i fod dros dro. Er eu bod yn beirniadu cyrff eraill sy'n buddsoddi cyllid dros dro mewn costau refeniw parhaus, maent wedi gwneud yr un peth. Fel y dywedodd Canghellor y DU hefyd:

'Y ffordd orau o helpu pobl i gamu ymlaen mewn bywyd, a chodi safonau byw ledled y DU, yw helpu pobl i gael gwaith a chamu ymlaen ar ôl iddynt gael gwaith.'

Ond mae rhethreg adweithiol a dirywiol barhaus Llywodraeth Cymru yn cuddio'r ffaith bod cysylltiad anorfod rhwng agweddau cydraddoldeb a chymdeithasol pwysau costau byw a'r economi.

Yn ogystal â chynnwys camau i helpu aelwydydd bregus sy'n wynebu costau uwch, yn enwedig pan godir y cap ar brisiau ynni, dylai cynllun gweithredu Llywodraeth Cymru fanylu hefyd ar sut y bydd o'r diwedd yn gweithio law yn llaw â busnes i greu'r amodau ar gyfer economi sgiliau uwch a chyflogau uchel, a sut y bydd o'r diwedd yn datblygu strategaeth systemig a arweinir gan y gymuned ar gyfer mynd i'r afael ag amddifadedd a hyrwyddo cyfiawnder cymdeithasol. Rydym wedi aros yn rhy hir.

17:20

I'd like to focus my contribution to this debate on two essential things that we all need in order to be able to live: food and water—not luxuries, not nice-to-haves, but essentials. Mark Isherwood mentioned in terms of helping people into work, but the reality is that, here in Wales today, people who are working cannot afford these essentials.

During the Plaid Cymru debate on 8 December on food poverty, many of us shared horrifying statistics from our constituencies and regions in terms of foodbank usage and why it is not acceptable that food insecurity and hunger are a day-to-day reality for so many people that we represent. Unfortunately, rather than improving, the situation continues to worsen, hence why I'm supporting today's motion so that an emergency cost-of-living action plan is developed and implemented as soon as possible.

According to the United Nations, average food prices increased about 28 per cent in 2021 to a 10-year high. This has been partly caused by rising energy prices that have affected the cost of certain fertilisers, and increasing transport costs, which have both had a negative impact on food supply chains. More than half of households in Wales have faced increased food costs and, as we've heard, six in 10 have seen the cost of their utilities increase, such as their water and energy bills. 

Last year, nearly 10 per cent of households in Wales were already experiencing low food security, and a fifth of people in Wales were worried about running out of food before they could afford to buy more. This figure was even higher for families with children. A third of people earning less than the living wage were having to skip meals, as Delyth Jewell illustrated, and nearly 60 per cent of people living in households with the lowest income in Wales reported changing their eating habits for financial reasons. As energy prices are expected to further increase, we're likely to see greater increases in food prices, as well as people having to choose between basic necessities, such as heating, food and hygiene products, including menstrual products—again, not luxuries. These are things that we are fortunate enough to be able to take for granted, though this may not have been the case for some of us in the past.

Not only are people in Wales living in food poverty, struggling with buying food and facing greater financial pressures to support a balanced diet, but water poverty is becoming an increasing issue in Wales, with water bills being a significant contributor to people in problem debt. After council tax arrears, water bill arrears were the second most common kind of debt that clients who approached StepChange were struggling with. It is estimated that 175,000 households in Wales live in water poverty, but only 35 per cent of those households receive the help they need under current arrangements. Research from the Consumer Council for Water has shown that households in Wales are living in water poverty, with households having to cut back on other essentials in order to pay their water bill. And support for water poverty is patchy, with households facing financial difficulties receiving significantly different levels of support or no help at all. Providing greater assistance for food and water costs within an action plan would help those in Wales who face financial pressures from other areas, such as rising energy costs and stagnating wages.

On Monday, as I'm sure many of you have seen, Oxfam released a press release detailing that the world's 10 richest men more than doubled their fortunes from £700 billion to £1.5 trillion during the first two years of the pandemic. At the same time, 99 per cent of humanity have seen their incomes fall and over 160 million more people across the world have been forced into poverty. This should anger us all and concern each of us and spur us into action, as it is not acceptable that this is the reality for people living in our communities. Something is broken in the way that our economy is working, because it is letting down too many people. It is not right and it is not morally justifiable and it requires urgent action from all Governments. I urge all Senedd Members to support our motion today.

Hoffwn ganolbwyntio fy nghyfraniad i'r ddadl hon ar ddau beth hanfodol sydd eu hangen arnom i gyd er mwyn gallu byw: bwyd a dŵr—nid moethusrwydd, nid pethau braf i'w cael, ond hanfodion. Soniodd Mark Isherwood am helpu pobl i gael gwaith, ond yma yng Nghymru heddiw, y realiti yw na all pobl sy'n gweithio fforddio'r hanfodion hyn.

Yn ystod dadl Plaid Cymru ar 8 Rhagfyr ar dlodi bwyd, rhannodd llawer ohonom ystadegau arswydus o'n hetholaethau a'n rhanbarthau ar y defnydd o fanciau bwyd a pham nad yw'n dderbyniol fod ansicrwydd a chwant bwyd yn realiti o ddydd i ddydd i gynifer o'r bobl a gynrychiolwn. Yn anffodus, yn hytrach na gwella, mae'r sefyllfa'n parhau i waethygu, a dyna pam rwy'n cefnogi'r cynnig heddiw fel bod cynllun gweithredu costau byw brys yn cael ei ddatblygu a'i weithredu cyn gynted â phosibl.

Yn ôl y Cenhedloedd Unedig, cynyddodd prisiau bwyd cyfartalog tua 28 y cant yn 2021 i'r lefel uchaf mewn 10 mlynedd. Achoswyd hyn yn rhannol gan brisiau ynni uwch sydd wedi effeithio ar gost rhai gwrteithiau, a chostau trafnidiaeth cynyddol, ac mae'r ddau wedi effeithio'n negyddol ar gadwyni cyflenwi bwyd. Mae mwy na hanner yr aelwydydd yng Nghymru wedi wynebu costau bwyd uwch ac fel y clywsom, mae chwech o bob 10 wedi gweld cost eu cyfleustodau'n codi, megis eu biliau dŵr ac ynni. 

Y llynedd, roedd bron i 10 y cant o aelwydydd Cymru eisoes yn profi lefelau isel o ddiogelwch bwyd, ac roedd un rhan o bump o bobl Cymru yn poeni y deuai eu bwyd i ben cyn y gallent fforddio prynu mwy. Roedd y ffigur hwn hyd yn oed yn uwch ar gyfer teuluoedd â phlant. Roedd traean o'r bobl a oedd yn ennill llai na'r cyflog byw yn gorfod mynd heb brydau bwyd, fel y dangosodd Delyth Jewell, a dywedodd bron i 60 y cant o'r bobl sy'n byw ar aelwydydd â'r incwm isaf yng Nghymru eu bod wedi newid eu harferion bwyta am resymau ariannol. Gan fod disgwyl i brisiau ynni godi ymhellach, rydym yn debygol o weld mwy o gynnydd ym mhrisiau bwyd, yn ogystal â phobl yn gorfod dewis rhwng angenrheidiau sylfaenol, megis gwresogi, bwyd a chynhyrchion hylendid, gan gynnwys cynhyrchion mislif—unwaith eto, nid moethusrwydd. Dyma bethau rydym yn ddigon ffodus i allu eu cymryd yn ganiataol, er efallai nad oedd hynny'n wir i rai ohonom yn y gorffennol.

Nid yn unig y mae pobl yng Nghymru'n byw mewn tlodi bwyd, yn ei chael hi'n anodd prynu bwyd ac yn wynebu mwy o bwysau ariannol wrth geisio cynnal deiet cytbwys, ond mae tlodi dŵr yn dod yn broblem gynyddol yng Nghymru, gyda biliau dŵr yn cyfrannu'n sylweddol at broblemau dyled pobl. Ar ôl ôl-ddyledion y dreth gyngor, ôl-ddyledion bil dŵr oedd yr ail fath mwyaf cyffredin o ddyled roedd cleientiaid a gysylltodd â StepChange yn ymrafael â hi. Amcangyfrifir bod 175,000 o aelwydydd yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi dŵr, ond 35 y cant yn unig o'r aelwydydd hynny sy'n cael y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt o dan y trefniadau presennol. Mae ymchwil gan y Cyngor Defnyddwyr Dŵr wedi dangos bod aelwydydd yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi dŵr, gyda chartrefi'n gorfod torri'n ôl ar hanfodion eraill er mwyn talu eu bil dŵr. Ac mae cymorth i rai mewn tlodi dŵr yn dameidiog, gydag aelwydydd sy'n wynebu anawsterau ariannol yn cael lefelau sylweddol wahanol o gymorth neu heb fod yn cael unrhyw gymorth o gwbl. Byddai darparu mwy o gymorth ar gyfer costau bwyd a dŵr yn rhan o gynllun gweithredu yn helpu pobl yng Nghymru sy'n wynebu pwysau ariannol o fannau eraill, megis costau ynni cynyddol a chyflogau sy'n aros yn eu hunfan.

Ddydd Llun, fel y mae llawer ohonoch wedi'i weld rwy'n siŵr, rhyddhaodd Oxfam ddatganiad i'r wasg yn nodi bod 10 dyn cyfoethocaf y byd wedi mwy na dyblu eu harian o £700 biliwn i £1.5 triliwn yn ystod dwy flynedd gyntaf y pandemig. Ar yr un pryd, mae 99 y cant o'r ddynoliaeth wedi gweld eu hincwm yn gostwng ac mae dros 160 miliwn yn fwy o bobl ar draws y byd wedi cael eu gorfodi i fyw mewn tlodi. Dylai hyn gythruddo pawb ohonom a bod yn achos pryder i bob un ohonom a'n sbarduno i weithredu, gan nad yw'n dderbyniol mai dyma'r realiti i bobl sy'n byw yn ein cymunedau. Mae rhywbeth wedi torri yn y ffordd y mae ein heconomi'n gweithio, oherwydd mae'n gwneud cam â gormod o bobl. Nid yw'n iawn ac nid oes modd ei gyfiawnhau'n foesol ac mae angen i bob Llywodraeth weithredu ar frys. Rwy'n annog holl Aelodau'r Senedd i gefnogi ein cynnig heddiw.

17:25

The Tory UK Government's cost-of-living crisis is hitting the people of Wales hard. It is a crisis and, yes, it is one that's been seen approaching. But we do have to acknowledge that the Tory Government is in charge of the parafiscal levers that will radically make a difference. And yet, the want-to-be heir of the Tory crown, the apprentice-apparent, Rishi Sunak, has been missing. He was missing last Wednesday when the Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, was fighting for his political life in the House of Commons—he was busy and didn't tweet his support for the PM until late into the night.

And this cost-of-living crisis, as has been stated earlier, it's not about beer or nights out, it is about anaemia, it's about rickets and it's about respiratory disease. So, I welcome strongly the fact that the Welsh Labour Government has been co-ordinating its representations to the UK Tory Government, alongside our colleagues in Edinburgh and Belfast. The Minister for Finance and Local Government, Rebecca Evans, was bang-on when she stated emphatically that Welsh households

'need to see urgent action from the Treasury to help people with rising bills and living costs.'

There will be, no doubt, widespread consensus around the Chamber that rising energy bills are causing huge anxiety and real mental and physical distress, with too many families living in fuel poverty and inflation rising to 5.1 per cent and predicted to rise more. And the Welsh Government has already invested more than £50 million trying to mitigate this issue. This is a cost-of-living crisis on top of the COVID crisis. And the power, if not the political will, lies mostly in the hands of the embattled and feeble Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, and his Ministers, with energy, welfare and levelling up as starters. I would be interested to hear from our Minister what Simon Clarke, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, was able to offer her and her colleagues. And hopefully, the Conservative grandees now sitting in Whitehall towers do recognise R.T. Davies.

Today in this debate I want to say this strongly, and to the Tories of this Senedd: I implore you to step up to the plate and finally stand up for Wales instead of Boris. Age UK has already warned that the predicted 50 per cent rise in energy bills from April could trigger a national UK emergency for millions of older people. The UK Government's price cap on what suppliers can charge is currently £1,277, but analysts are already speculating that this could go up to almost £2,000 on 1 April. We must mitigate the consequences of the major spikes in global prices, and as we enter, finally, the third year of the COVID-19 pandemic, we cannot allow more unnecessary misery to be inflicted on the Welsh nation. Citizens, especially the elderly and the medically vulnerable, should not have to ration, in the twenty-first century, their energy use because of financial pressure. And to take £20 a week away from the very, very poorest in our society at this time is utterly and totally unforgivable. Choosing between heating and eating is something that I hope none of us here in this Senedd should accept for anybody that we represent. I challenge the Conservatives in this place to please get some courage. Stand up to your political masters, stand up for Wales in the Treasury, and stand up for your constituents. Diolch.

Mae argyfwng costau byw Llywodraeth Dorïaidd y DU yn taro pobl Cymru'n galed. Mae'n argyfwng, ac ydy, mae'n un a welwyd yn agosáu. Ond mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod mai'r Llywodraeth Dorïaidd sy'n gyfrifol am yr ysgogiadau ardrethiannol a fydd yn gwneud gwahaniaeth sylweddol. Ac eto, mae'r un sy'n dymuno etifeddu'r goron Dorïaidd, y prentis eglur, Rishi Sunak, wedi bod ar goll. Roedd ar goll ddydd Mercher diwethaf pan oedd y Prif Weinidog, Boris Johnson, yn ymladd am ei fywyd gwleidyddol yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin—roedd yn brysur ac ni wnaeth drydar ei gefnogaeth i'r Prif Weinidog tan yn hwyr yn y nos.

Ac fel y dywedwyd yn gynharach nid yw'r argyfwng costau byw hwn yn ymwneud â chwrw neu nosweithiau allan, mae'n ymwneud ag anemia, mae'n ymwneud â'r llechau ac mae'n ymwneud â chlefyd anadlol. Felly, rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith bod Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru wedi bod yn cydlynu ei sylwadau i Lywodraeth Dorïaidd y DU, ochr yn ochr â'n cymheiriaid yng Nghaeredin a Belfast. Roedd y Gweinidog Cyllid a Llywodraeth Leol, Rebecca Evans, yn llygad ei lle pan ddywedodd yn bendant fod aelwydydd Cymru

'am weld y Trysorlys yn cymryd camau brys i helpu pobl sy’n wynebu biliau a chostau byw cynyddol.' 

Mae'n siŵr y bydd consensws eang o amgylch y Siambr fod biliau ynni cynyddol yn achosi pryder enfawr a thrallod meddyliol a chorfforol go iawn, gyda gormod o deuluoedd yn byw mewn tlodi tanwydd a chwyddiant yn codi i 5.1 y cant ac y rhagwelir y bydd yn codi eto. Ac mae Llywodraeth Cymru eisoes wedi buddsoddi mwy na £50 miliwn yn ceisio lliniaru'r mater. Mae hwn yn argyfwng costau byw ar ben argyfwng COVID. Ac mae'r pŵer, os nad yr ewyllys wleidyddol, yn nwylo'r Prif Weinidog gwarchaeëdig a llegach, Boris Johnson, a'i Weinidogion, gydag ynni, lles a chodi'r gwastad i enwi rhai meysydd yn unig. Byddai'n dda gennyf glywed gan ein Gweinidog ni beth y llwyddodd Simon Clarke, Prif Ysgrifennydd y Trysorlys, i'w gynnig iddi hi a'i chyd-Weinidogion. A gobeithio bod gwŷr mawr y Ceidwadwyr sy'n eistedd yn nhyrau Whitehall yn adnabod R.T. Davies erbyn hyn.

Heddiw yn y ddadl hon rwyf am ddweud hyn yn gryf, ac wrth Dorïaid y Senedd hon: rwy'n erfyn arnoch i wneud eich dyletswydd a sefyll o'r diwedd dros Gymru yn lle Boris. Mae Age UK eisoes wedi rhybuddio y gallai'r cynnydd a ragwelir o 50 y cant mewn biliau ynni o fis Ebrill ymlaen sbarduno argyfwng cenedlaethol yn y DU i filiynau o bobl hŷn. Mae cap prisiau Llywodraeth y DU ar yr hyn y gall cyflenwyr ei godi yn £1,277 ar hyn o bryd, ond mae dadansoddwyr eisoes yn damcaniaethu y gallai hyn godi hyd at bron £2,000 ar 1 Ebrill. Rhaid inni liniaru canlyniadau'r codiadau mwyaf yn y prisiau byd-eang, ac wrth inni ddechrau ar drydedd flwyddyn y pandemig COVID-19, ni allwn ganiatáu i ragor o ddioddefaint diangen gael ei orfodi ar y genedl Gymreig. Ni ddylai dinasyddion, yn enwedig yr henoed a'r rhai sy'n agored i niwed yn feddygol, orfod dogni eu defnydd o ynni yn yr unfed ganrif ar hugain oherwydd pwysau ariannol. Ac mae mynd ag £20 yr wythnos oddi wrth y bobl dlotaf un yn ein cymdeithas ar hyn o bryd yn gwbl anfaddeuol. Mae dewis rhwng gwresogi a bwyta yn rhywbeth y gobeithiaf na ddylai'r un ohonom yma yn y Senedd hon ei dderbyn i unrhyw un a gynrychiolwn. Rwy'n herio'r Ceidwadwyr yn y lle hwn i fagu rhywfaint o ddewrder. Sefwch yn erbyn eich meistri gwleidyddol, sefwch dros Gymru yn y Trysorlys, a sefwch dros eich etholwyr. Diolch.

17:30

We face a perfect storm: inequality and poverty, which were at unprecedented levels before coronavirus, have been amplified in the last two years. Life is already a struggle for so many, yet things are set to get worse—much worse. The energy price cap is expected to surge in April. If that was not bad enough, utility prices are set to rise once again six months later. Predictions are that the average energy bill will climb to around 75 per cent above current prices. It is not possible to overstate the hardship and devastation this will cause to so many families in our communities.

Many people are in a precarious financial position as things stand; they can ill afford what is set to hit us this year. Oh, I see, Llywydd, Rhun, I think, wanted to come in.

Rydym yn wynebu storm berffaith: mae anghydraddoldeb a thlodi, a oedd ar lefelau digynsail cyn y coronafeirws, wedi'u chwyddo yn ystod y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf. Mae bywyd eisoes yn frwydr i gynifer o bobl, ac eto mae pethau'n mynd i fod yn waeth—yn llawer gwaeth. Mae disgwyl i'r cap ar brisiau ynni godi ym mis Ebrill. Fel pe na bai hynny'n ddigon drwg, mae prisiau cyfleustodau'n mynd i godi eto chwe mis wedyn. Y rhagolygon yw y bydd y bil ynni cyfartalog yn codi i tua 75 y cant yn uwch na'r prisiau presennol. Nid yw'n bosibl gorbwysleisio'r caledi a'r dinistr y bydd hyn yn ei achosi i gynifer o deuluoedd yn ein cymunedau.

Mae llawer o bobl mewn sefyllfa ariannol ansicr fel y mae pethau; prin y gallant fforddio'r hyn sy'n mynd i'n taro eleni. O, rwy'n gweld, Lywydd, fod Rhun, rwy'n credu, am ddod i mewn.

Thank you for doing my job for me, Peredur. Are you okay for Rhun to make an intervention? Okay. Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Diolch am wneud fy ngwaith ar fy rhan, Peredur. A ydych chi'n fodlon i Rhun wneud ymyriad? O'r gorau. Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Thank you. Just a very brief intervention. Many constituents of mine have raised particular concerns about increasing energy prices. We talk about people having to make a choice between heating and eating. Does the Member agree that one problem we're likely to face more and more of is people being unable to cook or heat food because they can't afford the energy prices? And we know how damaging it will be for people to be unable to have a regular hot meal.

Diolch. Dim ond ymyriad byr iawn. Mae llawer o etholwyr i mi wedi lleisio pryderon penodol ynghylch prisiau ynni cynyddol. Rydym yn sôn am bobl yn gorfod dewis rhwng gwresogi a bwyta. A yw'r Aelod yn cytuno mai un broblem rydym yn debygol o'i hwynebu fwy a mwy yw nad yw pobl yn gallu coginio neu wresogi bwyd am na allant fforddio'r prisiau ynni? A gwyddom pa mor niweidiol fydd hi os yw pobl yn methu cael pryd poeth rheolaidd.

Ydw, dwi'n cytuno'n llwyr efo Rhun yn fanna. Mae gorfodi pobl i ddewis rhwng gwresogi'r tŷ neu fwyd cynnes yn ofnadwy, ac mae'r niwed i bobl sydd yn methu â chael bwyd cyson yn frawychus ac yn anfaddeuol.

I agree entirely with Rhun there. Forcing people to choose between heating and eating a hot meal is dreadful, and the damage to people who can't access food regularly is unforgivable and frightening.

To compound matters, we have a Tory Government in Westminster that is beyond parody. While millions of people worry about how they will be able to afford their utility bills over the next 12 months, the lack of a cohesive answer from the UK Government over the looming cost-of-living crisis is unacceptable. If they devoted as much time and effort into tackling the cost-of-living crisis as they do organising lockdown-busting parties, we would be in a better position. Perhaps the indifference to the crisis is because Johnson and Sunak will not be subject to rising prices, due to the cap on the contributions they make for their Downing Street flats. The Prime Minister and the Chancellor are granted grace and favour accommodation, rent free, with utility bills and council tax costs met by the Government. I wonder whether they would act with a little more urgency if they were taken out of their cosseted lifestyle and forced to live on the breadline for some time. Perhaps Johnson has forgotten that he promised to end VAT on fuel bills, in an article he co-wrote for The Sun newspaper a month before the 2016 European Union referendum. Given that we are yet to see this policy delivered several years into his premiership, it can probably be chalked off as yet another Brexit broken promise.

The rising cost of energy has resulted in more than 20 suppliers collapsing. It has meant that their customer base has returned to the hands of the big six. There is now a compelling case to direct funding towards nationalised secure energy, particularly in renewables. The chances of seeing something positive and effective like this from a UK Government ideologically opposed to such measures are slim to nothing.

This cost-of-living crisis will hit older people particularly hard. The Older People's Commissioner for Wales has stated that older people on low incomes need more money to help with rising fuel bills. With an increase in the winter fuel support scheme, pensioners may face a choice between food or fuel, as highlighted by Rhun in his comment earlier. Older people were more likely to be affected in their jobs by coronavirus. A quarter of workers aged 60 to 64 were furloughed, lost hours or pay, or lost their jobs completely during the pandemic. Those who lost their jobs at this age during the pandemic may never find another job before reaching state pension age. We also know that credit use falls with age for those over 50, due to many lenders refusing to lend to people over a certain age.

Plaid Cymru wants this Government to invest in a targeted campaign to increase the take-up of pension credit. In 2018-19 alone, unclaimed pension credit totalled as much as £214 million. Pension credit not only provides financial assistance, but claiming the credit unlocks a range of other entitlements, such as council tax discounts, free dental care and help with housing costs. This is why this debate is so important. We cannot wait for action from a Government in London that is so out of touch with people from working-class communities. If anybody thinks there is a political will within No. 10 Downing Street to deliver for ordinary people living in Wales, then they haven't been paying much attention to history. People in Wales need help and reassurances, and they need them soon. I urge Government to act swiftly. Diolch yn fawr.

I waethygu pethau, mae gennym Lywodraeth Dorïaidd yn San Steffan sydd y tu hwnt i barodi. Tra bod miliynau o bobl yn poeni sut y gallant fforddio eu biliau cyfleustodau dros y 12 mis nesaf, mae diffyg ateb cydlynol gan Lywodraeth y DU ynghylch yr argyfwng costau byw sydd ar y gorwel yn annerbyniol. Pe baent yn rhoi cymaint o amser ac ymdrech ar fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng costau byw ag y maent yn ei wneud ar drefnu partïon sy'n mynd yn groes i'r cyfyngiadau symud, byddem mewn gwell sefyllfa. Efallai fod y difaterwch ynghylch yr argyfwng yn deilio o'r ffaith na fydd Johnson a Sunak yn gorfod talu'r prisiau cynyddol, oherwydd y cap ar y cyfraniadau a wnânt am eu fflatiau yn Stryd Downing. Mae'r Prif Weinidog a'r Canghellor yn cael llety gras a ffafr yn ddi-rent, gyda biliau cyfleustodau a chostau'r dreth gyngor yn cael eu talu gan y Llywodraeth. Tybed a fyddent yn gweithredu gydag ychydig mwy o frys pe baent yn cael eu tynnu allan o'u ffordd o fyw faldodus a'u gorfodi i fyw mewn tlodi am beth amser. Efallai fod Johnson wedi anghofio ei fod wedi addo rhoi diwedd ar y TAW ar filiau tanwydd mewn erthygl a gyd-ysgrifennodd ar gyfer papur newydd The Sun fis cyn refferendwm yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn 2016. Gan ein bod eto i weld y polisi hwn yn cael ei gyflawni sawl blwyddyn i mewn i'w brif weinidogaeth, mae'n debyg y gellir ei ddileu fel addewid Brexit arall a dorrwyd.

Mae cost gynyddol ynni wedi arwain at fwy nag 20 o gyflenwyr yn mynd i'r wal. Mae wedi golygu bod eu sylfaen gwsmeriaid wedi dychwelyd i ddwylo'r chwe chwmni mawr. Ceir achos cryf bellach dros gyfeirio cyllid tuag at ynni diogel wedi'i genedlaetholi, yn enwedig ynni adnewyddadwy. Mae'r gobaith o weld rhywbeth cadarnhaol ac effeithiol fel hyn gan Lywodraeth y DU sy'n gwrthwynebu mesurau o'r fath ar sail ideolegol yn denau a dweud y lleiaf.

Bydd yr argyfwng costau byw hwn yn taro pobl hŷn yn arbennig o galed. Mae Comisiynydd Pobl Hŷn Cymru wedi dweud bod angen mwy o arian ar bobl hŷn ar incwm isel i helpu gyda biliau tanwydd sy'n codi. Gyda chynnydd yn y cynllun cymorth tanwydd gaeaf, gall pensiynwyr wynebu dewis rhwng bwyd neu danwydd, fel y nododd Rhun yn ei sylw yn gynharach. Roedd pobl hŷn yn fwy tebygol o gael eu heffeithio yn eu swyddi gan y coronafeirws. Roedd chwarter y gweithwyr rhwng 60 a 64 oed ar ffyrlo, wedi colli oriau neu dâl, neu wedi colli eu swyddi'n gyfan gwbl yn ystod y pandemig. Efallai na fydd y rhai a gollodd eu swyddi yn yr oedran hwn yn ystod y pandemig byth yn dod o hyd i swydd arall cyn cyrraedd oedran pensiwn y wladwriaeth. Gwyddom hefyd fod y defnydd o gredyd yn disgyn gydag oedran i rai dros 50 oed, oherwydd bod llawer o fenthycwyr yn gwrthod rhoi benthyg i bobl dros oedran penodol.

Mae Plaid Cymru am i'r Llywodraeth hon fuddsoddi mewn ymgyrch wedi'i thargedu i gynyddu'r nifer sy'n manteisio ar gredyd pensiwn. Yn 2018-19 yn unig, roedd cyfanswm y credyd pensiwn heb ei hawlio gymaint â £214 miliwn. Mae credyd pensiwn nid yn unig yn darparu cymorth ariannol, mae hawlio'r credyd hefyd yn datgloi amryw o hawliau eraill, megis gostyngiadau'r dreth gyngor, gofal deintyddol am ddim a chymorth gyda chostau tai. Dyma pam y mae'r ddadl hon mor bwysig. Ni allwn aros am weithredu gan Lywodraeth yn Llundain sydd â chyn lleied o gysylltiad â phobl o gymunedau dosbarth gweithiol. Os oes unrhyw un yn credu bod ewyllys wleidyddol yn Rhif 10 Stryd Downing i gyflawni dros bobl gyffredin sy'n byw yng Nghymru, nid ydynt wedi bod yn talu llawer o sylw i hanes. Mae angen help a sicrwydd ar bobl yng Nghymru, ac maent ei angen yn fuan. Rwy'n annog y Llywodraeth i weithredu'n gyflym. Diolch yn fawr.

17:35

The frustrating thing for so many of us is that this is a crisis that we've seen coming. We've known energy prices are rocketing, we've known inflation is rising, yet what did this Conservative UK Government do? They cut universal credit, taking away a vital lifeline for the most vulnerable in society, they chose to raise national insurance, which will hit so many, and then, this morning, we've heard today that they've stood by to let inflation hit a 30-year high. As I speak, the Conservatives in Westminster are too distracted by the latest Downing Street disaster to get a grip on this crisis. This is why I really welcome this debate today, and I'm pleased to support the motion.

While most of the levers to counter the cost of living remain within the Westminster Government, it is imperative that the Welsh Government still must do whatever it can to alleviate the worst impacts of this crisis. The Welsh Government must be commended on the £51 million package that the Welsh Government drew from its reserves in November to help tackle the soaring cost of living through the winter. At a time when the UK Government Conservatives refuse to take meaningful action on the cost-of-living crisis, Welsh Government stepped in, and I and many residents are grateful for that. Through this funding, the Welsh Government have introduced good schemes: the council tax reduction scheme, the winter fuel support fund and a tenancy hardship fund. These will all make a difference, but, as we head through the coming months, we must explore whether there's scope to push further.

Firstly, with regard to the tenancy hardship fund, with rent arrears often come other debts too. The citizens advice bureaux have seen a dramatic rise in the demand for their debt advice services. Traditionally, the majority of the concerns are centred around council tax arrears, people who are struggling with escalating debts, additional fees and threats of bailiffs. However, sadly, and almost inevitably, the biggest increase has been in the number of people who have energy debts, which was 150 per cent higher in November than the same period in 2019, with bills set to rise later again this year, making even more people worried about how this will affect them.

And this is where debt advice can help. In Newport, with a Labour-led council, we're very fortunate to have financial inclusion officers in the housing support team, alongside our local citizens advice bureau office. While both groups have a heavy workload, they provide an excellent service and are a good example of good practice that can be rolled out across Wales—

Y peth rhwystredig i gynifer ohonom yw bod hwn yn argyfwng rydym wedi'i weld yn dod. Rydym yn gwybod bod prisiau ynni'n codi i'r entrychion, rydym wedi gwybod bod chwyddiant yn codi, ac eto beth a wnaeth y Llywodraeth Geidwadol hon yn y DU? Fe wnaethant dorri credyd cynhwysol, gan ddileu achubiaeth hanfodol i'r rhai mwyaf agored i niwed mewn cymdeithas, fe wnaethant ddewis codi yswiriant gwladol, a fydd yn taro cynifer o bobl, ac yna, y bore yma, clywsom heddiw eu bod wedi gadael i chwyddiant gyrraedd y lefel uchaf mewn 30 mlynedd. Wrth imi siarad, mae trychineb diweddaraf Stryd Downing yn tynnu sylw'r Ceidwadwyr yn San Steffan ormod iddynt allu mynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng hwn. Dyna pam rwy'n croesawu'r ddadl hon yn fawr heddiw, ac rwy'n falch o gefnogi'r cynnig.

Er bod y rhan fwyaf o'r ysgogiadau i fynd i'r afael â chostau byw yn nwylo Llywodraeth San Steffan, rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru wneud beth bynnag y gall i liniaru effeithiau gwaethaf yr argyfwng hwn. Rhaid canmol Llywodraeth Cymru am y pecyn £51 miliwn a dynnodd Llywodraeth Cymru o'i chronfeydd wrth gefn ym mis Tachwedd i helpu i fynd i'r afael â'r costau byw cynyddol drwy'r gaeaf. Ar adeg pan fo Ceidwadwyr Llywodraeth y DU yn gwrthod cymryd camau ystyrlon ar yr argyfwng costau byw, camodd Llywodraeth Cymru i mewn, ac rwyf fi a llawer o drigolion yn ddiolchgar am hynny. Drwy'r cyllid hwn, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cyflwyno cynlluniau da: cynllun gostyngiadau'r dreth gyngor, y gronfa cymorth tanwydd gaeaf a'r gronfa caledi i denantiaid. Bydd y rhain i gyd yn gwneud gwahaniaeth, ond wrth inni fynd drwy'r misoedd nesaf, rhaid inni ystyried a oes lle i wthio ymhellach.

Yn gyntaf, o ran y gronfa caledi i denantiaid, yn aml daw dyledion eraill gydag ôl-ddyledion rhent. Mae'r canolfannau cyngor ar bopeth wedi gweld cynnydd dramatig yn y galw am eu gwasanaethau cyngor ar ddyledion. Yn draddodiadol, mae'r rhan fwyaf o'r pryderon yn canolbwyntio ar ôl-ddyledion y dreth gyngor, pobl sy'n cael trafferth gyda dyledion cynyddol, ffioedd ychwanegol a bygythiadau beilïaid. Fodd bynnag, yn anffodus, a bron yn anochel, roedd y cynnydd mwyaf i'w weld yn nifer y bobl sydd â dyledion ynni, a oedd 150 y cant yn uwch ym mis Tachwedd na'r un cyfnod yn 2019, gyda biliau'n mynd i godi eto yn nes ymlaen eleni, gan achosi pryder i fwy byth o bobl sy'n poeni sut y bydd hyn yn effeithio arnynt hwy.

A dyma lle gall cyngor ar ddyledion helpu. Yng Nghasnewydd, gyda chyngor dan arweiniad Llafur, rydym yn ffodus iawn o gael swyddogion cynhwysiant ariannol yn y tîm cymorth tai, ochr yn ochr â swyddfa leol ein canolfan cyngor ar bopeth. Er bod gan y ddau grŵp lwyth gwaith trwm, maent yn darparu gwasanaeth rhagorol ac yn enghraifft dda o arferion da y gellir eu cyflwyno ledled Cymru—

Jayne, Mabon ap Gwynfor is indicating that he wants to intervene. I don't know whether you're willing to accept that.

Jayne, mae Mabon ap Gwynfor yn nodi ei fod am ymyrryd. Nid wyf yn gwybod a ydych yn fodlon derbyn hynny.

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Llywydd, a diolch i'r Aelod. Mae'n peintio darlun llwm iawn ac yn sôn am y tenancy hardship fund. Onid un ffordd arall o sôn am y cost-of-living crisis ydy cyfeirio ato fo yr un fath ag unearned income boon, oherwydd bod rhentwyr preifat yn fwy tebygol o wario dros draean o'u hincwm ar rhentu, felly? Ydych chi felly'n Aelod sy'n cytuno efo fi bod angen gweld y Llywodraeth yn ymyrryd yn y farchnad dai a sicrhau rhent fforddiadwy i bobl ar lawr gwlad?

Thank you very much, Llywydd, and thank you to the Member. She paints a very depressing picture and talks about the tenancy hardship fund. Isn't one way of discussing the cost-of-living crisis to refer to it as an unearned income boon, because private renters are more likely to spend more than a third of their income on rent? So, as a Member, would you agree with me that we need to see the Government intervening in the housing market and ensuring affordable rents for people on the ground?

Diolch yn fawr, Mabon, and I'm just going to come on to a point where I think that perhaps the Welsh Government can do a bit more on this sort of area.

Being in debt often feels like a gut-wrenching, endless cycle, and supporting residents out of that cycle, instead of just putting a temporary stop-gap on their worries, must be a priority. Within what the Welsh Government can do, if a system could be put in place for those applying for the tenancy hardship grant to be referred for debt advice, we may go some way to achieve that and could make a real, tangible difference.

Another area where the Welsh Government could do further work is the winter fuel support fund, a scheme announced just as the Conservative UK Chancellor was taking the twin action of cutting support and announcing tax rises. Currently, only people who are on certain means-tested benefits are eligible to apply. This excludes many people who are on low incomes and in fuel poverty. For example, those on the new-style contribution-based employment and support allowance receive the same amount as people on income-based ESA, but they're not eligible to claim from this fund. So, I'd like to ask the Minister if she would look at this and work with other Ministers to see if there are ways to expand the eligibility criteria along the lines of broader groups for the Warm Homes discount, or if there's any way that local authorities could use discretion in making awards from the fund. Now, I do appreciate that this will be placing additional work on the administration of local authority staff, who are working extremely hard to support residents. Their work is invaluable and hugely appreciated, and supporting them also is vital.

The Westminster Government are ignoring the looming crisis by expending all their energy protecting their failing leader. Stalling wages, steep inflation and soaring energy prices can be a toxic combination, which will hit the poorest hardest. Ultimately, at times like this, it's up to our Welsh Labour Government to take action the Conservatives won't. We must use every possible avenue to stop debts building up and support people who are being forced into debt through the very real pressures on the cost of living. Diolch yn fawr.

Diolch yn fawr, Mabon, ac rwy'n dod at bwynt lle credaf efallai y gall Llywodraeth Cymru wneud ychydig mwy ar y math hwn o faes.

Mae bod mewn dyled yn aml yn teimlo fel cylch diddiwedd trallodus a rhaid rhoi blaenoriaeth i gynorthwyo trigolion i ddod allan o'r cylch hwnnw, yn hytrach na rhoi ateb dros dro yn unig i'w pryderon. O fewn yr hyn y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud, pe gellid rhoi system ar waith i'r rhai sy'n gwneud cais am y grant caledi i denantiaid gael eu hatgyfeirio am gyngor ar ddyledion, efallai y byddwn yn mynd beth o'r ffordd tuag at gyflawni hynny a gallem wneud gwahaniaeth gwirioneddol a phendant.

Maes arall lle gallai Llywodraeth Cymru wneud gwaith pellach yw'r gronfa cymorth tanwydd gaeaf, cynllun a gyhoeddwyd pan oedd Canghellor Ceidwadol y DU yn gwneud dau beth, sef torri cymorth a chyhoeddi codiadau treth. Ar hyn o bryd, pobl sydd ar fudd-daliadau prawf modd penodol yn unig sy'n gymwys i wneud cais. Nid yw hyn yn cynnwys llawer o bobl sydd ar incwm isel ac mewn tlodi tanwydd. Er enghraifft, mae'r rhai ar y lwfans cyflogaeth a chymorth newydd sy'n seiliedig ar gyfraniadau yn cael yr un swm â phobl ar lwfans cyflogaeth a chymorth sy'n seiliedig ar incwm, ond nid ydynt yn gymwys i hawlio o'r gronfa hon. Felly, hoffwn ofyn i'r Gweinidog edrych ar hyn a gweithio gyda Gweinidogion eraill i weld a oes ffyrdd o ehangu'r meini prawf cymhwysedd yn debyg i'r grwpiau ehangach ar gyfer y gostyngiad Cartrefi Clyd, neu a oes unrhyw ffordd y gallai awdurdodau lleol ddefnyddio disgresiwn wrth wneud dyfarniadau o'r gronfa. Nawr, rwy'n sylweddoli y bydd hyn yn creu gwaith ychwanegol i staff gweinyddol awdurdodau lleol, sy'n gweithio'n eithriadol o galed yn cefnogi trigolion. Mae eu gwaith yn amhrisiadwy ac yn cael ei werthfawrogi'n fawr, ac mae eu cefnogi hwythau hefyd yn hanfodol.

Mae Llywodraeth San Steffan yn anwybyddu'r argyfwng sydd ar y gorwel drwy roi eu holl egni tuag at amddiffyn eu harweinydd aflwyddiannus. Gall cyflogau sy'n aros yn eu hunfan, chwyddiant serth a phrisiau ynni cynyddol fod yn gyfuniad gwenwynig a fydd yn taro'r bobl dlotaf yn galetach na neb. Yn y pen draw, ar adegau fel hyn, mater i'n Llywodraeth Lafur yng Nghymru yw gwneud y pethau nad yw'r Ceidwadwyr yn eu gwneud. Rhaid inni ddefnyddio pob llwybr posibl i atal dyledion rhag cronni a chefnogi pobl sy'n cael eu gorfodi i ddyled drwy'r pwysau real iawn ar gostau byw. Diolch yn fawr.

17:40

I've heard the Conservatives say in the Senedd that they believe the way out of poverty is by working their way out, but many people in poverty are in work or struggling to find decent work that fits in with childcare. Expected long hours of work and shift patterns are often horrendous, and there has been a race to the bottom in employment standards, increasing productivity and the efficiency at the cost of the worker. In Wales, one of the biggest employers is public services, with care workers, teaching assistants and hospital porters, but public services funding was cut from 2010 for 10 years, year upon year, causing an impact on that, on public services funding.

With predictions putting energy price rises at 50 per cent once the cap is lifted in April, few households across Wales will avoid feeling the pinch this year. The universal credit cut could not come at a worse time, with household books already balanced by the margins. It's thanks to the Welsh Government's intervention with the roll-out of the winter fuel support scheme that many of the most vulnerable households are receiving a lifeline to deal with immediate pressures, but longer term solutions are needed.

Last week, I met Citizens Advice in Denbighshire to hear about the work that they do to support families to increase income, deal with debt and reduce household bills, and I would like to share today some of the challenges that were highlighted to me by Citizens Advice that could be addressed as part of an emergency cost-of-living plan going forward. Firstly, we need to address the inequality in access to affordable energy. At present, the energy efficiency rating of local authority housing stock varies greatly. I've been contacted by one of the residents whose outdated storage heaters are costing him £8 a day just to keep warm. Those living in private rented accommodation also often face paying over the odds to heat poorly insulated homes with inefficient heating systems. Issues like this need to be urgently addressed, and I hope the roll-out of the retrofitting programme will be continuing at pace.

On top of this, many tenants are forced to use prepayment meters, which in effect adds a poverty premium to the cost of energy, stigmatising those in rented accommodation. Given the advances in metering technology, it seems totally unjustifiable that someone on a prepayment meter should pay more for what they use.

We also need to ensure that the most vulnerable in our society are receiving the benefits that they are entitled to. At present, the Welsh Government-funded Advicelink service provides free advice on a range of subjects, including welfare, but I'd like to see increased funding for proactive campaigns to ensure that people are aware of the support they're entitled to.

In October 2019, the older people's commissioner worked closely with Transport for Wales to include an information leaflet about pension credit with all renewed concessionary bus passes that were being sent to everyone in Wales over the age of 60. Following that campaign, the number of new claimants was 26 per cent higher than the average per quarter over the last two years. I would welcome an expansion of a campaign such as this, for example advertising on pharmacy bags, which could increase awareness about the support that people in Wales are entitled to.

Many of the levers of powers that impact the cost of living remain in Westminster, and we need the UK Government to act now to avoid catastrophic energy-price hikes, but it is important to remember the difference our Welsh Government does and can make to households right across Wales during this difficult time.

And, Llywydd, please can I apologise for my dog's growling and moaning in the background?

Clywais y Ceidwadwyr yn dweud yn y Senedd eu bod yn credu mai'r ffordd allan o dlodi yw drwy weithio eu ffordd allan, ond mae llawer o bobl sy'n gweithio yn byw mewn tlodi neu'n ei chael yn anodd dod o hyd i waith gweddus sy'n cyd-fynd â gofal plant. Yn aml, mae oriau hir disgwyliedig o waith a phatrymau shifft yn erchyll, a bu'n ras i'r gwaelod ar safonau cyflogaeth, cynyddu cynhyrchiant ac effeithlonrwydd ar draul y gweithiwr. Yng Nghymru, y gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yw un o'r cyflogwyr mwyaf, gyda gweithwyr gofal, cynorthwywyr addysgu a phorthorion ysbytai, ond torrwyd cyllid gwasanaethau cyhoeddus flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn am 10 mlynedd o 2010 ymlaen gan effeithio ar hynny, ar gyllid gwasanaethau cyhoeddus.

Gyda'r rhagfynegiadau'n dangos y bydd prisiau ynni'n codi 50 y cant pan godir y cap ym mis Ebrill, ychydig o aelwydydd ledled Cymru fydd yn osgoi teimlo'r pwysau eleni. Ni allai'r toriad i'r credyd cynhwysol ddod ar adeg waeth, pan fo eisoes yn anodd iawn cydbwyso cyllid y cartref. Diolch i ymyrraeth Llywodraeth Cymru yn cyflwyno'r cynllun cymorth tanwydd gaeaf, mae llawer o'r aelwydydd mwyaf agored i niwed yn cael achubiaeth i ymdrin â phwysau uniongyrchol, ond mae angen atebion mwy hirdymor.

Yr wythnos diwethaf, cyfarfûm â Cyngor ar Bopeth yn sir Ddinbych i glywed am y gwaith y maent yn ei wneud ar gynorthwyo teuluoedd i gynyddu incwm, ymdrin â dyled a lleihau biliau'r cartref, a hoffwn rannu heddiw rai o'r heriau y nododd Cyngor ar Bopeth y gellid mynd i'r afael â hwy fel rhan o gynllun argyfwng costau byw wrth symud ymlaen. Yn gyntaf, mae angen inni fynd i'r afael â'r anghydraddoldeb o ran mynediad at ynni fforddiadwy. Ar hyn o bryd, mae sgôr effeithlonrwydd ynni stoc tai awdurdodau lleol yn amrywio'n fawr. Clywais gan un o'r trigolion y mae ei wresogyddion stôr hen ffasiwn yn costio £8 y dydd iddo allu cadw'n gynnes. Mae'r rhai sy'n byw mewn llety rhent preifat hefyd yn aml yn wynebu gorfod talu mwy na'u siâr i wresogi cartrefi wedi'u hinswleiddio'n wael â systemau gwresogi aneffeithlon. Mae angen mynd i'r afael â materion fel hyn ar frys, a gobeithio y bydd y broses o gyflwyno'r rhaglen ôl-osod yn parhau'n gyflym.

Ar ben hyn, mae llawer o denantiaid yn cael eu gorfodi i ddefnyddio mesuryddion rhagdalu, sydd i bob pwrpas yn ychwanegu premiwm tlodi at gost ynni, gan stigmateiddio pobl mewn llety rhent. O ystyried y datblygiadau yn nhechnoleg mesuryddion, mae'n ymddangos yn gwbl anghyfiawn y dylai rhywun ar fesurydd rhagdalu dalu mwy am yr hyn y maent yn ei ddefnyddio.

Mae angen inni sicrhau hefyd fod y rhai mwyaf agored i niwed yn ein cymdeithas yn cael y budd-daliadau y mae ganddynt hawl iddynt. Ar hyn o bryd, mae'r gwasanaeth Advicelink a ariennir gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn darparu cyngor am ddim ar amrywiaeth o bynciau, gan gynnwys lles, ond hoffwn weld mwy o arian ar gyfer ymgyrchoedd rhagweithiol i sicrhau bod pobl yn ymwybodol o'r cymorth y mae ganddynt hawl iddo.

Ym mis Hydref 2019, gweithiodd y comisiynydd pobl hŷn yn agos gyda Trafnidiaeth Cymru i gynnwys taflen wybodaeth am gredyd pensiwn gyda phob gohebiaeth adnewyddu pasys bws consesiynol a gâi eu hanfon at bawb yng Nghymru dros 60 oed. Yn dilyn yr ymgyrch honno, roedd nifer yr hawlwyr newydd 26 y cant yn uwch na'r cyfartaledd fesul chwarter dros y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf. Byddwn yn croesawu ymestyn ymgyrch fel hon, er enghraifft drwy hysbysebu ar fagiau fferyllol, a allai gynyddu ymwybyddiaeth o'r cymorth y mae gan bobl yng Nghymru hawl iddo.

Yn San Steffan y mae llawer o'r pwerau sy'n effeithio ar gostau byw, ac mae angen i Lywodraeth y DU weithredu yn awr i osgoi cynnydd trychinebus ym mhrisiau ynni, ond mae'n bwysig cofio'r gwahaniaeth y mae ein Llywodraeth yng Nghymru yn ei wneud ac y gall ei wneud i aelwydydd ledled Cymru yn ystod y cyfnod anodd hwn.

Lywydd, a gaf fi ymddiheuro am fod fy nghi yn chwyrnu ac yn griddfan yn y cefndir?

17:45

Okay, I'm not sure whether your dog growling was responsible for me losing audio for some part of that contribution. I trust it was all in order. I didn't see any panicky faces in front of me. We'll call the Minister now to contribute to the debate. Jane Hutt.

Iawn, nid wyf yn siŵr ai'r ffaith bod eich ci'n chwyrnu oedd yn gyfrifol am golli fy sain am ran o'r cyfraniad hwnnw. Hyderaf fod y cyfan yn ddilys. Ni welais unrhyw wynebau rhuslyd o fy mlaen. Galwn ar y Gweinidog yn awr i gyfrannu at y ddadl. Jane Hutt.

Diolch, Llywydd. I'd like to thank Plaid Cymru for bringing this important debate today. It's absolutely topical currently and a really important debate as we take action as a Government to tackle the cost-of-living crisis, which is so seriously adversely affecting the people we all represent and serve in Wales, which has come over so strongly in the debate.

We are, as a Government, drawing together our plans and using our powers to tackle the cost-of-living crisis, as called for in this debate, but I do want to endorse the points that have been made by Members today that the powers and fiscal resources needed to help people with the spiralling costs of energy bills and increasing living costs do lie, mainly, with the UK Government. So, this debate does provide us with the opportunity to unite today to back the representations that we are making as Welsh Government Ministers to the UK Government, because of those powers and fiscal levers they have, but also as well the taking forward of our plans and priorities that have been called for today in this motion and by Members.

As has been highlighted, the Minister for finance met with the Chief Secretary to the Treasury last week, with colleagues from Scotland and Northern Ireland, to call for urgent action to lessen the burden on hard-pressed households as a result of the cost-of-living crisis. Julie James, Minister for Climate Change, and I have written to the UK Government to express our deep concern about the increase in domestic energy prices, pressing the case for urgent action to safeguard vulnerable households. You will have seen the letter that we wrote.

I also wrote this week to the Secretary of State at the Department for Work and Pensions, calling on the UK Government to uprate welfare benefit payments this April, in line with the consumer price index increase, because the Institute for Fiscal Studies, you will have seen, reported last week that they expect this to reach 6 per cent. With that uprating, this would save our lowest income households from facing a £290 real-term, year-on-year fall in benefit income, helping just to marginally ease the cost-of-living crisis that they're facing.

When the UK Government took the shameful decision to end the £20 uplift in October last year of universal credit, despite warnings of the impact it would have in plunging more households into poverty, we urged and continue to urge the UK Government to reverse its decision. It resulted in the biggest overnight cut to social security payment rates since the modern welfare state began. And the fact is, the UK Government's autumn spending review doesn't meet the scale of the challenge we're facing to tackle this cost-of-living crisis—this perfect storm, as has been said—and invest in our public services, businesses, communities and families in Wales.

But where Westminster has failed to support families, the Welsh Government has stepped in to back our communities through this challenging period, and to move forward, with our powers and policies, and with the contributions that have been made this afternoon, and working very much on a cross-Government basis to take this forward. We have introduced emergency measures—they've been acknowledged today—to offset the impact of the £20 universal credit uplift: our £51 million household support fund; £2 million allocated for homelessness prevention; and the £38 million winter fuel support fund, providing that one-off £100 cash payment to help eligible households with their fuel bills. Again, yesterday, the First Minister announced that up to 100,000 applications for that are already in place. There's £1.1 million for tackling food poverty, including £0.5 million to support foodbanks, meeting increased demand, and £657,000 to help establish a further 25 Big Bocs Bwyd projects in schools in the Valleys taskforce area.

Diolch, Lywydd. Hoffwn ddiolch i Blaid Cymru am gyflwyno'r ddadl bwysig hon heddiw. Mae'n gwbl amserol ac yn ddadl bwysig iawn wrth inni weithredu fel Llywodraeth i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng costau byw, sy'n effeithio mor ddifrifol ar y bobl rydym i gyd yn eu cynrychioli ac yn eu gwasanaethu yng Nghymru, a chafodd hynny ei gyfleu'n gadarn yn y ddadl.

Fel Llywodraeth, rydym yn dwyn ynghyd ein cynlluniau ac yn defnyddio ein pwerau i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng costau byw, fel y galwyd arnom i'w wneud yn y ddadl hon, ond rwyf am gymeradwyo'r pwyntiau a wnaed gan Aelodau heddiw fod y pwerau a'r adnoddau cyllidol sydd eu hangen i helpu pobl gyda chostau biliau ynni a chostau byw cynyddol yn nwylo Llywodraeth y DU yn bennaf. Felly, mae'r ddadl hon yn rhoi cyfle inni uno heddiw i gefnogi'r sylwadau rydym yn eu gwneud fel Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru i Lywodraeth y DU, oherwydd y pwerau a'r ysgogiadau cyllidol sydd ganddynt, ond hefyd i fwrw ymlaen â'n cynlluniau a'n blaenoriaethau y galwyd amdanynt heddiw yn y cynnig hwn a chan yr Aelodau.

Fel y nodwyd, cyfarfu'r Gweinidog cyllid â Phrif Ysgrifennydd y Trysorlys yr wythnos diwethaf, gyda chymheiriaid o'r Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon, i alw am weithredu ar frys i leihau'r baich ar aelwydydd sydd dan bwysau o ganlyniad i'r argyfwng costau byw. Mae Julie James, y Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd, a minnau wedi ysgrifennu at Lywodraeth y DU i fynegi ein pryder mawr am y cynnydd ym mhrisiau ynni domestig, gan bwyso am weithredu ar frys i ddiogelu aelwydydd sy'n fregus. Byddwch wedi gweld y llythyr a ysgrifennwyd gennym.

Yr wythnos hon hefyd, ysgrifennais at yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn yr Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau, yn galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i gynyddu cyfraddau taliadau budd-dal lles ym mis Ebrill eleni, yn unol â'r cynnydd yn y mynegai prisiau defnyddwyr, oherwydd fel y byddwch wedi gweld, adroddodd y Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid yr wythnos diwethaf eu bod yn disgwyl iddo gyrraedd 6 y cant. Gyda'r cynnydd hwnnw, byddai hyn yn arbed ein cartrefi incwm isaf rhag wynebu gostyngiad o £290 mewn incwm budd-daliadau termau real o un flwyddyn i'r llall, gan helpu i leddfu'r ychydig lleiaf ar yr argyfwng costau byw y maent yn ei wynebu.

Pan wnaeth Llywodraeth y DU y penderfyniad cywilyddus i ddod â'r cynnydd o £20 i'r credyd cynhwysol i ben ym mis Hydref y llynedd, er gwaethaf rhybuddion ynglŷn â'r effaith y byddai'n ei chael yn gwthio mwy o aelwydydd i fyw mewn tlodi, anogasom  ac rydym yn parhau i annog Llywodraeth y DU i wrthdroi ei phenderfyniad. Arweiniodd at y toriad dros nos mwyaf i gyfraddau talu nawdd cymdeithasol ers sefydlu'r wladwriaeth les fodern. A'r gwir amdani yw, nid yw adolygiad o wariant yr hydref Llywodraeth y DU yn ateb maint yr her rydym yn ei hwynebu i fynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng costau byw hwn—y storm berffaith hon, fel y dywedwyd—a buddsoddi yn ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, busnesau, cymunedau a theuluoedd yng Nghymru.

Ond lle mae San Steffan wedi methu cefnogi teuluoedd, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi camu i mewn i gefnogi ein cymunedau drwy'r cyfnod heriol hwn, ac i symud ymlaen, gyda'n pwerau a'n polisïau, a chyda'r cyfraniadau a wnaed y prynhawn yma, a gweithio'n bendant iawn ar sail trawslywodraethol i fwrw ymlaen â hyn. Rydym wedi cyflwyno mesurau brys—cawsant eu cydnabod heddiw—i wrthbwyso effaith colli'r cynnydd o £20 i'r credyd cynhwysol: ein cronfa cymorth i aelwydydd gwerth £51 miliwn; £2 filiwn a ddyrannwyd ar gyfer atal digartrefedd; a'r gronfa cymorth tanwydd gaeaf gwerth £38 miliwn, sy'n darparu'r taliad arian untro o £100 i helpu aelwydydd cymwys gyda'u biliau tanwydd. Eto ddoe, cyhoeddodd Prif Weinidog Cymru fod hyd at 100,000 o geisiadau am hwnnw eisoes yn eu lle. Ceir £1.1 miliwn ar gyfer mynd i'r afael â thlodi bwyd, gan gynnwys £0.5 miliwn i gefnogi banciau bwyd, ac ateb y galw cynyddol, a £657,000 i helpu i sefydlu 25 yn rhagor o brosiectau Bocs Bwyd Mawr mewn ysgolion yn ardal tasglu'r Cymoedd.

I thank Members for identifying the role local authorities can and do play. They are crucial to help us in these action plans that we can take here in Wales, not just the Welsh Government, but working with local government and the third sector as well. Further announcements are coming forward from the Welsh Government on our household support grant.

It's crucial that we look to our discretionary assistance fund with the extra £14.7 million for the current financial year and, as has been called for, and we're implementing, in continuing those flexibilities, allowing for a greater number and greater frequency of payments for people impacted by the cost-of-living crisis and the withdrawal of the universal credit £20 uplift. But we've also reinstituted our winter fuel assistance from the discretionary assistance fund for off-grid homes, boiler repair grants until the end of March 2022, and, as has been called for, we're running a national benefits take-up campaign, ensuring people receive the financial support that they're entitled to. Again, as has been mentioned, pension credit, it's crucial that we have that campaign, working with the older people's commissioner. Actually, our campaign in March last year did result in a huge uptake of £651,000-plus claimed by those entitled to benefits. I strongly urge the UK Government to run a similar campaign, as have the Scottish Ministers as well, to relieve those financial pressures that they're experiencing.

I'd like to just very quickly say 'thank you' to the Equality and Social Justice Committee. Your review on indebtedness—and we responded to that positively last week—was crucial, and you've got a forthcoming inquiry into fuel poverty. The integrity of your work has helped to inform and shape our response to these vital issues, and I think that's part of what the Plaid motion is calling for, that we all work together in this way to make that difference we can make in Wales. Because we do have a more generous social wage in Wales, through initiatives such as our council tax reduction scheme, free prescriptions, the effect of leaving money in the pockets of Welsh citizens. And the tenancy support fund has been mentioned—the £10 million tenancy support fund—which is now not just supporting the private sector, but social housing tenants struggling to repay significant rent arrears. Again, listening to all the points that have been made in this debate this afternoon, our single advice fund, integrated services during the first six months of this year, helping people again to make additional claims of income. And we mustn't forget our self-isolation support scheme, which has actually helped people who are unable to work because they're legally required to self-isolate, and nearly £29 million has been claimed to date.

I just want to finally acknowledge that our co-operation agreement with Plaid Cymru has enabled us to commit to extending free school meals. It's been mentioned in this debate, but seeing an additional 196,000 primary school-aged children benefit from the offer of a free, healthy school meal, that's crucially important in how Wales is responding to the cost-of-living crisis. We're also moving forward in terms of the funding for childcare for more families, when parents are in education, and also looking to an extension of support through Welsh-medium education as well.

We have got other measures. We've got the young people's guarantee, we've got the real living wage, the commitment to extend that with the First Minister and Deputy Minister for Social Partnership writing to all public bodies to encourage them to lead by example, and our Warm Homes programme benefiting since 2010-11 67,100 households and many more.

So, my final point is that these initiatives are making a real difference to the lives of low-income households, but we are aware, as energy prices rise and inflation increases, we need to do more. So, I am organising a round-table conference with key stakeholders, bringing together all the stakeholders and ministerial colleagues on 17 February, very much responding to calls today in this motion to determine what more we can do with the policy levers available to us, and develop that plan of action that will support households across Wales who are at a very real risk of financial harm.

But we have to continue to make the strongest representations alongside Scotland and Northern Ireland to the UK Government, which has proven itself callously indifferent to the challenges that people are facing. So, will the Welsh Conservatives, if they're backing this motion, join us in backing our representations that we're making to the UK Government? It is your responsibility now, if you back our motion, to do that, to join us and to back our representations to the UK Government. Back them to make sure they give additional support to schemes such as the warm home discount—

Diolch i'r Aelodau am nodi'r rôl y gall ac y mae awdurdodau lleol yn ei chwarae. Maent yn hanfodol i'n helpu yn y cynlluniau gweithredu hyn y gallwn eu gwneud yma yng Nghymru, nid Llywodraeth Cymru yn unig, ond gan weithio gyda llywodraeth leol a'r trydydd sector hefyd. Mae cyhoeddiadau pellach ar y ffordd gan Lywodraeth Cymru ar ein grant cymorth i aelwydydd.

Mae'n hanfodol ein bod yn edrych ar ein cronfa cymorth dewisol gyda'r £14.7 miliwn ychwanegol ar gyfer y flwyddyn ariannol gyfredol ac fel y galwyd amdano, rydym yn gweithredu i barhau â'r hyblygrwydd hwnnw, gan ganiatáu mwy o daliadau a thaliadau mwy mynych i bobl yr effeithiwyd arnynt gan yr argyfwng costau byw a diddymu'r codiad o £20 i'r credyd cynhwysol. Ond rydym hefyd wedi ailsefydlu ein cymorth tanwydd gaeaf o'r gronfa cymorth dewisol ar gyfer cartrefi oddi ar y grid, grantiau trwsio boeleri tan ddiwedd mis Mawrth 2022, ac fel y galwyd arnom i'w wneud, rydym yn cynnal ymgyrch genedlaethol i chwyddo'r niferoedd sy'n cael budd-daliadau cenedlaethol, gan sicrhau bod pobl yn cael y cymorth ariannol y mae ganddynt hawl iddo. Unwaith eto, fel y soniwyd, credyd pensiwn, mae'n hanfodol fod gennym yr ymgyrch honno, gan weithio gyda'r comisiynydd pobl hŷn. Mewn gwirionedd, arweiniodd ein hymgyrch ym mis Mawrth y llynedd at gynnydd enfawr o £651,000 a mwy yn yr hyn a hawliwyd gan y rhai sydd â hawl i gael budd-daliadau. Rwy'n annog Llywodraeth y DU yn gryf i gynnal ymgyrch debyg, fel y mae Gweinidogion yr Alban wedi'i wneud hefyd, i leddfu'r pwysau ariannol y maent yn eu hwynebu.

Hoffwn ddweud 'diolch' yn gyflym iawn i'r Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol. Roedd eich adolygiad o ddyled yn hollbwysig—ac fe wnaethom ymateb iddo'n gadarnhaol yr wythnos diwethaf—ac mae gennych ymchwiliad ar y ffordd i dlodi tanwydd. Mae uniondeb eich gwaith wedi helpu i lywio a llunio ein hymateb i'r materion hollbwysig hyn, a chredaf fod hynny'n rhan o'r hyn y mae cynnig Plaid Cymru yn galw amdano, ein bod i gyd yn gweithio gyda'n gilydd fel hyn i wneud y gwahaniaeth y gallwn ei wneud yng Nghymru. Oherwydd mae gennym gyflog cymdeithasol mwy hael yng Nghymru, drwy fentrau fel ein cynllun gostyngiadau'r dreth gyngor, presgripsiynau am ddim, effaith gadael arian ym mhocedi dinasyddion Cymru. A chrybwyllwyd y gronfa cymorth i denantiaid—y gronfa cymorth i denantiaid sy'n werth £10 miliwn—sydd bellach nid yn unig yn cefnogi'r sector preifat, ond tenantiaid tai cymdeithasol hefyd sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd ad-dalu ôl-ddyledion rhent sylweddol. Unwaith eto, wrth wrando ar yr holl bwyntiau a wnaed yn y ddadl hon y prynhawn yma, ein cronfa gynghori sengl, gwasanaethau integredig yn ystod chwe mis cyntaf eleni, i helpu pobl unwaith eto i hawlio incwm ychwanegol. A rhaid inni beidio ag anghofio ein cynllun cymorth hunanynysu, sydd wedi helpu pobl nad ydynt yn gallu gweithio oherwydd ei bod yn ofynnol yn gyfreithiol iddynt hunanynysu, ac mae bron i £29 miliwn wedi'i hawlio hyd yma.

Hoffwn gydnabod yn olaf fod ein cytundeb cydweithio gyda Phlaid Cymru wedi ein galluogi i ymrwymo i ehangu'r ddarpariaeth o brydau ysgol am ddim. Soniwyd am hynny yn y ddadl hon, ond mae gweld 196,000 ychwanegol o blant oed cynradd yn elwa o'r cynnig o bryd ysgol iach am ddim yn hollbwysig o ran y ffordd y mae Cymru'n ymateb i'r argyfwng costau byw. Rydym hefyd yn symud ymlaen mewn perthynas â chyllid ar gyfer gofal plant i fwy o deuluoedd, pan fydd rhieni mewn addysg, ac yn edrych hefyd ar ymestyn cymorth drwy addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg.

Mae gennym fesurau eraill. Mae gennym y warant i bobl ifanc, mae gennym y cyflog byw go iawn, yr ymrwymiad i ymestyn hwnnw gyda'r Prif Weinidog a'r Dirprwy Weinidog Partneriaeth Gymdeithasol yn ysgrifennu at bob corff cyhoeddus i'w hannog i arwain drwy esiampl, ac mae ein rhaglen Cartrefi Clyd yn creu budd ers 2010-11 i 67,100 o aelwydydd a llawer mwy.

Felly, fy mhwynt olaf yw bod y mentrau hyn yn gwneud gwahaniaeth gwirioneddol i fywydau aelwydydd incwm isel, ond wrth i brisiau ynni godi a chwyddiant gynyddu, rydym yn ymwybodol fod angen inni wneud mwy. Felly, rwy'n trefnu cynhadledd bord gron gyda rhanddeiliaid allweddol, gan ddwyn ynghyd yr holl randdeiliaid a chyd-Weinidogion ar 17 Chwefror, gan ymateb yn bendant iawn i alwadau yn y cynnig hwn heddiw i benderfynu beth arall y gallwn ei wneud gyda'r ysgogiadau polisi sydd ar gael i ni, a datblygu'r cynllun gweithredu a fydd yn cefnogi aelwydydd ledled Cymru sydd mewn perygl gwirioneddol o niwed ariannol.

Ond mae'n rhaid inni barhau i wneud y sylwadau cryfaf ochr yn ochr â'r Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon i Lywodraeth y DU, sydd wedi profi pa mor greulon o ddifater yw hi ynglŷn â'r heriau y mae pobl yn eu hwynebu. Felly, a wnaiff y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, os ydynt yn cefnogi'r cynnig hwn, ymuno â ni i gefnogi'r sylwadau a gyflwynwn i Lywodraeth y DU? Eich cyfrifoldeb chi yn awr, os ydych yn cefnogi ein cynnig, yw gwneud hynny, ymuno â ni a chefnogi ein sylwadau i Lywodraeth y DU. Cefnogwch hwy i wneud yn siŵr eu bod yn rhoi cymorth ychwanegol i gynlluniau fel y gostyngiad cartrefi cynnes—

17:55

Minister, if you were in the Chamber, the clock would have long turned red by now, so if you can bring your comments to a close, please.

Weinidog, pe baech yn y Siambr, byddai'r cloc wedi hen droi'n goch bellach, felly os gallwch ddod â'ch sylwadau i ben, os gwelwch yn dda.

Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. As National Energy Action has clearly stated, the UK Government has the powers and fiscal resources to address these issues, but we will do what we can with our powers and policies here in Wales to support this motion and take this forward. Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. 

Diolch yn fawr, Lywydd. Fel y dywedodd National Energy Action yn glir, mae gan Lywodraeth y DU y pwerau a'r adnoddau cyllidol i fynd i'r afael â'r materion hyn, ond fe wnawn yr hyn a allwn gyda'n pwerau a'n polisïau ni yma yng Nghymru i gefnogi'r cynnig hwn a bwrw ymlaen â hyn. Diolch yn fawr, Lywydd.

Luke Fletcher nawr i ymateb i'r ddadl. 

Luke Fletcher to reply to the debate. 

Diolch, Llywydd, a diolch i'r Aelodau sydd wedi cyfrannu at y ddadl heddiw ac i'r Gweinidog am ymateb. 

Thank you, Llywydd, and thank you to all Members who have contributed to this afternoon's debate and to the Minister for responding.

As we close this debate, I think it's worth noting and reiterating a point Jayne Bryant made, that the daily struggles due to the cost of living are not something new, this is something that has been in the works for a decade or more. But, what we are seeing now is an amplification of those struggles, a struggle that should never exist in the first place. That amplification will lead to Victorian levels of poverty, and that's worth pausing to think about for a moment—Victorian levels of poverty in present-day Wales.

We've heard from Huw Irranca-Davies, Rhianon Passmore and Peredur Owen Griffiths about the effect that the rising costs of fuel are having. Families who were just about managing before now are being pushed over the edge through no fault of their own. We've seen the story on BBC Wales news of Judith, a grandmother, who only puts the heating on when her grandkids come for a visit, and even then she can only afford to have it on for an hour. If that doesn't wake you up to the reality of the situation, then I don't know what will—a situation that reinforces exactly what Peredur outlined on the effect of the cost of fuel on elderly people. 

We've heard from Heledd Fychan about how the cost of food and water has risen, plunging more people into food poverty. And, as Heledd pointed out, last year, nearly 10 per cent of households in Wales were experiencing low food security, and a fifth of people in Wales were worried about running out of food before they could afford to buy more. This figure was even higher for families with children. And all of us will have seen the rise in foodbank usage with our own eyes. Food and water aren't luxuries, they're fundamental to human life. We can't live or survive without them. 

We've also heard from Sioned Williams and Carolyn Thomas how wages are not keeping pace. Before this crisis, people were already working more than one job to make ends meet. And all this, of course, as Sioned Williams, Rhun ap Iorwerth and Delyth Jewell alluded to, means even more families are now making that choice between heating and eating. And for those who have already needed to make that choice, they are no doubt sick with fright about where all this will leave them. Meanwhile—and I know that there are Members who would like to sing of the virtues of this particular group—whilst 163 million people were driven below the poverty line during the pandemic, a surge in share and property prices led to the 10 richest in the world seeing their global wealth increase to $1.5 trillion. Oxfam projects that, by 2030, 3.3 billion people will be living on less than $5.50 a day. Let me put this in different terms: during the pandemic, the world's 10 richest men have seen their wealth double, as their income has grown nearly $1 billion a day, whereas the rest of the world has taken a pay cut. So, I'll ask the question again, as I've done in the Siambr before: at what point do we decide that hoarding that amount of wealth is immoral, because I think that we have long passed that stage now?

And one final point, Llywydd. There's nothing more showing of a person's humanity or lack of humanity when they say, 'Well, that's the way things are', or 'We don't live in an ideal world.' The reason why things are the way they are, the reason why we don't live in an ideal world is because of the lack of political will to get to grips with poverty. It's as simple as that. This isn't inevitable. Yet again, we find ourselves in a crisis where we have a UK Government that is unfit to govern, a Government that is more concerned with operation 'save big dog' than actually getting to grips with a crisis that will devastate families not just in Wales, but across the UK. Martin Lewis, the money saving expert, highlighted the stark difference between this place and Westminster. The biggest challenge facing families with a hike of 50 per cent in energy prices, making energy unaffordable for millions, brushed aside in one question during Prime Minister's questions. Now, I will say it does fill me with some hope that a lot of time today, not just in this debate but in spokespersons' questions in this Senedd, has seen questions raised around the cost of living. And actually, the response from the Minister was very positive, but we now need to act. Like all Members here, I deal with so many issues on behalf of constituents, but the crisis before us is the one that keeps me up at night. We're talking about my friends, my family, and it's the people I grew up with, the people who live in my community, and who live in all of our communities, who will be affected by this the most.  

Plaid Cymru's motion 

'Calls on the Welsh Government to publish an emergency cost-of-living action plan'. 

If this passes, it will require all of us, not just Plaid Cymru Members, but it will also require Labour Members and Conservative Members and Lib Dem Members from across the Chamber, to ensure that whatever plan is produced is worth the paper it's written on, and that it does work for people. And I challenge as well the Welsh Conservatives to go to Westminster and bang the drum about the fact that people in Wales right now are really struggling. They need to step up to the plate here. Too many motions and debates pass in this Senedd and are followed with delayed action or poor implementation. Well, this can't be one of them. So, I urge all Members to support our motion.  

Wrth inni gloi'r ddadl hon, credaf ei bod yn werth nodi ac ailadrodd pwynt a wnaeth Jayne Bryant, nad yw'r brwydrau dyddiol oherwydd costau byw yn rhywbeth newydd, mae hyn yn rhywbeth sydd wedi bodoli ers degawd neu fwy. Ond yr hyn a welwn yn awr yw chwyddo'r trafferthion hynny, brwydr na ddylai byth fodoli yn y lle cyntaf. Bydd y chwyddo hwnnw'n arwain at lefelau Fictoraidd o dlodi, ac mae'n werth oedi i feddwl am hynny am eiliad—lefelau Fictoraidd o dlodi yng Nghymru heddiw.

Clywsom gan Huw Irranca-Davies, Rhianon Passmore a Peredur Owen Griffiths am yr effaith y mae costau tanwydd cynyddol yn ei chael. Mae teuluoedd a oedd prin yn ymdopi cyn hyn yn cael eu gwthio dros yr ymyl heb unrhyw fai arnynt hwy eu hunain. Gwelsom y stori ar newyddion BBC Wales am Judith, mam-gu sydd ond yn rhoi'r gwres ymlaen pan ddaw ei hwyron ar ymweliad, a hyd yn oed wedyn nid yw'n gallu fforddio ei roi ymlaen am fwy nag awr. Os nad yw hynny'n eich deffro i realiti'r sefyllfa, nid wyf yn gwybod beth fydd—sefyllfa sy'n cadarnhau'n union yr hyn a nododd Peredur ar effaith cost tanwydd ar bobl oedrannus. 

Clywsom gan Heledd Fychan sut y mae cost bwyd a dŵr wedi codi, gan wthio mwy o bobl i fyw mewn tlodi bwyd. Ac fel y nododd Heledd, y llynedd, roedd bron i 10 y cant o aelwydydd Cymru yn profi lefel isel o ddiogelwch bwyd, ac roedd un rhan o bump o bobl Cymru yn poeni y byddai eu bwyd yn dod i ben cyn y gallent fforddio prynu mwy. Roedd y ffigur hwn hyd yn oed yn uwch ar gyfer teuluoedd â phlant. A bydd pob un ohonom wedi gweld y cynnydd yn y defnydd o fanciau bwyd gyda'n llygaid ein hunain. Nid moethusrwydd yw bwyd a dŵr, maent yn hanfodol i fywyd dynol. Ni allwn fyw na goroesi hebddynt. 

Clywsom hefyd gan Sioned Williams a Carolyn Thomas ynglŷn â'r modd nad yw cyflogau'n codi cymaint â chostau. Cyn yr argyfwng, roedd pobl eisoes yn gweithio mwy nag un swydd i gael dau ben llinyn ynghyd. Ac mae hyn i gyd, wrth gwrs, fel y nododd Sioned Williams, Rhun ap Iorwerth a Delyth Jewell, yn golygu bod hyd yn oed mwy o deuluoedd bellach yn dewis rhwng gwresogi a bwyta. Ac i'r rhai sydd eisoes wedi gorfod dewis, mae'n siŵr eu bod yn poeni eu hunain yn sâl ynglŷn â lle bydd hyn i gyd yn eu gadael. Yn y cyfamser—a gwn fod yna Aelodau a hoffai ganu clodydd y grŵp penodol hwn—tra bod 163 miliwn o bobl wedi cael eu gwthio i fyw mewn tlodi yn ystod y pandemig, arweiniodd cynnydd ym mhrisiau cyfranddaliadau ac eiddo at gynyddu cyfoeth byd-eang y 10 unigolyn cyfoethocaf yn y byd i $1.5 triliwn. Mae Oxfam yn rhagweld y bydd 3.3 biliwn o bobl yn byw ar lai na $5.50 y dydd erbyn 2030. Gadewch imi roi hynny mewn ffordd wahanol: yn ystod y pandemig, mae 10 dyn cyfoethocaf y byd wedi gweld eu cyfoeth yn dyblu, wrth i'w hincwm gynyddu bron i $1 biliwn y dydd, tra bod gweddill y byd wedi gweld eu hincwm yn gostwng. Felly, gofynnaf y cwestiwn eto, fel rwyf wedi'i wneud yn y Siambr o'r blaen: ar ba bwynt y penderfynwn fod crynhoi cymaint o gyfoeth yn anfoesol, oherwydd credaf ein bod wedi hen basio'r cam hwnnw yn awr?

Ac un pwynt olaf, Lywydd. Nid oes unrhyw beth yn dangos dynoldeb neu ddiffyg dynoldeb unigolyn yn fwy eglur na phan ddywedant, 'Wel, dyna'r ffordd y mae pethau', neu 'Nid ydym yn byw mewn byd delfrydol.' Y rheswm pam fod pethau y ffordd y maent, y rheswm pam nad ydym yn byw mewn byd delfrydol yw oherwydd diffyg ewyllys wleidyddol i fynd i'r afael â thlodi. Mae mor syml â hynny. Nid yw hyn yn anochel. Unwaith eto, cawn ein hunain mewn argyfwng lle mae gennym Lywodraeth y DU nad yw'n gymwys i lywodraethu, Llywodraeth sy'n poeni mwy am ymgyrch 'achub y ci mawr' na mynd i'r afael ag argyfwng a fydd yn dinistrio teuluoedd nid yn unig yng Nghymru, ond ledled y DU. Tynnodd Martin Lewis, yr arbenigwr arbed arian, sylw at y gwahaniaeth amlwg rhwng y lle hwn a San Steffan. Yr her fwyaf sy'n wynebu teuluoedd gyda chodiad o 50 y cant ym mhrisiau ynni, gan wneud ynni'n anfforddiadwy i filiynau, wedi'i sgubo o'r neilltu mewn un cwestiwn yn ystod cwestiynau i Brif Weinidog y DU. Nawr, rwyf am ddweud bod y ffaith bod llawer o amser wedi'i roi heddiw i gostau byw, nid yn unig yn y ddadl hon ond yng nghwestiynau llefarwyr yn y Senedd hon, yn rhoi rywfaint o obaith i mi. Ac mewn gwirionedd, roedd yr ymateb gan y Gweinidog yn gadarnhaol iawn, ond mae angen inni weithredu yn awr. Fel pob Aelod yma, rwy'n ymdrin â llawer iawn o faterion ar ran etholwyr, ond yr argyfwng sydd ger ein bron yw'r un sy'n fy nghadw'n effro'r nos. Rydym yn sôn am fy ffrindiau, fy nheulu, a'r bobl y cefais fy magu gyda hwy, y bobl sy'n byw yn fy nghymuned, ac sy'n byw ym mhob un o'n cymunedau, a fydd yn cael eu heffeithio fwyaf gan hyn.  

Mae cynnig Plaid Cymru

'yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi cynllun gweithredu costau byw brys'. 

Os caiff ei basio, bydd yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i bob un ohonom, nid Aelodau Plaid Cymru yn unig, ond Aelodau Llafur ac Aelodau Ceidwadol ac Aelodau'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol o bob rhan o'r Siambr, sicrhau bod pa gynllun bynnag a gynhyrchir yn werth y papur y bydd wedi'i ysgrifennu arno, a'i fod yn gweithio i bobl. Ac rwy'n herio'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig hefyd i fynd i San Steffan a thynnu sylw at y ffaith bod pobl yng Nghymru yn ei chael hi'n anodd iawn yn awr. Mae angen iddynt ysgwyddo eu cyfrifoldeb yma. Mae gormod o gynigion a dadleuon yn pasio yn y Senedd hon ac yn cael eu dilyn gan oedi cyn gweithredu neu weithredu gwael. Wel, ni all y cynnig hwn fod yn un ohonynt. Felly, rwy'n annog yr holl Aelodau i gefnogi ein cynnig.  

18:00

Y cwestiwn, felly, yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Dwi ddim yn gweld gwrthwynebiad i hynny, ac felly mae'r cynnig wedi ei dderbyn yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.  

The proposal is to agree the motion. Does any Member object?  I don't see any objection, and therefore the motion is agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36. 

Derbyniwyd y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.

Motion agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.

Rŷm ni'n cyrraedd y cyfnod pleidleisio nawr er mwyn cynnal y pleidleisiau sydd eu hangen. Byddwn ni'n cymryd toriad byr iawn i baratoi ar gyfer y pleidleisiau hynny. 

That now brings us to voting time. We will take a short break to prepare for those votes. 

Ataliwyd y Cyfarfod Llawn am 18:02.

Plenary was suspended at 18:02.

18:05

Ailymgynullodd y Senedd am 18:05, gyda'r Llywydd yn y Gadair.

The Senedd reconvened at 18:05, with the Llywydd in the Chair.

8. Cyfnod Pleidleisio
8. Voting Time

Dyma ni'n cyrraedd y cyfnod pleidleisio. Mae'r pleidleisiau hediw ar ddadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ar gyfyngiadau COVID. Mae'r bleidlais gyntaf ar y cynnig, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Darren Millar. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 13, 11 yn ymatal, 28 yn erbyn. Felly, mae'r cynnig wedi ei wrthod. 

That brings us to voting time. Today's votes are on the Welsh Conservatives' debate on COVID restrictions. The first vote is on the motion, tabled in the name of Darren Millar. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 13, 11 abstentions, and 28 against. Therefore, the motion is not agreed. 

Eitem 6. Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig—cyfyngiadau COVID, cyflwynwyd yn enw Darren Millar: O blaid: 13, Yn erbyn: 28, Ymatal: 11

Gwrthodwyd y cynnig

Item 6. Welsh Conservatives' debate—COVID restrictions, tabled in the name of Darren Millar: For: 13, Against: 28, Abstain: 11

Motion has been rejected

Gwelliant 1 yw'r bleidlais nesaf—gwelliant 1, wedi'i gyflwyno gan Lesley Griffiths. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 39, neb yn ymatal, 13 yn erbyn. Felly, mae gwelliant 1 wedi'i gymeradwyo.  

The next vote is on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 39, no abstentions, and 13 against. Therefore, amendment 1 is agreed. 

Eitem 6. Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig—gwelliant 1, cyflwynwyd yn enw Lesley Griffiths: O blaid: 39, Yn erbyn: 13, Ymatal: 0

Derbyniwyd y gwelliant

Item 6. Welsh Conservatives' debate—amendment 1, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths: For: 39, Against: 13, Abstain: 0

Amendment has been agreed

Mae'r bleidlais nesaf, y bleidlais olaf, ar y cynnig wedi'i ddiwygio. 

The next vote, and the final vote, is on the motion as amended. 

Cynnig NDM7891 fel y'i diwygiwyd:

Cynnig bod y Senedd:

1. Yn credu bod chwaraeon, gweithgareddau hamdden ac ymarfer corff yn hanfodol ar gyfer iechyd corfforol a meddyliol pobl.

2. Yn cydnabod effaith y cyfyngiadau COVID-19 diweddaraf ar ddiwydiant lletygarwch Cymru.

3. Yn croesawu penderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru i:

a) llacio cyfyngiadau o 15 Ionawr ymlaen fel y gellir cynnal digwyddiadau awyr agored sy’n cynnwys hyd at 500 o bobl neu wylwyr;

b) dileu mesurau diogelu ehangach ar gyfer digwyddiadau awyr agored o 21 Ionawr ymlaen, os bydd amodau’n caniatáu;

c) symud i lefel rhybudd sero o 28 Ionawr ymlaen, os bydd amodau’n caniatáu; a

d) adolygu’r holl fesurau diogelu ar lefel rhybudd sero a chyhoeddi unrhyw newidiadau ar 11 Chwefror.

Motion NDM7891 as amended:

To propose that the Senedd:

1. Believes that sport, recreation and exercise are essential for people’s physical and mental health.

2. Recognises the impact on the Welsh hospitality industry of the latest COVID-19 restrictions.

3. Welcomes the Welsh Government’s decision to:

a) ease restrictions from 15 January so that outdoor events involving up to 500 people or spectators can take place;

b) remove wider protections for outdoor events from 21 January, if conditions allow;

c) complete the move to alert level zero from 28 January, if conditions allow; and

d) review all alert level zero protections and announce any changes on 11 February.

Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 52, neb yn ymatal, neb yn erbyn. Felly, mae'r cynnig wedi'i ddiwygio wedi'i dderbyn. 

Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 52, no abstentions, none against. Therefore, the motion as amended is agreed. 

Eitem 6. Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymeig—cynnig wedi'i ddiwygio: O blaid: 52, Yn erbyn: 0, Ymatal: 0

Derbyniwyd y cynnig fel y'i diwygiwyd

Item 6. Welsh Conservatives' debate—motion as amended: For: 52, Against: 0, Abstain: 0

Motion as amended has been agreed

Dyna ddiwedd ar y pleidleisiau am y prynhawn yma. Felly, rŷn ni'n mynd i symud ymlaen at y ddadl fer.

That concludes voting time for this afternoon. We will now move to the short debate.

9. Dadl Fer: Teithio o gwmpas: Trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus am ddim i bobl ifanc
9. Short Debate: Getting around: Free public transport for young people

Mae'r ddadl fer heddiw gan Jane Dodds. Felly, dwi'n galw ar Jane Dodds i gyflwyno'r ddadl yn ei henw hi. Jane, drosodd i chi.

Today's short debate is to be presented by Jane Dodds. So, I call on Jane Dodds to speak to the topic that she has chosen. Jane, over to you. 

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Lywydd, a dwi'n falch o gael y cyfle i gynnal y ddadl yma heddiw ac i dynnu sylw at drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yng Nghymru. A dwi'n falch o'r diddordeb gan Carolyn Thomas, Mabon ap Gwynfor a Jayne Bryant yn y ddadl yma, ac rwyf wedi cytuno i roi peth amser er mwyn i Carolyn, Mabon a Jayne gyfrannu at y ddadl. Dwi'n ddiolchgar iawn; mae'n fyd unig i fod yn rhyddfrydwr yn y Senedd ar hyn o bryd.

Gwyddom ni i gyd fod pobl ifanc wedi cael eu taro'n galed gan bandemig COVID, a byddant yn parhau i gael eu heffeithio ymhell ar ôl risgiau uniongyrchol COVID-19 i iechyd y cyhoedd. A gwn y bydd yn flaenoriaeth a rennir ar draws y Siambr i ddileu rhwystrau i bobl ifanc gael mynediad at wasanaethau, gwaith a chyfleoedd, a chredaf  fod yn rhaid i drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus fforddiadwy fod yn rhan allweddol o gyflawni hynny.

Thank you very much, Llywydd, and I'm delighted to hold this debate this afternoon and to draw attention to public transport in Wales. I'm pleased that Carolyn Thomas, Mabon ap Gwynfor and Jayne Bryant have expressed an interest in this debate, and I've agreed to give them some time so that Carolyn, Mabon and Jayne can contribute to the debate. It's a lonely place to be a Liberal Democrat in the Senedd, so I am grateful for that.

We all know that young people have been hit hard by the COVID pandemic and that they will continue to be affected long after the direct risks of COVID-19 to public health have dissipated. I'm also aware of the priority shared across the Chamber to remove the barriers faced by young people in accessing services, jobs and opportunities, and I believe that affordable public transport should be a key part of delivering this.  

Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd i’r Gadair.

The Deputy Presiding Officer took the Chair.

That's why the Welsh Liberal Democrats are proposing that we make public transport—bus and rail travel—free to all under 25-year-olds in Wales, as a key element of that recovery programme for young people.

There are three areas that I want to briefly highlight. First, in bringing forward this debate, I want to reflect on my party’s record in this area. In the fourth Senedd, Welsh Liberal Democrat colleagues made concessionary travel for 16 to 18-year-olds a key part of negotiations with the Welsh Government, later extending the scheme to 21-year-olds. This was, in fact, a policy that young members of the Welsh Liberal Democrats brought to our party conference. And that approach has been a success, hasn’t it? At the end of October 2020, there were approximately 32,000 active MyTravelPasses in circulation and, pre pandemic, there were more than 1.3 million discounted journeys. TrawsCymru's free weekend travel initiative, which ran from July 2017 to March 2020, also shows that discounted fares can work, with an increase then of more than 81,000 journeys. So, if those schemes work in encouraging take-up of public transport, then I do think that we should look at what more we can do to encourage people to make the switch to public transport and to ease financial pressures. I do welcome the Government's youth guarantee and would repeat comments I made during the Minister’s statement about ensuring that it is not only a meaningful offer, but one that young people can reach.

Secondly, there's the environmental aspect. Transport is our third largest carbon emitting sector, making up 17 per cent of Wales's carbon emissions. Private cars alone account for 7.7 per cent of those. And Wales continues to have the highest proportion of people travelling to work by car than any other part of the UK, and those figures have remained stable over the past 15 years. So, we know that we need to encourage as many people as possible out of private vehicles. I am acutely aware that there is a desperate need for additional funding to enable decarbonisation of public transport. And, unlike in Scotland, without a dedicated fund to support bus operators to rapidly clean up their bus fleets, this will be a difficult task for operators. I do hope the Deputy Minister can shed some light on what work is being undertaken to funnel financial support to achieve this. But, without a concerted effort, modal shift and decarbonisation agendas, we will be a long way off, when public transport provision is so variable across Wales.

So, my final area is in relation to communities in rural Wales. We don't want them being left behind when there is properly funded and co-ordinated investment in public transport. On this issue, I'm grateful to the Confederation of Passenger Transport for their time earlier this month to talk through the current challenges facing the bus industry. Bus journeys made up three in every four public transport journeys in 2019, but we have still seen a 22 per cent decline in the number of bus journeys between 2008 and 2019. There are lots of reasons for that, but punctuality, frequency, routes, quality and cost are all contributing factors, and these are exacerbated in rural areas. It is important to look at good practice for public transport in rural areas, both in the UK and abroad, such as the Ring a Link service in rural Ireland, the mobility agency in Italy, and—I do like this one—the Bürgerbus in Germany. It's not what you think it is.

Local authorities and local travel planning must have the teeth and the resources to make public transport reliable and accessible to everyone—one cohesive, responsive, public travel network. And touching on trains in rural areas, they could be an option, but cost and efficiency is a challenge. This year saw the steepest average UK increase in rail fares since 2013, which comes, as we know and as we've heard today, as the cost of essential household bills continues to soar. So, our proposal is for free rail travel for young people when journeys start and end in Wales—that is, those under the remit of Transport for Wales.

So, to finish, in summary, we propose that we make bus and rail travel free for under-25-year-olds in Wales, and ask that the Government look into how and how soon this can be achieved. I look forward to the response and to working with the Deputy Minister on this issue. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Dyna pam y mae Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol Cymru yn cynnig ein bod yn gwneud trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus—teithio ar fysiau a threnau—yn rhad ac am ddim i bawb dan 25 oed yng Nghymru, fel elfen allweddol o'r rhaglen adfer honno i bobl ifanc.

Mae tri maes rwyf am dynnu sylw atynt yn fyr. Yn gyntaf, wrth gyflwyno'r ddadl hon, hoffwn ystyried record fy mhlaid yn y maes hwn. Yn y bedwaredd Senedd, gwnaeth cyd-Aelodau o Ddemocratiaid Rhyddfrydol Cymru sicrhau bod teithio consesiynol i bobl ifanc 16 i 18 oed yn rhan allweddol o'r trafodaethau gyda Llywodraeth Cymru, gan ymestyn y cynllun i bobl ifanc 21 oed yn ddiweddarach. Roedd hwn, mewn gwirionedd, yn bolisi a gyflwynwyd gan aelodau ifanc o Ddemocratiaid Rhyddfrydol Cymru yng nghynhadledd ein plaid. Ac mae wedi bod yn llwyddiant, onid yw? Ar ddiwedd mis Hydref 2020, roedd tua 32,000 o gardiau Fy Ngherdyn Teithio gweithredol wedi'u dosbarthu a chyn y pandemig, gwnaed mwy nag 1.3 miliwn o deithiau am bris gostyngol. Mae menter TrawsCymru sy'n cynnig teithio am ddim ar benwythnosau, a oedd yn weithredol rhwng mis Gorffennaf 2017 a mis Mawrth 2020, hefyd yn dangos y gall prisiau gostyngol weithio, gyda chynnydd o fwy nag 81,000 o deithiau. Felly, os yw'r cynlluniau hynny'n gweithio i annog pobl i fanteisio ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, credaf y dylem edrych ar beth arall y gallwn ei wneud i annog pobl i newid i drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus ac i leddfu pwysau ariannol. Rwy'n croesawu gwarant y Llywodraeth i bobl ifanc a byddwn yn ailadrodd sylwadau a wneuthum yn ystod datganiad y Gweinidog ynghylch sicrhau ei fod nid yn unig yn gynnig ystyrlon ond yn un y gall pobl ifanc ei gyrraedd.

Yn ail, mae gennym yr agwedd amgylcheddol. Mae trafnidiaeth yn allyrru 17 y cant o allyriadau carbon Cymru, y sector gwaethaf ond dau. Mae ceir preifat yn unig yn allyrru 7.7 y cant o'r ffigur hwnnw. A Chymru sydd â'r gyfran uchaf yn y DU o hyd o bobl sy'n teithio i'r gwaith mewn car, ac mae'r ffigurau hynny wedi aros yn sefydlog dros y 15 mlynedd diwethaf. Felly, gwyddom fod angen inni annog cynifer o bobl â phosibl i roi'r gorau i ddefnyddio cerbydau preifat. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn fod gwir angen cyllid ychwanegol i'n galluogi i ddatgarboneiddio trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Ac yn wahanol i'r Alban, heb gronfa bwrpasol i gynorthwyo gweithredwyr bysiau i lanhau eu fflydoedd bysiau yn gyflym, bydd hon yn dasg anodd i weithredwyr. Rwy'n gobeithio y gall y Dirprwy Weinidog daflu rhywfaint o oleuni ar ba waith sy'n cael ei wneud i ddarparu cymorth ariannol ar gyfer cyflawni hyn. Ond heb ymdrech ar y cyd, newid dulliau teithio ac agendâu datgarboneiddio, bydd gennym ffordd hir i fynd, gyda darpariaeth trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus mor amrywiol ledled Cymru.

Felly, mae fy mhwynt olaf yn ymwneud â chymunedau yng nghefn gwlad Cymru. Nid ydym eisiau iddynt gael eu gadael ar ôl pan fo buddsoddiad wedi'i ariannu a'i gydlynu'n briodol mewn trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Ar y mater hwn, rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Cydffederasiwn Cludiant Teithwyr am roi eu hamser yn gynharach y mis hwn i drafod yr heriau presennol sy'n wynebu'r diwydiant bysiau. Teithiau bws oedd tair o bob pedair taith ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn 2019, ond rydym yn dal i fod wedi gweld gostyngiad o 22 y cant yn nifer y teithiau bws rhwng 2008 a 2019. Mae llawer o resymau dros hynny, ond mae prydlondeb, amlder, llwybrau, ansawdd a chost i gyd yn ffactorau sy'n cyfrannu, ac mae'r rhain yn waeth mewn ardaloedd gwledig. Mae'n bwysig edrych ar arferion da ar gyfer trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus mewn ardaloedd gwledig, yn y DU a thramor, megis y gwasanaeth Ring a Link yng nghefn gwlad Iwerddon, yr asiantaeth symudedd yn yr Eidal, ac—rwy'n hoff o hwn—y Bürgerbus yn yr Almaen. Nid yw'n golygu yr hyn rydych yn ei feddwl.

Mae'n rhaid i awdurdodau lleol a chynlluniau teithio lleol fod â dannedd ac adnoddau i wneud trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn ddibynadwy ac yn hygyrch i bawb—un rhwydwaith teithio cyhoeddus cydlynol ac ymatebol. A chan gyffwrdd ar drenau mewn ardaloedd gwledig, gallent fod yn opsiwn, ond mae cost ac effeithlonrwydd yn her. Eleni, gwelwyd y cynnydd mwyaf serth ym mhrisiau tocynnau trên yn y DU ers 2013, sy'n digwydd, fel y gwyddom ac fel y clywsom heddiw, wrth i gost biliau cartref hanfodol barhau i godi. Felly, argymhellwn y dylid cynnig teithio am ddim ar y rheilffyrdd i bobl ifanc pan fo teithiau'n dechrau ac yn dod i ben yng Nghymru—hynny yw, y rheini o dan reolaeth Trafnidiaeth Cymru.

Felly, i orffen, i grynhoi, argymhellwn ein bod yn gwneud teithio ar fysiau a threnau yn rhad ac am ddim i rai dan 25 oed yng Nghymru, a gofynnwn i'r Llywodraeth edrych ar sut y gellid cyflawni hyn a pha mor fuan. Edrychaf ymlaen at yr ymateb ac at weithio gyda'r Dirprwy Weinidog ar y mater hwn. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

18:10

Could I begin by thanking Jane Dodds for this short debate? Public transport is an issue close to my heart as well. Before I was elected to the Senedd, I delivered a petition with more than 3,500 signatures on it, which called for buses to be run for people not profit. These were all people that were really worried and concerned about losing their public bus transport. As chair of the cross-party group on public transport, I recently heard evidence on the need to improve marketing to encourage the use of public transport again, giving the public confidence to return to using buses and trains. Currently, 15 per cent of people expect they will use public transport less after the pandemic, and 23 per cent are undecided. As it stands, the use of private vehicles for many is an affordable and more efficient way to travel, meaning that to reach public transport targets serious changes will be required. Key actions for the recovery of the public transport sector include the need to reassure passengers.

A free travel card will encourage people to use public transport at a young age, giving them confidence that it is a normal and preferred way of travel as they go through to adulthood. Across Europe, we are beginning to see the benefits of free public transport, and from the end of this month in Scotland, anyone aged between five and 21 will be able to apply for a Young Scot card, which will allow them to travel by bus for free. In Tallinn in Estonia, all public transport is free for residents of the city, and in the French city of Dunkirk, free public transport led to reduced carbon emissions and helped to revitalise the former industrial port, with passenger numbers increasing by 60 per cent during the week. Public transport is absolutely vital to any serious attempt to tackle climate change. I welcome this debate, and I look forward to working with colleagues across the Senedd to bring about a transport system for the challenges of our future. Diolch.

A gaf fi ddechrau drwy ddiolch i Jane Dodds am y ddadl fer hon? Mae trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn fater sy'n agos at fy nghalon innau hefyd. Cyn imi gael fy ethol i'r Senedd, cyflwynais ddeiseb gyda mwy na 3,500 o lofnodion arni, a oedd yn galw am wasanaethau bysiau i bobl yn hytrach nag er elw. Roedd y rhain i gyd yn bobl a oedd yn poeni'n fawr ac yn pryderu am golli eu gwasanaethau bws cyhoeddus. Fel cadeirydd y grŵp trawsbleidiol ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, clywais dystiolaeth yn ddiweddar am yr angen i wella marchnata i annog y defnydd o drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus eto, gan roi hyder i'r cyhoedd ddychwelyd at ddefnyddio bysiau a threnau. Ar hyn o bryd, mae 15 y cant o bobl yn disgwyl y byddant yn defnyddio trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus i raddau llai ar ôl y pandemig, ac nid yw 23 y cant wedi penderfynu. Fel y mae pethau, mae defnyddio cerbydau preifat yn ffordd fforddiadwy a mwy effeithlon o deithio i lawer o bobl, sy'n golygu y bydd angen newidiadau mawr i gyrraedd targedau trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Mae'r camau allweddol ar gyfer adfer y sector trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn cynnwys yr angen i dawelu meddyliau teithwyr.

Bydd cerdyn teithio am ddim yn annog pobl i ddefnyddio trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus o oedran ifanc, gan roi hyder iddynt ei bod yn ffordd normal a gwell na'r un o deithio wrth iddynt dyfu i fod yn oedolion. Ledled Ewrop, rydym yn dechrau gweld manteision trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus am ddim, ac o ddiwedd y mis hwn yn yr Alban, bydd unrhyw un rhwng pump a 21 oed yn gallu gwneud cais am gerdyn Young Scot, a fydd yn caniatáu iddynt deithio ar fws am ddim. Yn Tallinn yn Estonia, mae'r holl drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn rhad ac am ddim i drigolion y ddinas, ac yn ninas Dunkirk yn Ffrainc, arweiniodd trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus am ddim at lai o allyriadau carbon a helpodd i adfywio'r hen borthladd diwydiannol, gyda nifer y teithwyr yn cynyddu 60 y cant yn ystod yr wythnos. Mae trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn gwbl hanfodol i unrhyw ymgais ddifrifol i fynd i'r afael â newid hinsawdd. Rwy'n croesawu'r ddadl hon, ac edrychaf ymlaen at weithio gyda chyd-Aelodau ar draws y Senedd i greu system drafnidiaeth ar gyfer heriau ein dyfodol. Diolch.

18:15

Diolch i Jane am ddod â’r ddadl yma ger ein bron ni heddiw. Mae’n ddadl andros o bwysig i bob rhan o Gymru, mewn gwirionedd, ond dwi eisiau canolbwyntio yn y munud sydd gen i ar Gymru wledig ac edrych yn benodol ar Ddwyfor Meirionnydd. Dwi'n cydnabod ac yn diolch i Jane am gyfeirio at Gymru wledig yn ei chyfraniad. Wrth gwrs, yr hyn rydyn ni wedi’i weld dros y degawdau diwethaf ydy canoli gwasanaethau i ffwrdd o’n cymunedau ni, gwasanaethau yn mynd i'r dinasoedd a'r trefi—yn achos gogledd Cymru, yn mynd ymhellach i'r arfordir, oddi wrth ein pentrefi bach gwledig ni. Felly, mae pobl yn methu â chael mynediad i'r gwasanaethau hynny. Meddyliwch os ydych chi'n berson ifanc yn byw yn rhywle fel Trawsfynydd ac eisiau mynd i chwarae pêl-droed a does dim pitsh 3G yn gyfagos; os ydych chi eisiau cael triniaeth, a ddim eisiau i bobl wybod am hynny, ond mi ydych chi'n ddibynnol ar drafnidiaeth breifat, yn ddibynnol ar gyfaill neu deulu i fynd â chi i'r ysbyty neu'r clinig.

Dwi eisiau cyfeirio'n benodol at un enghraifft er mwyn dangos pwysigrwydd hyn. Dwi wedi bod yn siarad efo'r elusen GISDA; dwi wedi cyfeirio at hyn o'r blaen. Mae GISDA yn elusen rhagorol yn y gogledd-orllewin yn helpu pobl ifanc ddifreintiedig. Fe ddaru nhw wneud ymgynghoriad efo defnyddwyr yr elusen, a’r brif her oedd yn wynebu’r bobl ifanc hynny oedd iechyd meddwl, a’r diffyg cyfleusterau a gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl, a'r her o ran y gwasanaethau hynny oedd diffyg gallu i gyrraedd y gwasanaethau. Felly eto, os ydych yn byw yn rhywle fel Harlech neu Meirionnydd neu ym mhen draw Llŷn, rydych chi'n gorfod teithio oriau er mwyn mynd i Fangor neu Fae Colwyn neu ymhellach, hyd yn oed. Felly mae hyn yn dangos pwysigrwydd trafnidiaeth, yn enwedig i'r bobl ifanc yn ein cymunedau ni. Mae angen rhoi’r pwys mwyaf arno fe a rhoi'r buddsoddiad yn ein trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus er mwyn sicrhau bod y bobl yma'n derbyn y gwasanaethau angenrheidiol. Felly, diolch yn fawr iawn, Jane, a gobeithio y byddwn ni'n cael ymateb cadarnhaol gan y Dirprwy Weinidog.

Thank you to Jane for bringing this debate before us today. It's a very important debate for all parts of Wales, but I want to focus in the minute I have on rural Wales and to look specifically at Dwyfor Meirionnydd. I recognise and thank Jane for referring to rural Wales in her contribution. Of course, what we have seen over the last decades is the centralisation of services away from our communities, services moving into cities and towns—in the case of north Wales, moving towards the coast and away from our smaller rural villages. Therefore, people can't access those services. Just think if you're a young person living in somewhere like Trawsfynydd and wanted to travel to play football and there's no 3G pitch available nearby; if you need treatment, and you don't want people to know about that, but you are reliant on private transport, on a friend, or a member of your family to take you to hospital or the clinic.

I want to refer specifically to one example to highlight the importance of this. I've been speaking to the charity GISDA; I've referred to them in the past. They're an excellent charity working in the north-west of Wales helping disadvantaged young people. They carried out a consultation with users of that charity, and the main challenge facing those young people was mental health, and the lack of facilities for mental health, and one of the challenges was not being able to reach those facilities. If you live in Harlech or the far end of Llŷn, or Meirionnydd, you have to travel hours to get to Bangor, Colwyn Bay or even further afield. This demonstrates the importance of transport, particularly for young people in our communities. We need to give it the greatest import and to invest in public transport in order to ensure that these people receive the services that they need. So, thank you, Jane, and I hope we will get a positive response from the Deputy Minister.

I really welcome this important debate put forward by Jane Dodds, and I'd like to thank Jane for agreeing to give me a minute of her time. I agree with her on many of the points raised today. The area I would like to focus on is the issue of school transport. Particularly, I'd like to see free school bus transport introduced, perhaps as a start, to both encourage more children to travel by bus to school, normalising that behaviour, but also to help families who can't keep up with the cost of school transport, many of whom feel that they have to drive their children instead. Every year, I receive e-mails from worried parents who are struggling to afford school bus costs. At a time when we know that families are facing a crippling cost-of-living crisis, it would both ease the burden while also encouraging a far more sustainable form of transport for our children and young people, helping to embed this behaviour. The school run contributes to congesting our streets every morning and afternoon, so let's tackle that by offering an attractive alternative: a more widely accessible free school bus transport system to supplement our safe routes to school. Once again, I'd like to thank Jane Dodds for this really important debate today.

Rwy'n croesawu'r ddadl bwysig hon a gyflwynwyd gan Jane Dodds yn fawr, a hoffwn ddiolch i Jane am gytuno i roi munud o'i hamser i mi. Rwy'n cytuno â llawer o'r pwyntiau a gododd heddiw. Y mater yr hoffwn ganolbwyntio arno yw cludiant i'r ysgol. Yn fwyaf arbennig, hoffwn weld cludiant bws ysgol am ddim yn cael ei gyflwyno, efallai i ddechrau, er mwyn annog mwy o blant i deithio ar fws i'r ysgol, gan normaleiddio'r ymddygiad hwnnw, ond hefyd i helpu teuluoedd nad ydynt yn gallu fforddio costau cludiant ysgol, gyda llawer ohonynt yn teimlo bod yn rhaid iddynt yrru eu plant yn lle hynny. Bob blwyddyn, rwy'n derbyn negeseuon e-bost gan rieni pryderus sy'n ei chael yn anodd fforddio costau bws ysgol. Ar adeg pan wyddom fod teuluoedd yn wynebu argyfwng costau byw enbyd, byddai'n lleddfu'r baich tra'n annog math llawer mwy cynaliadwy o drafnidiaeth i'n plant a'n pobl ifanc, gan helpu i ymgorffori'r ymddygiad hwn. Mae rhieni sy'n danfon eu plant i'r ysgol yn cyfrannu at brysurdeb ein strydoedd bob bore a phrynhawn, felly gadewch i ni fynd i'r afael â hynny drwy gynnig dewis amgen deniadol: system cludiant bws ysgol am ddim sy'n fwy hygyrch i ategu ein llwybrau diogel i'r ysgol. Unwaith eto, hoffwn ddiolch i Jane Dodds am y ddadl bwysig hon heddiw.

Galwaf ar y Dirprwy Weinidog Newid Hinsawdd i ymateb i'r ddadl. Lee Waters.

I call on the Deputy Minister for Climate Change to reply to the debate. Lee Waters.

I'd like to thank the Member for tabling the debate and for the range of contributions from Members. As ever, when we debate public transport in this Senedd, there is cross-party interest and support for being more ambitious, and there's no denying the fact that free public transport is an attractive idea. To tackle climate change and reach the non-negotiable limit of net zero carbon emissions by 2050, it's essential that we make fewer car journeys and shift modes of transport to shared forms of mobility and to active travel. The question we're all grappling with is: how we do we do that? How do we change travel behaviour and attitudes and how do we rejig the transport machinery and infrastructure to help bring that about?

Hoffwn ddiolch i'r Aelod am gyflwyno'r ddadl ac am yr amrywiaeth o gyfraniadau gan Aelodau. Fel erioed, pan fyddwn yn trafod trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn y Senedd hon, ceir diddordeb a chefnogaeth drawsbleidiol i fod yn fwy uchelgeisiol, ac ni ellir gwadu'r ffaith bod trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus am ddim yn syniad deniadol. Er mwyn mynd i'r afael â newid hinsawdd a chyrraedd y targed nad yw'n agored i drafodaeth o sicrhau allyriadau carbon sero net erbyn 2050, mae'n hanfodol ein bod yn gwneud llai o deithiau car ac yn newid i ddulliau trafnidiaeth a rennir ac i deithio llesol. Y cwestiwn rydym i gyd yn ceisio ei ateb yw: sut y gwawn hynny? Sut y mae newid ymddygiad teithio ac agweddau a sut y mae ailwampio'r peirianwaith a'r seilwaith trafnidiaeth i helpu i sicrhau hynny?

There's no doubt that incentives and disincentives will play a key role. As Julie James and I have been saying since we were appointed as Ministers for climate change last May, we need to make the right thing to do the easiest thing to do. But our transport and planning system has been shaped to make jumping in the car the easiest thing to do, and cycling, walking or using public transport less easy, and that has to change. Clearly, price has a role to play in how we incentivise public transport use. It certainly is not the only factor, though. Bus operators have been telling Senedd committees for years that the biggest barrier to attracting more passengers is the impact congestion has on journey times and reliability. A lack of integration between bus and rail is another barrier, as is changing habits. Fifty per cent of people never get on the bus. As a result, many of us have a skewed view of the reality of bus travel, its ease of use or its convenience. So, there's lots we need to change, but where to start and how to pay for it? Those are the questions that confront us.

In the French city of Dunkirk, they've certainly found that free bus use has been a success. In September 2018, they increased local business tax to fund free bus use and have seen the number of passengers increase by 60 per cent during the week and double on weekends. We've already trialled it ourselves with free weekend travel on our TrawsCymru strategic bus network between July 2017 and March 2020, and it was successful too in increasing usage. About a quarter of bus passengers were young people aged between 16 and 24, and when questioned, 73 per cent of young people told us that free travel would encourage them to make more journeys by public transport and switch from using the car. 

Dirprwy Lywydd, I take my hat off to Swansea, Cardiff and Newport councils—Labour councils—who have all offered free and discounted bus fare initiatives over the last year. They all saw more people hopping on buses as a result, and we're looking carefully with them at the evaluation reports. So, again, there's no doubt that free bus use is an attractive option. But, of course, it comes at a cost and every Government has to prioritise. I know Jane Dodds is not arguing for free bus use across the board, but targeted at young people. And there is precedence: we provide free bus travel for older people, and it has been a great success. We all recognise that young people in particular have had a hard time during the pandemic, and that a range of metrics are not having the same opportunities as my generation has, or my parents'.

We do offer some help already. Starting with the youngest, all children in Wales under 6 travel free by us, 16 to 21-year-olds receive a third discount on bus fares with the help of the Welsh Government's MyTravelPass scheme, as Jane Dodds referenced, and some young people are eligible for free travel with the help of our mandatory concessionary travel scheme. On rail, children under 11 can travel for free when they're with an adult, and under 16-year-olds can benefit from free off-peak travel with Transport for Wales. For those age 16 to 17, TfW offers a 50 per cent discount saver railcard off many tickets. And, of course, in Wales, we've retained the educational maintenance allowance, which provides students with valuable financial support towards living costs, including public transport fares.

To be clear, we want to do more, but it's also fair to point out that we are constrained. Our budget at the end of this Senedd term will be nearly £3 billion lower than if it had increased in line with the economy over the term of the UK Government since 2010. And we don't get our fair share of UK transport resources. We should all unite on this; this need not be a party point. If we had a share of the spending on the HS2 programme, we would get an extra £5 billion that we could use to radically improve transport in Wales. I do hope, again, that we can come together across parties to make a call to the UK Government to look at this again.

As a result of that, we can't do everything we'd like to, but we are determined to do more. In fact, our climate commitments demand that we do more. Our programme for government includes pledges to build on the success of our concessionary travel scheme for older people and to look at how fair fares can encourage integrated transport. Secondly, we've committed to exploring extensions to the MyTravelPass for reduced-cost travel for young people. I'm aware that over 100 towns and cities across the world have introduced free public transport for all citizens, and we're looking at these to see what will work best in Wales. We're also looking closely at the work in Scotland, which has been highlighted in the debate, in introducing free bus travel for under 22-year-olds.

Whilst fares are an important factor, I mentioned that the bus industry places greater emphasis on punctuality and reliability. Intriguingly, research last year by Passenger Focus showed that this is a view shared by young people in particular; they place higher value than other age groups on punctuality and reliability, the provision of free Wi-Fi on bus stops, along with value-for-money fares and being able to get a seat. So, Dirprwy Lywydd, these aren't straightforward judgments; there is no doubt that price is an important factor in getting more people on buses, but it's only one of a range of incentives and we have to carefully judge how we use our finite resource to bring about the modal shift that we're all committed to.

I'm not in a position to make announcements to the Senedd tonight, but I can assure Members that Julie James and I are working hard to ensure that we implement the new Wales transport strategy that we launched last year, to put Wales onto a llwybr newydd. Diolch.

Nid oes amheuaeth y bydd cymhellion a datgymhellion yn chwarae rhan allweddol. Fel y mae Julie James a minnau wedi bod yn ei ddweud ers inni gael ein penodi'n Weinidogion newid hinsawdd fis Mai diwethaf, mae angen inni wneud y peth iawn i'w wneud yn beth hawsaf i'w wneud. Ond mae ein system drafnidiaeth a chynllunio wedi'i llunio mewn ffordd sy'n golygu mai neidio i mewn i'r car yw'r peth hawsaf i'w wneud, a beicio, cerdded neu ddefnyddio trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn llai hawdd, ac mae'n rhaid i hynny newid. Yn amlwg, mae gan bris rôl i'w chwarae yn y ffordd rydym yn cymell y defnydd o drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Yn sicr, nid dyma'r unig ffactor, serch hynny. Mae gweithredwyr bysiau wedi bod yn dweud wrth bwyllgorau'r Senedd ers blynyddoedd mai'r rhwystr mwyaf i ddenu mwy o deithwyr yw'r effaith y mae tagfeydd yn ei chael ar amseroedd teithio a dibynadwyedd. Mae diffyg integreiddio rhwng bysiau a threnau yn rhwystr arall, yn ogystal â newid arferion. Nid yw 50 y cant o bobl byth yn mynd ar y bws. O ganlyniad, mae gan lawer ohonom farn wyrgam o realiti teithio ar fysiau, pa mor hawdd a chyfleus yw gwneud hynny. Felly, mae llawer y mae angen inni ei newid, ond ble mae dechrau a sut y talwn amdano? Dyna'r cwestiynau sy'n ein hwynebu.

Yn ninas Dunkirk yn Ffrainc, maent yn sicr wedi gweld bod defnydd am ddim o fysiau wedi bod yn llwyddiant. Ym mis Medi 2018, cynyddwyd y dreth fusnes leol i ariannu defnydd am ddim o fysiau ac maent wedi gweld nifer y teithwyr yn cynyddu 60 y cant yn ystod yr wythnos a dwbwl ar benwythnosau. Rydym eisoes wedi'i dreialu ein hunain gyda theithio am ddim ar benwythnosau ar ein rhwydwaith bysiau strategol TrawsCymru rhwng mis Gorffennaf 2017 a mis Mawrth 2020, ac roedd yn llwyddiannus o ran cynyddu defnydd hefyd. Roedd tua chwarter y teithwyr bws yn bobl ifanc rhwng 16 a 24 oed, a phan gawsant eu holi, dywedodd 73 y cant o bobl ifanc wrthym y byddai teithio am ddim yn eu hannog i wneud mwy o deithiau ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus a newid o ddefnyddio'r car. 

Ddirprwy Lywydd, hoffwn ganmol cynghorau Abertawe, Caerdydd a Chasnewydd—cynghorau Llafur—sydd wedi cynnig mentrau tocynnau bws am ddim a thocynnau bws rhatach dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf. O ganlyniad i hynny, gwelodd pob un ohonynt fwy o bobl yn defnyddio bysiau, ac rydym yn edrych yn ofalus gyda hwy ar yr adroddiadau gwerthuso. Felly, unwaith eto, nid oes amheuaeth nad yw defnydd am ddim o fysiau yn opsiwn deniadol. Ond wrth gwrs, mae cost ynghlwm wrtho a rhaid i bob Llywodraeth flaenoriaethu. Gwn nad yw Jane Dodds yn dadlau dros ddefnydd am ddim o fysiau i bawb, ond ei dargedu yn hytrach at bobl ifanc. Ac mae cynsail i hyn: rydym yn darparu teithio am ddim ar fysiau i bobl hŷn, ac mae wedi bod yn llwyddiant mawr. Rydym i gyd yn cydnabod bod pobl ifanc yn arbennig wedi cael amser caled yn ystod y pandemig, a bod llawer o wahanol garfannau heb fod yn cael yr un cyfleoedd ag y cafodd fy nghenhedlaeth i neu fy rhieni.

Rydym yn cynnig rhywfaint o help yn barod. Gan ddechrau gyda'r ieuengaf, mae pob plentyn o dan 6 oed yng Nghymru yn cael teithio am ddim, mae pobl ifanc 16 i 21 oed yn cael gostyngiad o draean ar docynnau bws gyda chymorth cynllun Fy Ngherdyn Teithio Llywodraeth Cymru, fel y nododd Jane Dodds, ac mae rhai pobl ifanc yn gymwys i deithio am ddim gyda chymorth ein cynllun teithio consesiynol gorfodol. Ar y trên, gall plant dan 11 oed deithio am ddim pan fyddant gydag oedolyn, a gall rhai dan 16 oed elwa o deithio am ddim ar adegau tawel gyda Trafnidiaeth Cymru. I rai rhwng 16 a 17 oed, mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn cynnig cerdyn rheilffordd sy'n cynnig gostyngiad o 50 y cant ar lawer o docynnau. Ac wrth gwrs, yng Nghymru, rydym wedi cadw'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, sy'n rhoi cymorth ariannol gwerthfawr i fyfyrwyr tuag at gostau byw, gan gynnwys tocynnau trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus.

I fod yn glir, rydym eisiau gwneud mwy, ond mae hefyd yn deg nodi ein bod wedi ein cyfyngu. Bydd ein cyllideb ar ddiwedd tymor y Senedd hon bron i £3 biliwn yn llai na phe bai wedi cynyddu yn unol â'r economi dros dymor Llywodraeth y DU ers 2010. Ac nid ydym yn cael ein cyfran deg o adnoddau trafnidiaeth y DU. Dylem i gyd uno ar hyn; nid oes angen i hwn fod yn fater pleidiol. Pe bai gennym gyfran o'r gwariant ar raglen HS2, byddem yn cael £5 biliwn ychwanegol y gallem ei ddefnyddio i wella trafnidiaeth yng Nghymru yn sylweddol. Rwy'n gobeithio, unwaith eto, y gallwn ddod at ein gilydd ar draws y pleidiau i alw ar Lywodraeth y DU i edrych eto ar hyn.

O ganlyniad i hynny, ni allwn wneud popeth yr hoffem ei wneud, ond rydym yn benderfynol o wneud mwy. Yn wir, mae ein hymrwymiadau hinsawdd yn mynnu ein bod yn gwneud mwy. Mae ein rhaglen lywodraethu yn cynnwys addewidion i adeiladu ar lwyddiant ein cynllun teithio consesiynol i bobl hŷn ac i edrych ar sut y gall prisiau teg annog defnydd o drafnidiaeth integredig. Yn ail, rydym wedi ymrwymo i archwilio estyniadau i gynllun Fy Ngherdyn Teithio ar gyfer teithio rhatach i bobl ifanc. Rwy'n ymwybodol fod dros 100 o drefi a dinasoedd ledled y byd wedi cyflwyno cynlluniau trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus am ddim i bob dinesydd, ac rydym yn edrych ar y rhain i weld beth fydd yn gweithio orau yng Nghymru. Rydym hefyd yn edrych yn fanwl ar y gwaith yn yr Alban, a gafodd sylw yn y ddadl, ar gyflwyno teithio am ddim ar fysiau i rai dan 22 oed.

Er bod prisiau tocynnau'n ffactor pwysig, soniais fod y diwydiant bysiau yn rhoi mwy o bwyslais ar brydlondeb a dibynadwyedd. Yn ddiddorol, dangosodd ymchwil y llynedd gan Passenger Focus fod hon yn farn a rennir gan bobl ifanc yn enwedig; maent yn rhoi mwy o bwys na grwpiau oed eraill ar brydlondeb a dibynadwyedd, darpariaeth Wi-Fi am ddim mewn safleoedd bysiau, ynghyd â phrisiau sy'n cynnig gwerth am arian a'r gallu i gael sedd. Felly, Ddirprwy Lywydd, nid yw'r rhain yn ystyriaethau syml; nid oes amheuaeth nad yw pris yn ffactor pwysig wrth geisio cael mwy o bobl ar fysiau, ond nid yw ond yn un o amrywiaeth o gymhellion ac mae'n rhaid inni ystyried yn ofalus sut y defnyddiwn ein hadnoddau cyfyngedig i sicrhau'r newid dulliau teithio rydym i gyd wedi ymrwymo iddo.

Nid wyf mewn sefyllfa i wneud cyhoeddiadau i'r Senedd heno, ond gallaf sicrhau'r Aelodau fod Julie James a minnau'n gweithio'n galed i sicrhau ein bod yn gweithredu strategaeth drafnidiaeth newydd Cymru a lansiwyd gennym y llynedd, er mwyn rhoi Cymru ar lwybr newydd. Diolch.

18:25

Diolch, Dirprwy Weinidog. His contribution brings us to a close tonight. So, thank you, everyone, and have a safe journey to wherever you're going home. I've got to travel home.

Diolch, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Daw ei gyfraniad â ni at ddiwedd y trafodion am heno. Felly, diolch i bawb, a gobeithio y cewch daith ddiogel adref i ble bynnag y byddwch yn mynd adref. Mae'n rhaid i mi deithio adref.

Daeth y cyfarfod i ben am 18:26.

The meeting ended at 18:26.